The India–Russia relationship under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin has undergone a significant transformation, evolving into a multifaceted strategic partnership that is deeply influenced by regional security imperatives, economic interests, and the broader geopolitical context—most notably, India’s intensifying rivalry with China.

This evolution is marked by a careful balancing act, as India seeks to maintain its historical ties with Russia while simultaneously deepening its engagement with Western powers to counterbalance China’s growing influence in South and Central Asia .

**Strategic Partnership and High-Level Engagements** Modi and Putin have consistently reaffirmed the “special and privileged strategic partnership” between India and Russia, describing their ties as “stronger than ever” and a unique model of interstate friendship .

This partnership has been resilient in the face of global challenges, including the COVID-19 pandemic and the Ukraine conflict, with cooperation extending to vaccine development, humanitarian support, and regular high-level summits such as the 21st and 22nd India-Russia Annual Summits .

These summits have produced agreements aimed at enhancing trade, investment, and connectivity, particularly in Russia’s Far East and the Eurasian space, reflecting a shared vision to strengthen economic and security linkages .

**Defense Cooperation as a Cornerstone** Defense remains the bedrock of the India-Russia relationship.

India continues to source approximately 60–75% of its military hardware from Russia, including critical systems such as the S-400 missile defense system and the joint production of AK-203 rifles .

The BrahMos supersonic cruise missile, developed through a joint venture, exemplifies the depth of technological collaboration .

Russia’s support for indigenous production, such as the assembly of Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets in India, has bolstered India’s defense manufacturing capabilities .

Despite a gradual diversification of defense imports, with increased procurement from the US, France, and Israel, Russian equipment remains indispensable for India’s military preparedness, especially in the context of border tensions with China .

**Economic Ties and Energy Security** Economic relations have expanded dramatically, with bilateral trade exceeding $65.7 billion by March 2024—a more than 400% increase over previous years .

This surge is primarily driven by India’s increased imports of Russian crude oil, which rose twelvefold in 2022 to about 24 million tons, making Russia India’s largest oil supplier .

India has capitalized on discounted Russian oil prices amid Western sanctions following the Ukraine conflict, securing critical energy supplies at favorable rates and stabilizing domestic fuel prices .

Indian officials emphasize that these purchases are legal and conducted within international sanction frameworks, as they are priced below imposed caps .

To navigate sanctions-related payment challenges, India and Russia have explored alternative mechanisms, including rupee-rouble transactions .

**Strategic Autonomy and Geopolitical Balancing** A defining feature of the Modi-Putin era is India’s policy of strategic autonomy.

India has maintained robust ties with Russia despite Western pressure to distance itself over the Ukraine conflict, abstaining from UN votes condemning Russia and calling for dialogue and peace instead .

This approach allows India to preserve its critical defense and energy relationships with Russia while deepening its engagement with the US and other Quad members to counter China’s assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific .

India’s External Affairs Minister S.

Jaishankar has described the relationship as “steady” and “unique,” underscoring the importance of balancing ties with both Russia and the West .

**Impact of India–China Rivalry** India’s rivalry with China is a central driver of its evolving relationship with Russia.

The 2020 Galwan Valley clash and ongoing border tensions have heightened India’s security concerns, making Russian military technology and support even more vital .

India views its partnership with Russia as a strategic counterbalance to China’s growing regional influence and seeks to prevent a scenario where Russia is pushed closer to China, which could undermine India’s security interests .

However, Russia’s deepening ties with China, especially in military and energy cooperation, present a strategic challenge for India, raising concerns about Moscow’s neutrality in the event of India-China hostilities .

This has prompted India to diversify its defense partnerships and increase engagement with the US and other Western powers .

**Regional Security and Multilateral Cooperation** India and Russia share concerns over regional security, particularly regarding Afghanistan and the threat of terrorism .

Both countries collaborate in multilateral forums such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and BRICS to address security challenges and promote stability in Eurasia and the Indian Ocean region .

The evolving security environment, shaped by the US withdrawal from Afghanistan and the resurgence of the Taliban, has reinforced the importance of India-Russia cooperation in counter-terrorism and regional stability .

**Technological and Space Cooperation** Technological collaboration, especially in defense and space, has been a hallmark of the partnership.

Joint projects include the BrahMos missile, AK-203 rifles, and the S-400 system .

In space, India and Russia have cooperated on human spaceflight and satellite navigation, with Russia assisting India’s Gaganyaan program through technical support and equipment .

These initiatives enhance India’s indigenous capabilities and strategic deterrence, particularly in the context of China’s advancements in these domains .

**Arctic and Far East Cooperation** The Arctic region and Russia’s Far East have emerged as new areas of collaboration.

India has expressed interest in Arctic cooperation, focusing on climate change and resource management, while joint investment projects in the Russian Far East aim to strengthen connectivity and economic linkages .

These efforts are partly motivated by the need to counterbalance China’s growing presence in these strategically significant regions .

**Public Perception and Media Representation** In both Indian and Russian media, the bilateral relationship is portrayed as enduring and strategically important.

Russian officials and media emphasize the strength and reliability of the partnership, countering narratives of decline due to shifting global alignments .

Indian media highlight the pragmatic benefits of the relationship, especially in defense and energy, while acknowledging the complexities introduced by Russia’s closer ties with China and the Ukraine conflict .

**Challenges and Future Prospects** The Ukraine conflict has introduced new complexities, including supply chain disruptions for Russian military equipment and payment challenges due to sanctions .

India is actively seeking to mitigate these risks by diversifying its defense imports and exploring alternative payment mechanisms .

Both countries have set ambitious goals, such as reaching $100 billion in bilateral trade by 2030 and expanding cooperation in energy, technology, and infrastructure .

The partnership is expected to remain robust, with ongoing dialogue and high-level

The India–Russia relationship under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin has undergone a significant transformation, evolving into a multifaceted strategic partnership that is deeply influenced by regional security imperatives, economic interests, and the broader geopolitical context—most notably, India’s intensifying rivalry with China.

The India–Russia relationship under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin has undergone a significant transformation, evolving into a multifaceted strategic partnership that is deeply influenced by regional security imperatives, economic interests, and the broader geopolitical context—most notably, India’s intensifying rivalry with China.

The India–Russia relationship under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin has undergone a significant transformation, evolving into a multifaceted strategic partnership that is deeply influenced by regional security imperatives, economic interests, and the broader geopolitical context—most notably, India’s intensifying rivalry with China.

This evolution is marked by a careful balancing act, as India seeks to maintain its historical ties with Russia while simultaneously deepening its engagement with Western powers to counterbalance China’s growing influence in South and Central Asia .

Title:

Content: Home / Opinion / Views /  Impress upon the West the futility of its oil cap

It was like a ship cruising along quietly at night, with barely a ripple across the global market for crude oil. On Monday, a much-hyped price cap of $60 per barrel on Russian oil shipments took effect. Imposed by a pact forged among the G7 countries, the EU and Australia (the US-led West, broadly), the complexity of this sanctions package is matched only by its futility. The EU has barred seaborne imports from Russia, even as European and British companies can no longer insure, trade or ship Russian supplies to non-EU countries like India unless the oil to be shipped is bought below that price. The proposal of a cap has been in the air since May, when the West began working on ways to squeeze Russia’s oil revenues to starve its war in Ukraine of funds. Its imposition put Opec+ in wait-and-watch mode, with the oil cartel reported to have kept its quota allotments on hold to first gauge the cap’s market impact. But price volatility stayed muted on Monday, with a slight hardening in early trading better attributed to an easing of China’s covid curbs amid a scenario of world demand softened by a broad economic slump. Moscow rejected the cap, of course, but has no cause for panic. New Delhi, too, can keep calm and carry on.

Spotting a bargain, India upped its imports of oil from Russia sharply this year, slurping up almost a million barrels per day—about a fifth of the total—at a discount in recent months. Analysts estimate that our recent deals were struck at $5-10 per barrel above the $60 cap. If so, the gap is not disruptively large and hence we can hope for even cheaper Russian shipments. This would be preferable to side-channel alternatives that dodge sanctions but push up shipment and insurance costs, especially since it would deprive us of the cost efficiency of a vast reinsurance industry. In other words, we might be able to benefit from the fact that Western sanctions are calibrated not to reduce Russia’s export overall volumes, which could cause a supply shock. With a Russian barrel of oil estimated to cost under $45 to produce, the price cap only aims to cramp profits, not eliminate them. And as the oil market did not get rattled, the West may want to congratulate itself on a finely balanced cap that tightens Russia’s cash flows without choking output. Yet, this need for a balance also betrays how marginal its effect on the Kremlin’s wherewithal for warfare will be. Other sanctions have failed, the aggressor of 2022 will end this year with a huge trade surplus, and this week’s move achieves nothing positive for anyone. All it has done is split a major commodity market along geopolitical lines and advertised the West’s willingness to weaponize trade and push globalization back. Since this is bad for the world economy’s long-term prospects, India should not just oppose such punitive policies, but also initiate talks on a global treaty to safeguard economic ties from geopolitics.

How the Kremlin responds to the West’s latest pressure tactics is a factor that will be under watch for a while. As Moscow has shown little restraint in its periodic nuke rattling, a recklessly disruptive pushback remains a risk. While we in India have a special interest in softer oil prices for stability on the external front at a time of slowing exports, with all its secondary internal benefits, we must impress upon other countries the world’s need to keep trade going through thick and thin. For everyone’s sake, the high seas must stay free and open everywhere.

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Content:
India-Russia trade ties have strengthened, with trade volume reaching $65.7 billion in the financial year ending in March 2024.

In a landmark development, India has supplied aluminium to Russia, which itself is the world’s second-largest exporter of the metal, according to Sputnik’s analysis of Indian customs data.

India sold 44,800 tons of unprocessed aluminum to Russian companies for $16.5 million in April, according to the figures furnished.

In the meantime, in May, Indian Foreign Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar has stressed that the growing bilateral trade between India and Russia is not merely a temporary phenomenon, but rather a sustained trend that is opening up new economic opportunities for both countries.

Meanwhile, Russia has been a major exporter of the metal, and it was the world's second largest, with supplies worth $6.5 billion till the end of 2023.

Our Bureau

Title:

Content: English Edition
| E-Paper
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    Russia will support India in a stand-off against ally China. Here's why

    Synopsis

    Not that sentiment plays no role in relations between nations. It does. The immense soft power that the West wields over nations like India colours the discourse, and could even impede rational pursuit of the national interest. So how does the national self-interest of Russia, China and the US play out vis-à-vis India?

    Modern chess evolved from the game Indians called chaturanga, meaning four angas or anatomical parts. The four elements of the ancient Indian army were the infantry, the cavalry, the elephantry and the chariots. Moving pieces to gain advantage, anticipating the opponent’s countermoves, is the nub of the game.

    Geopolitics is a lot like playing chess. You position your pieces to gain advantage, not because you like or dislike any particular piece. You could sacrifice the queen, if that is the path to victory, as unsentimentally as you would take the opponent’s rook. It is that lack of sentiment that many people fail to appreciate when they reach facile conclusions on the relations between nations. In the popular mind, Indo-Russian relations are about Raj Kapoor songs and lingering gratitude for the Soviet navy’s interception of the US 7th Fleet’s Task Force 74 as it moved towards the Bay of Bengal, to threaten India during the 1971 war in East Pakistan.

    In the same vein of humanising international relations, many conclude that Russia’s indebtedness to China for its support during the ongoing Ukraine war, economically and politically, would rupture Russia’s support for India in the face of Chinese aggression. Whatever the sentiment, Russia would continue to support India. Because that is in Russia’s own interest.

    National Interest…
    Not that sentiment plays no role in relations between nations. It does. The immense soft power that the West wields over nations like India colours the discourse, and could even impede rational pursuit of the national interest. So how does the national self-interest of Russia, China and the US play out vis-à-vis India?

    The expansion of Nato to include assorted former Soviet bloc countries has been an attempt to underline Russia’s loss of salience as a global power. The West loved Boris Yeltsin and his chums, who not just disbanded the Soviet Union, but also eviscerated Russia’s economy by handing over valuable economic assets to their cronies — the so-called oligarchs —as well as by failing to put in place a functional system of governance and regulation, without which a market cannot function.

    Vladimir Putin put an end to this dissolution of Russian power, when he took office in 2000. He even sought Nato membership for Russia, a request that was dismissed out of hand by the West. It was only after Nato decided to offer membership to Georgia and Ukraine that Putin turned actively hostile to the West. He attacked Georgia in 2008, putting paid to any plan for Georgia to join Nato. In 2014, when a pro-West popular uprising threw out a pro-Russian regime in Ukraine, Putin moved in, to annex Crimea, which, till 1954, had been part of Russia, and hosts the base of Russia’s warm water navy.

    Extending Nato to Ukraine would bring Nato missiles to Russia’s borders. As it is, extension of Nato to Poland, Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia has brought St Petersburg within the range of short-range Nato missiles. The Cuban missile crisis, it may be recalled, had been about the US stomping into the ground Cuba’s sovereign right to place missiles of any nation it befriends on its territory. No power allows hostility that amounts to an existential threat to thrive in the immediate neighbourhood.

    By forcing Russia to docilely accept Nato missiles in Ukraine, the West wanted to tell Russia and the world that Russia no longer matters, despite all its nukes. It is this that Russia opposes, primarily, in its action against Ukraine. For the US, its geopolitical rival of significance is China. It is to contain China that George W Bush gave India its nuclear deal, thereby releasing India from assorted technology denial regimes, imposed originally to rid India of its nuclear ambitions. India continues to be a significant ally in the Asia-Pacific region for the US, in its quest to keep China in check. Hence its membership of the Quad. China does not want to be the sole focus of western hostility. Its interests are served by the West having to commit some of its men and materiel to Russia.

    That calls for retaining Russia as a significant geopolitical power. That is why China supports Russia over Ukraine.

    …Not Sentiment

    It is in India’s interest to retain Russia as a global power centre. The alternative is to confront the dual hegemony of the world by the US and China. Given China’s aggressive claims on Indian territory, that would redound to abject dependence on the US to resist China, scrapping India’s hopes for strategic autonomy.

    China wants Russia as a power centre that would consume the West’s attention and resources. Russia wants to retain its own geopolitical relevance. It has not invaded Ukraine and taken China’s help to give up that relevance. Just as the West gains by propping up India as a counterweight to China in Asia, Russia also gains by India’s ability to stem China’s rise to become the principal countervailing force against the US.

    In other words, the interests of Russia and the West converge in keeping India alive as a viable counterweight to China. China’s desire to have Russia as another pole of global power implicitly entails acceptance of India’s role as a counterweight to itself.

    Probably, China would count that as a pawn sacrifice.

    Views expressed are author's own

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**Strategic Partnership and High-Level Engagements** Modi and Putin have consistently reaffirmed the “special and privileged strategic partnership” between India and Russia, describing their ties as “stronger than ever” and a unique model of interstate friendship .

Title:

Content: Will Trump Win US Presidential Elections?

x

Donald Trump

Highlights

Does India firmly believe that Trump will win the race in US presidency? Does India want Trump to come to power to end the war between Russia and Ukraine? If the comments made by the key leader of the Republican Party, Nikki Haley are any indication, it appears so.

Hyderabad: Does India firmly believe that Trump will win the race inUS presidency? Does India want Trump to come to power to end the war between Russia and Ukraine? If the comments made by the key leader of the Republican Party, Nikki Haley are any indication, it appears so.

Nicky said that Putin did not commit any aggression when Trump was in power but when obama was the President Putin occupied Crimea, attacked Ukraine at the same time when Biden became President, he atracked Ukraine. That is why America needs a strong president, she said.

May be India also feels the same way.

The question now arises is will Trump be able to bring peace by making Putin to cease war? Will he be able to maintain proper relations with India and Russia.

The US National Security adviser cautioned that strong ties with Russia were a bad bet for India. America has made similar comments on India's relations with Russia in the past. But India did not care much. A neutral attitude has been followed. Now with Modi's hugging Putin, questions were raised about India's foreign policies. In particular, the question arises as to why Modi is giving priority to Russia instead of America.

Certainly India does not want to spoil relations with America. There is historical reasons for this.

Then why is it maintaining close relations with Russia.

Historically, it has been the biggest supplier of weapons and other defence equipment to India – from the MIG and Sukhoi fighter jets to, more recently, the S-400 anti-missile defence systems.

Since the start of Russia’s war in Ukraine, India has also dramatically ramped up its purchase of Russian crude. Russia is today India’s biggest supplier of oil and those imports have led to the total volume of India-Russia trade .

At the same time, India has in recent years strengthened its ties with the US, whose help it sees as essential to ward off the perceived threat emanating from China’s rise.

Modi and Donald Trump had good relations earlier also. The two leaders had a few years ago held joint public events in Houston and the Indian city of Ahmedabad.Recently modi reacted on the attack on trump, describing Trump as my friend.

After attack Indian administration was increasingly convinced that Trump might return to power in November. Trumps victory would help India, by easing the pressure on New Delhi to turn away from Moscow.

A second Trump administration, almost certainly, will care less about the optics of Russia-India ties. In his first term as president, Trump focused US strategic attention on Washington’s rivalry with Beijing, rather than on Moscow – a worldview that is in sync with India’s. India too views Beijing as its principal threat.

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What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

This partnership has been resilient in the face of global challenges, including the COVID-19 pandemic and the Ukraine conflict, with cooperation extending to vaccine development, humanitarian support, and regular high-level summits such as the 21st and 22nd India-Russia Annual Summits .

Title:

Content: New Delhi | Jagran News Desk: Prime Minister Narendra Modi met visiting Russian president Vladimir Putin at Delhi’s Hyderabad House on Monday evening. Prime Minister said that India-Russia ties are stronger than ever.

Prime Minister Modi added that despite the challenges posed by the pandemic, there has been no change in the relationship between India and Russia. He further pointed out that the two countries cooperated during the COVID-19 crisis too, in the field of vaccine and humanitarian support. "The relation between India and Russia is truly a unique and reliable model of interstate friendship," Prime Minister Narendra Modi said.

"You (Putin) should be credited for the strategic partnership between our countries for the 3 decades," PM Modi said, acknowledging Russian President Vladimir Putin's role in nurturing the bilateral traditions between India and Russia.

India a great power, time-tested friend: Vladimir Putin

Russian President Vladimir Putin said that Russia considers India 'a great power' and a 'time tested' friend. "The relations between our nations are growing and I am looking into the futur," Putin added while further asserting his happiness at being in India, saying that he is 'happy to travel to India'.

"Currently mutual investments stand at about 38 million with a bit more investment coming from the Russian side. We cooperate greatly in military and technical sphere like no other country. We develop high technologies together as well as produce in India," Putin said.

This is the first in-person meeting between PM Modi and President Putin after their meeting on the sidelines of BRICS summit in Brazil in 2019 before the beginning of COVID-19 pandemic. Both the leaders are scheduled to hold deliberations to review the prospects of bilateral relations and recalibrate the long standing India-Russia friendship.

"The agenda for the dialogue will cover political and defence issues of mutual interest. The establishment of this new mechanism of two plus two dialogue is expected to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries," Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Arindam Bagchi had said earlier.

Posted By: Mukul Sharma

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

These summits have produced agreements aimed at enhancing trade, investment, and connectivity, particularly in Russia’s Far East and the Eurasian space, reflecting a shared vision to strengthen economic and security linkages .

Title:

Content: The melting Arctic is opening a new front in strategic competition, raising US security concerns in the once-uncontested frontier in a way that echoes the mid-twentieth century Space Race. But unlike the Soviet Union’s Sputnik surprise, which jolted US politics and society, there has been no moment shocking enough to awaken Americans to the threats in, from, and over the Arctic region.

There are numerous externalities: The region opens up opportunities for increasing (or decreasing) the number of sea lines of communication, spying on Arctic nations, stoking competition for natural resources and rare-earth minerals, expanding nations’ military presence, and even illegal fishing. These and other new possibilities may lead to an increased risk of pollution and gas or oil spills, potential sabotage to undersea cables, the displacement of indigenous people, and the disturbance of archeological sites.

Even worse: The United States is falling further behind as its allies and adversaries alike prepare for the new frontier more robustly. Russia and China, for example, have already heightened their activities and ambitions in the region beyond the traditional conceptions of defense, such as nuclear sub-surface power projection and deterrence. Their strategies already include plans to harness exponentially shorter sea lanes, meaning that China and Russia can reach global markets or military targets faster and much more cheaply. There is also the potential for a partnership between the two nations in developing the Northern Sea Route.

Just last week, Russian warships sailed through the Barents Sea as part of a massive naval exercise amid rising tensions between the Kremlin and NATO. To counter the Alliance, Russia has built approximately eight hundred military facilities in the Arctic since 2013. It is also reportedly building numerous airbases in the Arctic, where in July it tested a hypersonic cruise missile.

There is still time for US officials to increase operational capability and strategic effectiveness in the Arctic, and doing so is in the US interest. But in order to catch up to other countries’ preparations, the United States must release a whole-of-government National Arctic Strategy based on an updated National Security Strategy (which is likely to come in early 2022).

Apart from establishing a truly interdepartmental approach to the Arctic—which is currently primarily a maritime domain—it should also draw on capabilities already developed by the United States and its allies for a parallel one: space. Because strategic competition in the Arctic region requires access to the location and more, leveraging technical means, such as commercial space-derived capabilities, is paramount.

Calibrating agencies’ positioning

While the United States has had Arctic plans dating back to US President Richard Nixon’s 1971 National Security Decision Memorandum, its current Arctic strategy was written in 2013—before Washington shifted its focus to strategic competition with Russia and China. Since then, the Arctic has been mentioned only once in the 2017 National Security Strategy, and not at all in the 2018 National Defense Strategy, the 2018 National Military Strategy, or the 2021 Interim National Security Strategic Guidance.

Yet because of its strategic implications for the United States, strategy and policy documents like these must account for the region. The United States must update its National Arctic Strategy to address the emerging realities and national-security interests, but it should not stop there: It must also break down the numerous operational verticals, integrate foreign allies and partners, and assimilate space capabilities for use in the Arctic when necessary.

In September 2021, the White House reactivated the Arctic Executive Steering Committee to advance US Arctic interests as they relate to conducting climate science, addressing the concerns of Indigenous peoples, and enhancing US national and economic security. In its 2016 Implementation Framework for the National Strategy for the Arctic Region, the committee pledged to review US actions in the Arctic, ensuring that they advance US security interests and strategies. But first, the Arctic Executive Steering Committee should look back at this document and assess whether it is still sufficient or relevant—and if not, the committee should explore how to boost its relevance given the changes in the Arctic.

At the cabinet level, the Department of Defense (DoD) has the federal government’s largest Arctic-related budget. In addition to separate documents released by the Army, Navy, and Air Force, it released an updated Arctic strategy in 2019; while this is a noteworthy accomplishment for the DoD, which has long de-prioritized the region, none of these strategies were in any meaningful way coordinated (and thus integrated) with one another. Any update to a National Arctic Strategy should comprehensively bind these DoD documents.

The DoD is not the only department with its eyes on the Arctic: The departments of Homeland Security (DHS), State, the Interior, and Energy are all following developments in the region. Yet besides the DoD, only the DHS (and the Coast Guard, which falls under DHS) has a formal Arctic strategy. In fact, the whole-of-department approach behind the DHS strategy can be scaled up into a broader whole-of-government one by synchronizing interagency efforts and fully leveraging the capabilities, capacity, and partnerships across the entire federal government—not just one or a few departments or agencies.

This broader whole-of-government plan should also include State, Interior, and Energy, which must also begin to develop their Arctic strategies in coordination with the DoD and DHS given their important roles in the region.

Eyes on the stars

Any comprehensive Arctic strategy should also delve into the adjacent domain of space. The Arctic and space are inextricably linked—a fact the Air Force, which spends around six billion dollars per year on its Arctic goals and is the source of about 80 percent of the DoD’s resources to the region, admits in its own Arctic Strategy.

For one, the Arctic’s high latitudes could increase US capabilities to communicate with devices in polar orbits—where spacecraft and satellites already have a strategically advantageous viewpoint. At such heights, space assets can be more effective at everything from environmental and climate monitoring and defense surveillance to astronomical observation, including of those satellites in polar orbit.

But it is a two-way street: US space guidance—such as the National Space Policy, the National Space Strategy, and others—should also be updated to include the Arctic. These updates must consider how the ongoing commercial space boom, along with the digital-infrastructure development it has fueled, can help solve challenges to sustained Arctic operations. For example, space-derived infrastructure can help monitor the operational environment of the Arctic, support climate research, and facilitate modern ways of living in the digital era for people living in Arctic regions.

Finding a north star

Developing an integrated, strategic blueprint aimed at advancing US Arctic interests is an important step—but only the first of several which the government should take. The United States should consider the value of designating an executive agent tasked with leading US Arctic activity. A primary US government lead would focus on planning for Arctic operations and supporting the execution of US Arctic policies, strategies, and plans across the federal government.

The United States is fully capable of increasing operational capability and strategic effectiveness in the Arctic. But to do so, there is an urgent need for a National Arctic Strategy that draws heavily on space-derived capabilities and encompasses a truly whole-of-government approach.

Mir Sadat is a nonresident senior fellow in the Forward Defense practice of the Atlantic Council’s Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security, a former National Security Council policy and strategy director, and an adjunct scholar at the Modern War Institute. Follow him on Twitter: @Dr_Sadat_USN.

This piece represents the author’s views solely and does not necessarily represent the official policy or position of any department or agency of the US government.

Further reading

Image: Warships and support vessels of Russia's Northern Fleet entered the Barents Sea in images released on January 26, 2022. Photo via REUTERS

Title:

Content: New Delhi | Jagran News Desk: Prime Minister Narendra Modi met visiting Russian president Vladimir Putin at Delhi’s Hyderabad House on Monday evening. Prime Minister said that India-Russia ties are stronger than ever.

Prime Minister Modi added that despite the challenges posed by the pandemic, there has been no change in the relationship between India and Russia. He further pointed out that the two countries cooperated during the COVID-19 crisis too, in the field of vaccine and humanitarian support. "The relation between India and Russia is truly a unique and reliable model of interstate friendship," Prime Minister Narendra Modi said.

"You (Putin) should be credited for the strategic partnership between our countries for the 3 decades," PM Modi said, acknowledging Russian President Vladimir Putin's role in nurturing the bilateral traditions between India and Russia.

India a great power, time-tested friend: Vladimir Putin

Russian President Vladimir Putin said that Russia considers India 'a great power' and a 'time tested' friend. "The relations between our nations are growing and I am looking into the futur," Putin added while further asserting his happiness at being in India, saying that he is 'happy to travel to India'.

"Currently mutual investments stand at about 38 million with a bit more investment coming from the Russian side. We cooperate greatly in military and technical sphere like no other country. We develop high technologies together as well as produce in India," Putin said.

This is the first in-person meeting between PM Modi and President Putin after their meeting on the sidelines of BRICS summit in Brazil in 2019 before the beginning of COVID-19 pandemic. Both the leaders are scheduled to hold deliberations to review the prospects of bilateral relations and recalibrate the long standing India-Russia friendship.

"The agenda for the dialogue will cover political and defence issues of mutual interest. The establishment of this new mechanism of two plus two dialogue is expected to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries," Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Arindam Bagchi had said earlier.

Posted By: Mukul Sharma

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

**Defense Cooperation as a Cornerstone** Defense remains the bedrock of the India-Russia relationship.

**Defense Cooperation as a Cornerstone** Defense remains the bedrock of the India-Russia relationship.

India continues to source approximately 60–75% of its military hardware from Russia, including critical systems such as the S-400 missile defense system and the joint production of AK-203 rifles .

Title:

Content: India is looking forward to engaging with Russia in energy sector: Hardeep Singh Puri

December 16, 2022 09:59 pm | Updated 09:59 pm IST - Bengaluru :

‘We used to buy very limited quantities of oil from Russia up to March 31, 2022, and now Russia has become a prominent supplier along with the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Kuwait,” Mr. Puri said

Minister of Petroleum and Natural Gas Hardeep Singh Puri on Friday said India is looking forward to engaging with all countries, including Russia, in the energy sector.

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Mr. Puri said prior to March 31, 2022, India was buying oil in very limited quantities but now Russia has become a prominent supplier along with some middle-eastern countries.

“We used to buy very limited quantities of oil from Russia up to March 31, 2022, which was 0.2%, and now Russia has become a prominent supplier along with the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Kuwait,” Mr. Puri said.

Mr. Puri, when asked for his views on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s telephone conversation with Russian President Vladimir Putin on Friday, said, ”I look forward to more comprehensive and intensified engagements with all countries in the sector of energy, including the Russian Federation.”

He added that India’s cooperation with Russia on energy is very widespread. “If I am not mistaken, the Russian investment in the Indian sector is about $13 billion and our companies have invested $16 billion in Russia,” he added.

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Content: Follow Us:

Putin visiting India: Is it strategic balancing?

By Major General S.B. Asthana
With heated exchanges between the US and Russia due to heavy concentration of troops in Ukraine border scheduled for talks between both, Russias growing dependency on China due to sanctions from West, and Indian tilt towards the US with inclusion in Quad, the visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to India on December 6, appears to be viewed differently by different world players. Even in domestic debates, the public anger due to Chinese intrusion in Ladakh and growing partnership of Russia and China, indicates that the visit is sensitive in context of international geopolitical scenario; hence will require a delicate strategic balancing including text of joint statement, if issued at the end of the visit. Notwithstanding the above, the visit is a scheduled 21st India-Russia Annual Summit, which couldnt take place earlier due to coronavirus pandemic, there are many justified reasons to continue with 'Indo-Soviet Friendship Treaty (1971)' matured into 'Strategic Partnership (2000)', which has stood the test of time till date, even during ongoing rough relations between China and India.

Why Russia Matters to India Despite Chinese Embrace?

Despite Indian effort for Atmanirbhar Bharat in defence manufacturing and SIPRI indicating significant 33 per cent decrease in import of military hardware by India in recent years, it remains heavily dependent on Russian technology, maintenance, procurement of hardware and spares. For many decades Russians have been collaborating with India in its indigenous manufacturing programs and were amenable to transfer of technology, which India was finding difficult to get from others. It includes some major systems like nuclear-powered submarines, warships/frigates, nuclear reactors, space programmes and flagship projects like Brahmos.

The impending visit, besides deal to commence indigenous manufacturing of AK 203 Kalashnikov rifles, may see some forward movement in collaboration in manufacturing (including transfer of technology of very short range air defence missile systems (VSHORADS), twin engine helicopters to replace Cheetah and Chetak, upgradation of inventory of MIG-29 and Sukhoi aircrafts. S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile system which India had signed in 2018 for $5.43 billion is a done deal, and the threat of CAATSA is unlikely to have any impact on delivery schedule. It was chosen because it was most suitable to Indian requirement at that point of time. There are also speculations of approximately ten agreements to be signed between the two countries, which could include reciprocal exchange of logistics Agreement and 10-year military technical agreement, besides Two plus Two dialogue to strengthen existing strategic partnership. While the US may be amenable to a waiver on CAATSA for S-400, in view of common China challenge, but further deals may create some new friction points in strengthening of Indo-US relations.

On strategic context, Russia continues to be a favourable P5 member in UN and continues to support India in various multilateral organisations like the UN, SCO, BRICS on crucial issues. It's a technological powerhouse, with one of the largest producer of military hardware, producing rugged equipment suited for variety of terrain, where Indian forces operate. While its nearness to China, its discomfort with Indian embrace to Quad, growing Indo-US partnership, and hardware sale to Pakistan, forces some of the opinion makers in India to suggest divorcing Russia in favour of US, but such opinions are marred by impracticality, ignorance of Indian hardware dependency on Russia and its track record of reliability of its partnership with India. In its revised Military Strategy document Russia continues to name India as its partner along with China, and has not delayed/defaulted on any hardware support to India, even during standoff with China. The interest of both countries also coincide regarding concerns on export of terror after Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan and resultant humanitarian crisis, which will certainly be a subject of discussion and may find some mention in joint statement.

Reality of Sino-Russian Embrace

The much publicised Sino-Russian embrace by Chinese media and Russian acceptance to go along has been due to economic compulsions due to increasing sanctions from West, common adversary US branding both as competitors in security strategy documents. Objectively an expansionist, aggressive China seeking Sino-centric world order does suit Russia as well, which is looking for multilateral world order. Chinese BRI has already side-lined Eurasian dream, its technological theft like alleged hypersonic technology proliferation and increasing border claims in previously settled border with Tajikistan are not to Russian liking. Russia has made no commitment to back China's misadventure in South China Sea/Himalayas and China has also not made any commitment on Ukraine borders. Reiterating India as a strategic partner may be Moscow's message to US and Beijing both. It is however, impractical to expect Russia criticising China or Pakistan or India discussing Ukraine issue during this visit, due to peculiar geo-political equations, and Russians need for strategic and economic balancing.

Strategic Balancing by India

India and US have commonality of Interest in most issues including tackling China, which has pushed India to become an important global strategic partner of US, by its aggressive designs. There is congruence of interests in most global issues between US and India in the current geo-strategic equation. India stands with US and Quad in context of Indo-Pacific and facing China challenge. India continues to do its best to respond to sensitivities and concerns of the US, at times risking some of its old relationships like Iran. To accommodate US interest India reduced import of oil from Iran, bearing a cost disadvantage, as Iran oil was being imported in Rupee terms, in crude form and attuned to existing refineries in India. India doesn't seem to be repeating the same mistake with Russians, who haven't done anything bilaterally which demands a divorce in mutual relationship. Moreover, military capacity building of India also adds to collective strength of Quad, which is in collective interest.

Lately India is trying to be self-reliant, as well as diversifying procurement from various countries to include US, France, Israel. In last decade the defence procurement from Russia has gradually reduced from over 65 percent approximately to nearly 49 percent and correspondingly increased in favour of the US, Israel and France. There is a noticeable upward trend in purchase of US military hardware, as the year 2020 alone saw a purchase $3.4 billion worth of US military equipment, indicating enough accommodation by India. In a buyers' market US has competitors to include Russia, Israel and France, and every country will make sovereign choice to pick the best deal including India. India has also made modest beginning in exporting Rs 38,000 crore worth of military equipment, as a step towards self-reliance, seeking support of all the partners.

(Major General S.B.Asthana is a strategic and security analyst, a veteran Infantry General. He is the Chief Instructor, United Service Institution of India. The views expressed are personal)

--IANS
asthana/ksk/

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Content: Amid Western Sanctions, India Explores Rupee-Ruble Mechanism for Trade with Russia

India is considering establishing a payment mechanism in local currencies to allow it to continue trade with Russia, which has been hit with Western sanctions in response to its invasion of Ukraine.

New Delhi is proceeding with purchases of Russian crude at discounted prices despite pressure from the United States.

The state-run Indian Oil Corp. has concluded a deal to buy 3 million barrels of Russian crude, according to local media reports.

Although it has not officially confirmed the deal, India has defended the country’s decision to look at purchasing Russian oil.

“A number of countries are importing energy from Russia, especially in Europe,” Indian External Affairs Ministry spokesman Arindam Bagchi told reporters earlier this week. He said India, which imports most of its oil, is “always exploring all possibilities in global energy markets.”

While the United States has banned Russian oil imports, several European countries, such as Germany, which are dependent on Russian imports of energy, continue to buy it. India, the world’s third-largest oil importer, imports only about 3% of its crude from Russia, but cheap Russian oil could help cushion its economy from spiraling international crude prices.

India will study the impact of Western sanctions against Russia while devising a payment mechanism to settle its trade with Moscow officials say.

“We will await details to examine the impact on our economic exchanges with Russia,” according to Bagchi.

As sanctions limit Russia’s ability to do business in major currencies such as the dollar or the euro, an Indian business body has asked the government to set up a rupee-ruble mechanism to facilitate trade.

“We have proposed that local currency trading may be explored in the given situation. It is one of the plausible options that are on the table,” according to Ajay Sahai, director general of the Federation of Indian Export Organizations. Indian exporters say payments of about $500 million are stuck because Russian buyers cannot pay in foreign exchange.

Work was ongoing to set up a rupee-ruble trade mechanism to be used to pay for oil and other goods, an Indian official, who refused to be identified, has told Reuters.

The trade in local currencies could take place between Russian banks and companies with accounts in Indian state-run banks.

This is not the first time that such a mechanism is being considered — India and the former Soviet Union had a rupee-ruble exchange plan in place during the Cold War to bypass the U.S. dollar.

India has also used a similar program with Iran, under Western sanctions for its nuclear weapons program.

New Delhi has taken a neutral stance on the Russian invasion, calling for a cease-fire and diplomacy to resolve the crisis, but abstaining from condemning Moscow, with which it has longstanding ties.

It has been under pressure from Washington, which has been urging India to the U.S. and other countries’ tough stand on the invasion.

When asked if the U.S. plans to reach out to India for curbs on oil purchases from Russia, White House press secretary Jen Psaki said Friday that Washington has been in touch with Indian leaders but added that countries have different “economic reasoning,” including some in Europe.

“But what we would project or convey to any leader around the world is that the world — the rest of the world is watching where you’re going to stand as it relates to this conflict, whether its support for Russia in any form as they are illegally invading Ukraine,” she told reporters.

New Delhi however has shown no indication that it will weaken trade or strategic ties to Russia — Moscow supplies India with more than 70% of its weapons, which are critical for New Delhi as it faces Chinese troops all along its Himalayan border. During a visit three months ago by Russian President Vladimir Putin to New Delhi, both countries pledged to increase trade in the defense and energy sectors.

Analysts in New Delhi are optimistic that differences over Russia will not harm ties with Washington, which have grown in recent years as both India and the United States look at how to contain a more assertive China.

“It is not as if U.S. and India are on the same page on every issue,” said Sreeram Chaulia, dean of the Jindal School of International Affairs at O.P. Jindal University. Pointing out that India’s focus is primarily Asia and Indo-Pacific region, he said, “We are really fearful of what China could do along our borders and that remains our primary concern. And New Delhi feels that whether or not we take a joint position on Ukraine with the U.S., the Europeans and others, they will still partner with us to counterbalance China.”

That is why India believes that it can navigate its partnerships with both Russia and the United States for the time being, analysts such as Chaulia say.

However, if the war in Ukraine does not wind down and the crisis drags on, he said “then we will have to readjust our position.”

дата публікації: 20-03-2022

автор:

@Мережа Правди

Головне

Україна готова відмовитися від Мінських угод, якщо деякі європейські держави доб’ються зняття санкцій з росії в Раді Європи
розділ: Важливі новини, Світові новини, Усі новини

«Мене вчора багато хто запитував, як буде Рада Європи діяти щодо санкцій проти рф. Я їм чесно сказав: якщо ви вчините так, як хочуть кілька країн, я того ж дня вийду і скажу, що, по-перше, «Мінська» у нас тепер немає, і, по-друге, його вбили не тільки в Москві, але і ви – послідовно», – заявив Павло Клімкін у Брюсселі.

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
commerce
weapons supply
security & military

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
commerce
weapons supply
security & military

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
commerce
weapons supply
security & military

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
commerce
weapons supply
security & military

The BrahMos supersonic cruise missile, developed through a joint venture, exemplifies the depth of technological collaboration .

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  4. Will be grateful if India helps Ukraine 'more actively': Ukrainian Minister Tkachenko

Will be grateful if India helps Ukraine 'more actively': Ukrainian Minister Tkachenko

Oleksandr Tkachenko, the Minister for Culture and Information, however, did not elaborate on what exactly he expects from India as Ukraine battles Russia, the country with which New Delhi shares close military ties. Commenting on his expectations from the Western countries, the minister appreciated the support extended by them to Ukraine but appealed to them to do more.

Reported by: PTI
Mumbai Published on: April 22, 2022 23:23 IST

A Ukrainian minister on Friday urged India to support the war-ravaged European country "more actively" and pushed the Western powers to put a "true embargo" on the export of Russian oil and gas for its invasion. Oleksandr Tkachenko, the Minister for Culture and Information, said Russia's actions against Ukraine are no different than what Adolf Hitler did in Europe several decades ago and asserted President Vladimir Putin's goal is to occupy his country completely and erase its identity.

He said India and Ukraine, which were invaded by Russia on February 24, share democratic values. "Because it (India) is the biggest democratic power in the world, and I believe the democratic values for which our Ukrainians fight for the right to live in an independent state also are shared by the Indian people," he said, speaking virtually at the Times Network's India Economic Conclave 2022 here on the topic "Spirit of Ukraine Resistance”.

"I will be very much grateful if India can support Ukraine in this time of war more actively," he stated while responding to a question related to his country's expectations from New Delhi, which has so far taken a neutral stand on the nearly two-month-old conflict. Tkachenko, however, did not elaborate on what exactly he expects from India as Ukraine battles Russia, the country with which New Delhi shares close military ties. Commenting on his expectations from the Western countries, the minister appreciated the support extended by them to Ukraine but appealed to them to do more.

"I must appreciate the assistance given by the western allies, including weapons and sanctions (on Russia). It is not enough. We need more weapons and a true embargo on the export of Russian oil and gas. We expect the sanctions that do work, (such as) a complete switch off from the SWIFT (an international payment system used by thousands of financial institutions) for example. And a ban of any commercial relationship with Russia," he said.

Explaining his point further on sanctions, Tkachenko said, "I think it is the same thing what the Western allies are doing - stop or limit trade with Russia - during this period of time. Because your trades and incomes that can get the Russian economy directly go to the military sector. And directly kills Ukrainian people."

Blasting Moscow for its invasion and alleged atrocities in his country, the minister called for immediate de-escalation and full withdrawal of Russian troops from Ukraine. "The methods Russia is using against Ukraine are no different from what Hitler did against nations which he invaded. The first main step for de-escalation should be a full withdrawal of Russian troops from the Ukrainian territory and then a tribunal like in Nuremberg (related to war crimes after World War II) against those who started this war," he said. Hitting out at Putin, Tkachenko claimed the Russian president does not want to see Ukraine on the world map.

"Russian President Putin's goal is to occupy Ukraine completely and ruin our identity from not only the cultural sphere but all spheres of democracy. He does not want to see Ukraine on the map of the world," he said. "If 95 percent of Ukrainian people support President Zelenskyy, it means he (Putin) needs to kill those 95 percent of the Ukrainian population to convince his diabolic truth," he said. The minister called for removing Russia as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council and withdrawal of its veto power.

Speaking about the besieged city of Mariupol, Tkachenko said, "The city is like new Stalingrad because it is almost completely ruined by Russian troops. Before the war, Ukraine had invested millions of dollars to renovate the city after the first Russian war in 2014. Now, everybody can see the pictures of the ruined city. That is what Russia brings to Ukraine - death and ruin." He vowed Ukraine will not up to its fight. "We will never give up our fight. If something goes wrong, we believe that Ukrainian soldiers and civilians who are surrounded by Russian troops right now--should be guaranteed a free humanitarian corridor," the minister said.

ALSO READ | Amid war with Ukraine, Russia bans tech honchos, including Mark Zuckerberg, from entering country

ALSO READ | 33 killed, over 40 injured as massive blast rocks Afghanistan mosque during Friday prayers

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Content: Russia, India Agree To Further Study Prospects For Cooperation In Peaceful Use Of Space

Russia and India will study the prospects for cooperation in the development of launch vehicles and the use of outer space for peaceful purposes, according to a joint statement by Russian President Vladimir Putin and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi following the 21st Russian-Indian summit

MOSCOW (UrduPoint News / Sputnik - 06th December, 2021) Russia and India will study the prospects for cooperation in the development of launch vehicles and the use of outer space for peaceful purposes, according to a joint statement by Russian President Vladimir Putin and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi following the 21st Russian-Indian summit.

"The Sides welcomed the enhanced cooperation between the State Space Corporation "Roscosmos" and the Indian Space Research Organization, including in the human spaceflight programs and satellite navigation and agreed to study the prospects of the development of mutually beneficial cooperation in the development of launch vehiclesand use of outer space for peaceful purposes, including planetary exploration," the statement says.

Moscow and New Delhi also expressed concern about the possibility of an arms race in outer space and its transformation into an arena of military confrontation.

"Both sides expressed concern over the possibility of an arms race in outer space and outer space turning into an arena for military confrontation. They reaffirmed commitment to takeefforts for the prevention of an arms race in outer space and its weaponization," they said.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
security & military
weapons supply

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
security & military
weapons supply

Russia’s support for indigenous production, such as the assembly of Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets in India, has bolstered India’s defense manufacturing capabilities .

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India’s top diplomat highlights 'steady' relations between New Delhi, Moscow

Subrahmanyam Jaishankar addressed the event that discussed the results of the foreign policy course Narendra Modi’s government has pursued in the past nine years

NEW DELHI, June 29. /TASS/. Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar explained the status of his country’s relations with Russia as he said those were unique and steady, despite the global turbulence and the pressure that is being exerted on New Delhi.

"This relationship with Russia has kept steady despite all the turbulence in the world. It is, actually, for us a very unique relationship - I think, in some ways, for the Russians, also. In this period, for all the pressures on us, I think we made our own evaluation of the importance of this relationship. <…> Sometimes, this relationship is dumbed down to things like `oh, we are dependent on them for arms’. I think it’s far more complex," ANI quoted Jaishankar as saying during a roundtable in New Delhi on Wednesday.

He pointed to a "geopolitical logic" for what New Delhi has been doing with Russia. "Today, many things which we were working on even prior to 2022, which is how to expand our economic cooperation, those have born fruition. So, we actually have an upswing in the economic part of the relationship with Russia, even as you have very steady politics, and continuing security cooperation," the Indian foreign minister said.

India's top diplomat addressed the event that discussed the results of the foreign policy course Narendra Modi’s government has pursued in the past nine years. Commenting on India’s relations with the United States, Jaishankar said they were "exceptionally good" and expressed the hope that the two countries would conclude the Free Trade agreement.

He also noted growing interaction with Europe in the past nine years and said that India was passing through a "difficult phase" with China amid what he called an abnormal situation on the border with its neighbor.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
security & military
weapons supply

Despite a gradual diversification of defense imports, with increased procurement from the US, France, and Israel, Russian equipment remains indispensable for India’s military preparedness, especially in the context of border tensions with China .

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'India great power and a time-tested friend', says Russia's Vladimir Putin

India, Russia hold 21st summit, and first 2+2 dialogue; sign 28 agreements

Topics
indian government | India-Russia ties | Narendra Modi

Ajai Shukla  |  New Delhi

Prime Minister Narendra Modi receives Russian President Vladimir Putin at Hyderabad House in New Delhi, on Monday (Photo: PTI)

New Delhi and Moscow on Monday issued to the world a high-visibility reminder about their “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership”, as Prime Minister and Russian President held the 21st India-Russia Summit, an annual ritual missed only in 2020 due to the pandemic.

Leading into the 21st summit meeting, India and Russia held their first-ever 2 + 2 Ministerial Dialogue, in which External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh together held strategic discussions with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu.

“We perceive India as a great power, a friendly nation and a time-tested friend. The relations between our countries are growing and I am looking into the future,” Putin said in his initial comments.

Putin also expressed concern over the developments in Afghanistan and said India and Russia will continue to coordinate on major challenges facing the region.

Modi said Putin’s second visit abroad during the Covid-19 pandemic reflected his personal commitment to the and that the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two sides was getting stronger. In the last few decades, the world witnessed many fundamental changes and different kinds of geopolitical equations and variables, but the friendship of India and Russia remained constant, Modi said. “Your visit to India is a reflection of your commitment to ties with India,” the PM said.

Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla said 28 agreements were concluded between India and Russia after Modi-Putin meet. After the 2+2 meeting, Jaishankar tweeted: “A productive exchange of perspectives on cross-cutting and inter-related issues. Will be reporting it to the Annual Summit later today.”

Earlier on Monday, there was a meeting of the apex body that governs defence relations between the two: The Indo-Russian Inter-Governmental Commission on Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-MTC), co-chaired by the two defence ministers, Singh and Shoigu.

India’s military uses Russian weaponry extensively, such as Sukhoi-30MKI fighter aircraft, T-90S tanks and BMP infantry combat vehicles, Talwar-class frigates, and Kilo-class submarines. The two sides have jointly produced the highly regarded BrahMos cruise missile system.

During the 17th annual summit, the two countries concluded deals on India’s procurement of five units of the S-400 air defence systems for an estimated ~37,000 crore, constructing Talwar-class frigates under Project 1135.6, and a shareholders’ agreement on a joint venture (JV) to manufacture Kamov-226T helicopters in India.

The S400 is regarded as the world’s premier long-range missile system, with the ability to shoot down enemy aircraft at ranges up to 400 kilometres. During the confrontation over the last two years between the Chinese and Indian armies in Ladakh, China deployed the S400 along the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

On March 3, 2019, in Amethi, Modi announced another JV —Indo-Russian Rifles — that would manufacture 750,000 AK-203 assault rifles in Korwa under the “Make in India” programme for an estimated $687 million. Russia is also competing for a ~40,000-crore deal for building six submarines in India under Project 75I, and a ~50,000-60,000 crore agreement to manufacture 114 fighter aircraft in India.

To ensure that Russian defence equipment was not hampered by any shortfall in maintenance or spare parts, the two sides agreed during the 20th Annual Summit in Vladivostok in September 2019 to cooperate in producing spare parts for Russian/Soviet military equipment.

The India-Russia defence partnership is being tested by Washington, especially through the piece of legislation the US Congress passed in 2017, titled CAATSA (Countering America’s Adversaries through Sanctions Act). This provides for US sanctions on countries that have significant defence or intelligence relations with Russia, Iran, or North Korea. India’s purchase of the S400 missile system is regarded as a potential trigger for Washington to impose sanctions.

While the US Congress has created a “CAATSA waiver” for close partners such as India, the US president is required to determine whether to exercise that waiver. So far, President Joe Biden has not stated a preference.

India, which faces a growing threat from China, is determined to buy the S400 from Russia. Asked whether New Delhi would bow to CAATSA pressure, India’s foreign ministry spokesperson said last week: “India and the US have a special global strategic partnership. And we also have a very special and privileged strategic partnership with Russia. And as you’re all aware, we pursue an independent foreign policy. This applies to our defence acquisitions, and supplies which are and will continue to be guided by our security interest.”

New Delhi and Moscow have identified trade and economic relations as a priority area. Modi and Putin have set a bilateral investment target of $50 billion and a bilateral trade target of $30 billion by 2025. (With inputs from PTI)

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First Published: Tue, December 07 2021. 01:24 IST
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Lines are being drawn in the battle between democracy and autocracy. Is the Quad up to the task?

By Stan Grant
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During one of numerous tense exchanges, legendary US Secretary of State John Foster Dulles asked Indian Prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru, "Are you for or against America?"

Nehru replied: "Yes".

It is likely an apocryphal story from another time — the 1950s and in the midst of the Cold War — but it carries a lesson for today as the world enters Cold War 2.0 and tries to contain growing Chinese power.

Again India is a central player and yet India remains an enigmatic partner in peace. India may side with like-minded democracies but it also has a history of non-alignment. It will, as all countries do, pursue its own interests.

While Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison calls his Indian counterpart Narendra Modi a "great friend", Modi himself has told Vladimir Putin that Russia is a "unique" and "constant friend" to India.

Last year marked five decades of friendship since the signing of the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace.

The two countries cooperate on everything from vaccines, to space, to anti-terrorism, and trade. Russia is India's largest weapons supplier.

India has been quiet about Putin's military build-up on the Ukraine border. It has called for "quiet diplomacy" and last month abstained from a United Nations Security Council vote on Ukraine.

India walks a fine line, balancing its ties with Moscow and Washington's efforts to enlist New Delhi in the fight against rising authoritarianism.

The Quad's challenge

India's Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar is in Australia for the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) — India, Japan, Australia and the US. The Quad meets at a critical time when the lines are being drawn in the big power battle between democracy and autocracy.

The Quad is a regional bloc to China's increasing power and assertiveness. That front is widening after China and Russia announced a new pact last week.

It represents a strong display of democratic unity and a reminder of the values these regional powers share in common, but it is also a reminder of how 20th century Cold War alliances don't meet the challenges and complexity of the 21st century.

India, as well as being close to Russia, is also a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. It is the world's largest regional grouping, dwarfing the Quad. It covers 40 per cent of the world's population and a fifth of global GDP.

The Shanghai pact nations conduct shared military exercises and cooperate against external threats.

To add to the complexity, India and Japan have also explored their own trilateral grouping with Russia.

Japan also maintains good diplomatic relations with Iran, a country that has grown closer to China and Russia as a response to US-led sanctions.

When it comes to direct relations with China each Quad member has its own tensions, yet none has been frozen out like Australia. Beijing still talks to the US, Japan and India.

Is the Quad up to the task?

That's the big question. When seriously tested, would countries put their own interests first?

US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken clearly has a difficult task leading a coherent international response to China. The US is fighting on multiple fronts: confronting Russia, coordinating with NATO, while still fighting the war on terror.

There is often a lack of consistency and logic among Western and democratic countries.

Take France — It is a genuine world power: nuclear-armed, it has the sixth-largest defence budget in the world and the largest in Europe.

France is the seventh biggest economy in the world and is a permanent five member of the UN Security Council.

France is a Pacific power with eight thousand troops in the region, more than any country apart from the US. It has up to two million citizens here and controls territory.

Why is the Quad not a quintet? Why is France not at the table? Instead, it still feels insulted by the AUKUS submarine deal which reneged on a contract Australia had to buy French submarines.

Wounds between Paris and Canberra still have not healed. Yet the US knows how critical France is.

French President Emanuel Macron is shuttling between Moscow and Kiev trying to broker a peaceful resolution to a looming war.

How can a country be so important yet at the same time so apparently expendable or excluded?

Standing up to Russia and China requires the US-led democratic alliance to be much more coordinated and much more coherent.

Any hint of difference or disagreement is seen by Beijing and Moscow as weakness.

A serious test

The Quad, we are told, is designed to strengthen a so-called rules-based order. What it means is a liberal, democratic, Western-dominated order. It arose after World War II. The post-war institutions were controlled by the most powerful states.

It was in fact never global. It did not include the Soviet Union or China.

As political scientist Michael Barnett has put it: not a liberal world order but a world order for liberal states.

This is facing a serious test. China's economic strength and growing military might, and now its burgeoning alliance with Russia, comes at a time when America can no longer impose its power.

The pull out of Afghanistan and the return of the Taliban after two decades of war raised questions about America's resolve.

The Quad is only as strong as its strongest member: America.

Without a powerful and resolute US, more countries when asked "are you with or against America" may take a lead from Nehru and answer: "yes".

Stan Grant is the ABC's international affairs analyst and presents China Tonight on Monday at 9:35pm on ABC TV, Tuesday at 8pm on the ABC News Channel and on iview.

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

**Economic Ties and Energy Security** Economic relations have expanded dramatically, with bilateral trade exceeding $65.7 billion by March 2024—a more than 400% increase over previous years .

Title:

Content: India & Russia: Trade Titans or Temporary Truce? A Look Ahead

India & Russia: Trade Titans or Temporary Truce? A Look Ahead

Aditi RajUpdated: Friday, April 05, 2024, 02:54 PM IST
India & Russia: Trade Titans or Temporary Truce? A Look Ahead |

Despite a considerable surge in various other geopolitical instabilities in the world in the last few months, it is crucial to remember that the war between Russia and Ukraine is far from over. As the conflict between the two countries approaches its second year, we shed light upon the multifaceted story of the trade relations between India and Russia during such uncertain and incalculable times. Despite a wobbly past since the collapse of the Soviet Union, India's ability to weather external instability and precariousness while maintaining robust ties with Russia even during such turbulent times reflects the symbiotic relationship between the countries and India's capacity to evolve amidst adversity.

To constrain Russia's ability to finance its war with Ukraine, the finance ministers of the G7 group of nations agreed to lower the price of Russian oil and petroleum products on September 2, 2022. A restriction of $60 per barrel on the price that Russia may charge for its oil was also set by the G7 in an attempt to cause potential damage to Russia while, at the same time, maintaining a stable global supply. The cap went into effect on December 5, 2022.

Regardless of the global scenario, India's ties with Russia remain distinct from a typical alliance. India's so-called "strategic ambivalence" regarding the Russia-Ukraine war seems to be a calculated decision. Amid this geopolitical upheaval, India and Russia's relationship can be more accurately described as a strategic partnership than an alliance. This results in an abstention from UN votes and avoiding a declaration of any firm stance regarding the war. Understanding these complex and intertwined interests is crucial in analyzing their unique partnership beyond traditional alliances.

Since the beginning of the war, India has emerged as one of the primary buyers of Russia's vast supply of crude oil. Despite the sanctions imposed by the USA on Russia, India now purchases nearly 1.2 million barrels of crude oil a day from Russia.

An analysis of secondary data related to the Indo-Russian trade through the Holt-Winters econometric model, particularly focusing on petroleum crude imports between 2020 and 2023, reveals that this period, marked by the unprecedented disruptions of the COVID-19 pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine war, presented a unique challenge for forecasters.

The year 2022 presented an unexpected twist in India's trade ties with Russia, as depicted in the graph. While the econometric forecasting model predicted a steady trajectory for petroleum crude imports, the graph for actual imports of petroleum crude from Russia reveals a dramatic surge, defying expectations. This major shift can be caused by the combination of the war between Russia and Ukraine and the sanctions imposed by the USA on Russian oil imports that followed.

As the Western nations abstained from purchasing Russian oil due to the imposition of the US sanctions, it turned towards alternative means and markets by offering huge concessions on its crude oil. Thus, India saw this as a golden opportunity to capitalize, leading it to become the second-largest buyer of Russian crude, following China. This led to India getting an opportunity to save a fortune, estimated to be in billions of dollars, specifically during a term of sharply rising global oil prices due to the chaos caused by the war.

The discounted oil price wasn't just a financial boon for the country; it also helped India maintain its energy security at a critical point when its own domestic oil production has been stagnant. The discounted Russian oil helped the country attenuate the impact of rising prices on its consumers and industries, thus potentially contributing to its economic stability.

(Written by Aditi Raj, under the guidance of Dr Taru Saigal.Aditi Raj is a student of Economics with a passion for international relations and a keen eye for data analysis. Currently pursuing a BA in Economics (Hons.) at CHRIST (Deemed to be University) in Bangalore, Aditi is set to graduate in 2024.)

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Title:

Content: Russia-Ukraine Crisis: Global impact and lessons for India

Russia has made it clear in its communication that any attempt to bring Ukraine into the NATO fold will have consequences

By Lt Col Manoj K Channan

“War is good, it teaches you a bit of geography and a bit of contemporary history too”

Russian intervention in Ukraine has been seen as a serious breach of international treaties and a violation of a sovereign country. Putin has been painted the villain by the Western Leaders and the electronic and print media, including those in India.

Russia believes Ukraine was an artificial creation of the Bolsheviks after Brest Litovsk in 1917 and “never had a tradition of genuine statehood”. A choreographed effort to show that all key countries agree on far-reaching sanctions, words “massive” and “devastating” are being repeated ad nauseam, as if it were an agreed script. But this Potemkin unity is unlikely to alter the Kremlin calculus. The West cannot activate serious measures because it risks an asymmetric response, a lighter variant of ‘mutual assured destruction’ from the Cold War.

Let us take a step back and revisit the famous quote of Henry Kissinger “to be an enemy of America can be dangerous, but to be a friend is fatal.” This is historically proven and is now more often repeated and is factual. Issue of violation of Ukrainian sovereignty is not the decisive issue as the West has violated the sovereignty of many countries, Yugoslavia, Serbia, Iraq, Syria, Libya, Panama, Cuba, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, to name a few and very recently Afghanistan, where after spending trillions of dollars and as fate would have it came to an agreement with the Taliban and left the Afghan nationals in a lurch.

If the US and its NATO allies could find the above-mentioned interventions in their National Interest, why would the definition change for the Russians? Post the implosion of the erstwhile USSR in 1991, the cold war era came to an end as most of the Warsaw Pact countries, having become independent countries, joined NATO.

The Ukraine intervention is directly challenging the US and NATO. Russia has made it clear in its communication that any attempt to bring Ukraine into the NATO fold will have consequences. President Joe Biden and his administration did not give this assurance, which would have definitely de-escalated the situation. Instead, warlike stores were supplied, hoping that the Ukrainian forces would be able to stall the offensive. US / NATO have been condemning the intervention but have not clearly stated the red lines which could have disastrous effects globally.

Russia has been supporting the separatists in the Eastern region of Ukraine and as per media reports, these separatists were being engaged by the Ukrainian forces, on their request, President Putin sent in the troops.

The Putin – Xi Jinping meeting on the sidelines of the Winter Olympics seems to have been the occasion to orchestrate and set the stage for the intervention. Both the leaders see the US and European leadership as weak and incapable of taking a hard decision. Xi must have given Putin a green light of sorts over Ukraine. Otherwise, Russia would not have pulled most of its military forces out of the Far East to wage war in the West, leaving the Chinese border exposed.

The US has pulled back from various flashpoints and is no more in the leading position of a global policeman. To do a turnaround and put boots on the ground is the least likely option.

If one were to observe China, it has been replaced by Russia as the bigger evil and as one international analyst stated, Europe has witnessed the cold war, with Russia’s intervention in Ukraine finding their feet closer to the fire and wouldn’t want to be caught in this imbroglio.

China is focused on challenging the US to become the world leader and is using its diplomacy, including coercive, to turn over the fence-sitters on its side. The US focused on Russia allows China to continue its intrusions and dominance of Taiwan, Hong Kong, the South China Sea and the Sea of Japan. China has its interest in Afghanistan and is engaged in eyeball-to-eyeball contact along the Line of Actual Control with the Indian Army.

What are the likely options that China may exercise during this crisis?

The two critical areas which need to be watched closely are mentioned below.

The option along the Line of Actual Control is limited and as in the case of Russia, China too has violated and ignored past bilateral treaties and continues to ignore the settling of the border dispute. The Indian Armed forces will respond and strongly and that is something PLA will not like to explore at the moment.

Any attempt to invade Taiwan would be crossing a red line as far as the US is concerned, while it must be understood that the US is limited in its ability to take on two nuclear powers by itself.

Markets, Inflation and Supply Chains – What OSINT reveals

•          Oil prices could hit $120 to $140 per barrel, well above current levels.

•          Natural gas prices are also likely to keep climbing. Europe is a captive of Russian gas, and as a result, it dares not eject Russia from the SWIFT system of international payments because it would suffer a more immediate crisis than fortress Russia itself.

•          Given the current high rates of inflation, and corresponding concerns about it feeding higher inflation expectations, it’s possible that this adds to the list of reasons for policymakers to raise interest rates.

•          Washington threatens to cut off Russian access to the global market for semiconductor chips. This would be the modern equivalent of a 20th-century oil embargo since chips are the critical fuel of the electronic economy. It would gradually asphyxiate Russia’s advanced industries, and would in theory reduce Putin’s regime to a stunted technological dwarf. But this too is a dangerous game. Putin has the means to cut off critical minerals and gases needed to sustain the West’s supply chain for semiconductor chips, upping the ante in the middle of a worldwide chip crunch. Furthermore, he could hobble the aerospace and armaments industry in the US and Europe by restricting the supply of titanium, palladium, and other metals. By controlling Ukraine, his control over key strategic minerals would be even more dominant, giving him leverage akin to Opec’s energy stranglehold in 1973. The Kremlin could unleash an inflation shock every bit as violent as the first oil crisis, with a recession to follow.

•          US semiconductor companies were at risk until the critical materials firm Technet revealed the extent of US dependency on Russian supply of C4F6 gas, neon, palladium, scandium. Some 90pc of the world supply of neon, used as laser gas for chip lithography, comes from Russia and Ukraine. Two-thirds of this is purified for the global market by one company in Odessa. There are other long-term sources of neon in Africa but that is irrelevant in the short run. Technet said Russian C4F6 gas is used for etching node logic devices. Palladium is used for sensors, plating material and computer memory (MRAM). The world’s biggest producer of titanium is VSMPO-AVISMA, located in the ‘Titanium Valley’ of Western Siberia. It is owned by ROSTEC, the state conglomerate controlled by Sergey Chemezov, an ex-KGB operative who served with Putin in East Germany. Russia and Ukraine together account for 30pc of the global supply of titanium.

•          This understates their hegemony over the production chain. VSMPO-AVISMA supplies 35pc of Boeing’s titanium, mostly for 737, 767, 777, and 787 jets. It is used in engines, fans, disks and frames, prized for its resistance to heat and corrosion, and for its ratio of weight to strength.

•          The US Bureau of Industry and Security published a report last October warning that VSMPO-AVISMA was providing titanium sponges to customers in the US at “artificially low” prices, with Russian state support, enabling it to capture a “significant share of Boeing’s business”. This should have raised a red flag. Weeks later Boeing committed to even deeper ties with the company. In effect, Russia has been doing what China did earlier with rare earth metals: establishing a lock hold by selling below cost and knocking out the Western supply chain. The report said Russia is increasingly able to use this dominance “as a tool of geopolitical leverage”.

•          The Bureau warned that the US is down to one ageing plant capable of producing titanium sponge at scale, and no longer has any titanium reserve in the National Defense Stockpile. It relies on supply from a hostile state-controlled entity to build US fighter jets, rockets, missiles, submarines, helicopters, satellites, and advanced weaponry. The report called for urgent measures to rebuild domestic production and acquire strategic reserves. What a shambles.

•Airbus is even more vulnerable. Half its titanium sponge comes from Russia. Britain’s aerospace industry depends on Russian supply. VSMPOAVISMA has an operation near Birmingham, making commercial alloys for aerospace, medical technology, and the military. Putin knows that the pain threshold in the West is low after the fiasco of US sanctions against the aluminium producer Rusal in 2018. The US Treasury thought aluminium was a fungible commodity and that cutting off Rusal supply would not matter much. It learned a harsh lesson in market reality: global alumina prices doubled; the supply chain seized up, and there was collateral damage everywhere. The bureaucrats had failed to understand the stringent certification process in the industry. But the point is deeper. Russia cannot be strangled because it is systemically central to the world economy. Nor can Washington easily deny Russia semiconductor chips over the long run. The country has its own home-grown chip companies, led by Baikal and Micron. They can make midgrade chips down to 28-nanometres (nm), adequate for mobile phones and the like. These companies could undoubtedly raise their game if it were a top national priority. Russia cannot make 5nm and 7nm wafers needed for 5G mobile, artificial intelligence, or CPU and GPU technology. The US controls the global ecosystem of advanced chips and could prevent Taiwan’s TSMC or Korea’s Samsung from supplying Russia. It would hurt over time. But the semiconductor chain is notoriously complex and populated by middlemen. There would be all kinds of workarounds: Russia wouldn’t be able to get the cutting-edge stuff but it could get by with intermediate chips for most of its weapons. They can always fall back on the Chinese, and this would dilute the sanctions. It would not be easy for Russia because you can’t just switch over. Everything has to be redesigned to accept the Chinese chips, and they’re not the best either. It would set them back two or three years. Chinese companies were reluctant to breach US sanctions after the annexation of Crimea in 2014. It is a different world today. Xi Jinping has made it illegal for them to comply with US extraterritorial sanctions.

•          Focus on potential impacts to commodity trade flows over the coming months. We would expect a diversion of Russian exports of commodities away from Europe and North America, and towards China. Some experts are estimating that 15 million tons of wheat exports from the Black Sea region could be at risk if there were disruptions. Ukraine may still have 7 million tons of wheat available to add to Russia’s export quota of 8 million tons, he wrote in a report.

•          Let’s consider a roster of commodities in which Russia and Ukraine have a significant presence. For example, the region is a major global supplier of wheat, corn and sunflower oil and Ukraine’s rich, fertile soils have earned its nickname as the breadbasket of Europe. The country is the second-largest global grain shipper, while Russia often tops the ranking for wheat exports.

•          Russia is also one of the world’s most important sources of metals including aluminium and nickel. Aluminium consumers are already facing growing shortages during a booming period for demand, with surging orders from sectors including construction and packaging helping to drive inventories in European warehouses.

•          Palm oil also rocketed to a fresh record in Malaysia, climbing past 5,800 ringgit ($1,386) a ton on concern the global vegetable oils market would tighten further. Russia and Ukraine make up 80% of global sunflower oil exports.

•          Once you drill into the menu of western sanctions, it becomes painfully clear that the economic deterrent does not add up, either because the measures are less than they seem or because retaliation risk makes them unusable.

Lessons for India

It is clearly visible that a Nation with a weak Military will not be able to sustain itself against a technologically advanced adversary, it is therefore important that the civil-military gap be bridged. Leadership should be professionals and not with political leanings for personal gains. The defense services allegiance must remain to the constitution and not to the ruling dispensation / political party.

To sum up, while all the variables are known, President Putin and President Xi Jinping have played their cards, considering the OSINT factors, it is more of a stalemate, unless, the US and Europe want to engage the Bear and the Dragon in a mutually assured destruction conflict. President Putin may install a regime of his choice, how long will it last and dance to the tune of Moscow is unknown. The possible backlash is to replace Putin with someone more moderate, which is unlikely under the current circumstances.

(The author is an Indian Army Veteran. Views expressed are personal and do not reflect the official position or policy of Financial Express Online. Reproducing this content without permission is prohibited).

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How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

This surge is primarily driven by India’s increased imports of Russian crude oil, which rose twelvefold in 2022 to about 24 million tons, making Russia India’s largest oil supplier .

Title:

Content: Opinion

Treading a fine line

Ajit Doval’s high-stake visits to Russia and the US are reflective of India’s consistent efforts to balance ties with the rival superpowers; writes Vinay Kumar

X

India’s security and strategic interests on important global platforms have been in focus over the last month as National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval made hectic trips to the US and Russia.

Doval headed to the United States in late January and held a meeting with his US counterpart, Jake Sullivan. Earlier this month, he paid a visit to Russia where he joined top security officials from China, Iran and a number of Central Asian states to participate in a multilateral meeting on Afghanistan.

NSA’s recent visits to the world’s most important political capitals underlined the importance that India attaches to striking a delicate balance in its relations with both the countries at a time when global security and geopolitical environment appear uncertain. His visits to Washington DC and Moscow show India’s priorities in forging vital initiatives.

In Washington, the two NSAs agreed upon a number of important arrangements under the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) which was launched in 2022 and has the potential to have a transformative impact on India’s partnership with the US in areas like military, science & technology and key high-tech fields.

Considering the fact that Russia and the US have been at loggerheads, more so in the wake of the Ukraine War which has completed one year, Doval’s trip assumes significance. The icing on the cake was that the NSA also had one-on-one meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a rare instance of President Putin meeting a top-ranking official from India. His meeting with Doval also pointed towards the continued importance which both sides accord to each other in taking forward their engagement. At a time when Russia continues to face confrontation with the West over the war in Ukraine, Doval’s meeting with President Putin carries a special context. India, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has lent its voice to the peace-making efforts in Ukraine, stressing that today’s era is not an era of war. In his telephonic conversation with President Putin last September, PM Modi voiced his concern, stressing upon the need to take the path of diplomacy and dialogue, a stance often reiterated at various global forums at the highest level.

While India, having to put up with the Chinese threat, has warmed up to the US, it has also taken pains to maintain its relationship with Russia; though Moscow, facing increased isolation in the global community over the war in Ukraine, does not appear to be too pleased with the initiatives surrounding the Indo-Pacific, with the active involvement of the US and further deepening of strategic defence and technological ties between New Delhi and Washington. India has also stressed upon furthering its cooperation with Russia in sectors such as trade, energy and defence.

With the US, under the iCET initiative, India is poised to forge closer cooperation in the areas of Artificial Intelligence (AI), 6G, quantum technologies etc. Other focus areas include defence innovation, technology cooperation and semiconductor supply chains. Doval stressed upon the need to pin down the deliverables in these key focus areas to ensure that no slip-ups or laxity creeps in. Co-production and technology development have left much to be desired, though India is now billed as a major defence partner of the US

The NSA’s discussions in Washington DC and Moscow also point towards India’s keen desire to safeguard its key interests, make advances in high-tech areas and, at the same time, be ready to hold on to its independent position and avoid landing in confrontationist stance, so far as the two rival powers are concerned, as new dynamics is emerging rather rapidly in the geopolitical arena.

Views expressed are personal

Next Story

Title:

Content: INS Mormugao hits `Bulls Eye’ with BrahMos supersonic cruise missile firing

The supersonic missile is made in India under a India-Russia joint venture, BrahMos Aerospace and these can be launched from aircraft, land platforms, sub-sea and ships.

Indian Navy’s frontline guided missile destroyer INS Mormugao during her first BrahMos Supersonic cruise missile firing, INS Mormugao, has successfully hit ‘Bulls Eye’.

Both the potent weapon system and the destroyer are indigenously made and on Sunday displayed India’s AtmaNirbharta and India’s Navy firepower at sea, though the location of the test has not been specified by the Indian Navy.

The supersonic missile is made in India under a India-Russia joint venture – BrahMos Aerospace, and these can be launched from aircraft, land platforms, sub-sea,  and ships and is already inducted by the Indian Armed Forces.

Tests are being carried out on a regular basis to extend the ranges from the original 290 kms to around 450 kms and 600 km. The navy has already successfully conducted a test from another indigenous stealth missile destroyer INS Visakhapatnam.

Successful Exports

In 2022 the company has successfully signed a contract worth $375 million with the ASEAN nation The Philippines for three batteries of the missile for the Phillipines Navy and are in talks for the land based missile system for its Army. Sources confirmed to Financial Express Online “For the land variant of the supersonic BrahMos missile, the two sides have been in talks since almost a year. However, it will take time before it fructifies in a contract.”

Both sides were negotiating to finalise the contract in 2019, however,  it was reported earlier it was delayed due to certain constraints in that country. According to reports the missile acquired  is under the Horizon 3 Modernisation programme of the Philippines (Year 2023-2027). The initial discussions were related to the ASEANn nation’s plans to procure two missile batteries for its Army Artillery Regiment.

Following the successful inking of the first contract between the two sides, the Indian government is set to post a defence attaché in that country which is keen to purchase more Indian weapons systems and platforms, especially in the maritime domain.

It has been reported earlier that besides the missiles, Kanpur based MKU was already present there and had fulfilled successfully the delivery of Bullet Proof Jackets (BPJ) and is in talks for helmets and more BPJs.

In the aerospace sector the Philippines is keenly looking at Dhruv Helicopters for its Coast Guards and also around 8 Do-228 aircraft under the Line of Credit which has been extended by the Indian government.

Both countries have a MoU related to “framework for enhancing and strengthening cooperation in logistics support and services and in the development, production and procurement of defence materials.” This was signed during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to that country in 2017.

South-South Cooperation

Recently the BrahMos stand at the biggest defence expo in South America – LAAD in Rio de Janeiro, attracted a lot of footfall. Sources had confirmed to Financial Express Online that there were visits by various delegations from different countries – Brazil, Argentina, Algeria among others.

Financial Express Online has reported earlier that Brazil has expressed interest in the BrahMos-NG for its submarines which are soon going for mid-life refit and also capability enhancements. Also Brazil Air Force which is  flying SAAB’s Gripen-E could use this supersonic missile on board as one of the potent weapons.

Asean Region

Due to the ongoing Chinese aggression in the region the Indo-Russian BrahMos has attracted attention from other countries like Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand. Talks have reached an advanced stage of talks with the Indonesian authorities.

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First published on: 15-05-2023 at 15:23 IST

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India has capitalized on discounted Russian oil prices amid Western sanctions following the Ukraine conflict, securing critical energy supplies at favorable rates and stabilizing domestic fuel prices .

Title:

Content: By Naveen Kapoor

New Delhi [India], September 6 (ANI): Russia has said that it is concerned with threats that may emanate from Afghanistan and it anticipates that Pakistan will play a role to bring stability and peace.

Also Read | Brazil Suspends Use of China’s Sinovac COVID-19 Vaccine Over Fear of Contamination.

There are reports that Pakistan's secret service ISI and its military are playing a role in government formation in Kabul and fight against resistance forces in Panjshir . Pakistan is also reportedly providing air support to Taliban forces in Panjshir.

ISI chief Faiz Hameed was also recently seen in Kabul where he held parleys with the top leadership of the Taliban.

Also Read | Taliban Will Not Allow Any Country, Including Pakistan, to Interfere in Afghanistan’s Internal Affairs, Says Spokesman Zabiullah Mujahid.

Russian Ambassador to India Nikolay Kudashev told ANI during an interaction here that he is not aware of developments but anticipates Pakistan to play a role in bringing stability and peace.

"I am not aware of the situation, naturally dangers emanating from civil conflict of Afghanistan are enormous, thus it is our anticipation that Pakistan will be among one to contribute to predictability, stability in Afghanistan, to avoid possible civil conflict and to secure the environment when Afghanistan cease to be the hotbed of terrorism in central and south Asia," he said.

Taliban today said that it has taken over control of Panjshjir. However, the claim was denied by the resistance forces.

The Russian Ambassador also said that his country is concerned about threat of civilian conflict in Afghanistan.

"We don't want soil of Afghanistan should be used as source of terrorism. These are the very basic values which bring Russia and India together. I don't see much of the difference in our position as ambassador to India," he added

India and Russia share common concern on terrorism emanating from Afghan soil. India has already expressed its concerns over unfolding situation in Afghanistan and has India gas stepped up vigilance and security in view of any effect in Kashmir.

"As far as phenomenon of terror is concerned, I do share my concerns with India. There is a danger of terror emanating and spread to Russian territory and territory of Kashmir may be. This is a matter of common concern and this is a matter of congenial dialogue between Russia and India within multiple frameworks , framework of bilateral counter-terror working groups, " Kudashev said.

India is concerned that leaders of infamous Haqqani may find key position in new power structure of Afghanistan. The network has deep linkages with India-centric terror organizations like Lashkar-e-Taiba, Jaish-e-Mohammed and also share links with IS K. Haqaanis also share good equations with Pakistan spy agency ISI .

Russia is a key player in region and has not shut its embassy in Kabul. Most countries including United States have wrapped up their missions in the city.

On recognition to Taliban, Russia and India share similar positions and are on same page.

The envoy said it is too early to recognize Taliban and noted that there is no rush to recognize it.

He said the new Taliban dispensation should prove that it is a responsible government , that it is able to build inclusive government , that its able to look after every minority , every region of Afghanistan .

India has also said that it will wait and watch before recognizing Taliban.

The Russian envoy said, "we must give people of Afghanistan some creative solutions which are better than what terrorists offer".

"Let's offer solutions better, more promising and more attractive than terrorists do. If you want to offer sources of income, let's offer the development programmes. If you want to offer a connectivity solution, let these solutions be better than terrorists do," he said.

India and Russia are holding regular consultations at the level of Russian President Vladimir Putin and Prime Minister Narendra Modi and also at foreign ministry level.

"We are in close touch bilaterally, regionally, SCO, in Afghanistan contact group, within BRICS, , within G20 , multiple forums. Russia and India are global powers , this issue will figure in each and every format , I have already said I'm not ambassador to Afghanistan, I'm ambassador to India," Kudashev said.

"What is that we need in Afghanistan - security , predictability , inclusive government which satisfies the needs of Afghan people. Whether we are concerned with resurrection of terrorism , yes we are (on the) same (page) as you do. What is it we can do? We could face this threat and make our best to prevent it and (make) situation in and around Afghanistan inclusive.

"Afghanistan, its people need time to introspect, they need time to recuperate, they need some time to celebrate and rest, just give them some time and give them a ray of hope," he added. (ANI)

(This is an unedited and auto-generated story from Syndicated News feed, LatestLY Staff may not have modified or edited the content body)

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Indian officials emphasize that these purchases are legal and conducted within international sanction frameworks, as they are priced below imposed caps .

Title:

Content: Russian partnership: Jaishankar’s visit cements time-tested ties - The Tribune India

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Russian partnership

Jaishankar’s visit cements time-tested ties

S Jaishankar External Affairs Minister. PTI file photo

SUFFICE it to say that External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar has reassured the Kremlin that from New Delhi’s point of view, there is no attempt to alienate Russia. Also, that India’s deepening economic and security partnership with the West is not at the expense of Russia. That could explain why both Jaishankar and his counterpart Sergey Lavrov felt it necessary to highlight the special relationship. Moscow is a very valued and time-tested partner, Jaishankar, who’s on a five-day visit of the country, responded to a question on the western perception that India’s relationship with Russia is a handicap. Lavrov said the ties were built on mutual respect and not subject to political fluctuations. Inviting Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Russia, President Vladimir Putin said ties with friends were progressing despite the turbulence in the world.

A sweeping review of bilateral relations has been on the agenda. New Delhi has consistently called for an end to the hostilities in Ukraine, but has not publicly criticised Russia following the invasion. It has also resisted pressure from the US to impose sanctions, and ramped up purchase of Russian oil. Jaishankar has described Russian supplies, including fertilisers, as very big components of bilateral trade. The rupee-rouble payment mechanism, though, still has not been resolved. One reason Washington has reconciled itself to India’s stand on Russia could be that on the issue of China, it is seen as aligning itself more closely with the US. For New Delhi, it is also critical to understand that Russia’s isolation would push Putin closer to China.

An agreement has also been reached on future units of the Kudankulam nuclear power project in Tamil Nadu. It will have six reactors. Two had become operational by 2016. Lavrov has claimed tangible progress on plans to jointly produce military equipment. That could involve sustained negotiations. India has been open about diversifying arms imports and building stronger military ties for defence production.

#Russia #S Jaishankar

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

To navigate sanctions-related payment challenges, India and Russia have explored alternative mechanisms, including rupee-rouble transactions .

Title:

Content: India in talks with Russia on payment mechanisms

MEA has consistently stated that New Delhi’s objective is to stabilise its economic engagement with Russia

Photo for representation. — iStock

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, April 30

Russia is engaged in talks with India over alternate payment mechanisms even as both sides are negotiating for about 20 million barrels worth of crude from Rosneft at heavily discounted prices.

Having rebuffed European preaching over Ukraine at the Raisina Dialogue and with new statistics showing that sales of Russian crude to the US and Europe was over $ 70 billion, India is confident of striking its own path.

The MEA has consistently stated that New Delhi’s objective is to stabilise its economic engagement with Russia. There is a possibility that the Western sanctions against Russia might impact India. “Our objective has been to see how (we) can stabilise the economic transactions or economic engagement that we are doing with Russia in the current context,” MEA spokesperson Arindam Bagchi has said.

“There is a possibility that these sanctions might impact us and that is why we are having the inter-ministerial discussions and other conversations to see how we can keep our economic interactions with Russia stabilised and also to see how we can ensure our interests are not affected,” he added.

India’s strategy appears to be two pronged. One, it is in the market along with China and several other nations to buy crude oil at heavily discounted prices from Rosneft, which incidentally operates the second biggest private refinery in India. Second, India is also keen to occupy the vacuum in the merchandise sector after the withdrawal of European companies from the market and is looking at a boost of $ 2 billion. Due to the ongoing trade with European countries and even the US, Rosneft has several non-sanctioned intermediaries and trading companies which are in talks with Indian companies.

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

rupee-ruble payments were introduced to avoid western sanctions on Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

rupee-ruble payments were introduced to avoid western sanctions on Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

rupee-ruble payments were introduced to avoid western sanctions on Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

rupee-ruble payments were introduced to avoid western sanctions on Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

**Strategic Autonomy and Geopolitical Balancing** A defining feature of the Modi-Putin era is India’s policy of strategic autonomy.

**Strategic Autonomy and Geopolitical Balancing** A defining feature of the Modi-Putin era is India’s policy of strategic autonomy.

**Strategic Autonomy and Geopolitical Balancing** A defining feature of the Modi-Putin era is India’s policy of strategic autonomy.

India has maintained robust ties with Russia despite Western pressure to distance itself over the Ukraine conflict, abstaining from UN votes condemning Russia and calling for dialogue and peace instead .

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Content:
Russia has agreed in principle to support India in this strategic endeavour, a significant development that emerged during Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to Moscow

The state-owned Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) is currently in discussions with multiple global defence forces about the potential production and export of Sukhoi Su-30MKI fighter jets. It’s noteworthy that Russia has agreed in principle to support India in this strategic endeavour, a significant development that emerged during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s visit to Moscow. Sources from the defence establishment confirmed to FinancialExpress.com that “HAL is in active talks to build these fighter jets at its Nashik facility. Russia, the original manufacturer of the Sukhoi jets, has agreed to support this production effort, reinforcing the strategic partnership between the two countries.”

The collaboration between India and Russia is of significant importance. It underscores a broader agreement to encourage joint manufacturing and technology transfer, as highlighted during Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to Moscow. This agreement is a testament to the strategic partnership between the two countries.

HAL’s Nashik division has played a pivotal role in the Make-in-India program. Both India and Russia have agreed to promote joint ventures to maintain and produce Russian-origin defence equipment under this program. The initiative aims to fulfil the requirements of the Indian Armed Forces and enable exports to friendly foreign countries, marking a significant milestone in India’s defence export strategy.

HAL’s Nashik division has demonstrated its expertise by successfully overhauling Sukhoi-30MKI fighter jets. Recently, the defence secretary presented the Indian Air Force (IAF) with the 100th overhauled Su-30MKI, praising HAL’s efforts in establishing a robust Repair and Overhaul (ROH) facility. Despite supply chain challenges due to the current geopolitical situation, HAL’s Nashik division has achieved a peak overhaul capacity of 20 Sukhoi-30MKI aircraft annually.

The establishment of the ROH facility in 2014 was a ground breaking milestone, marking it as the first facility of its kind worldwide. HAL has successfully developed ROH technology with invaluable support from the IAF, regulatory bodies, and private industries, positioning itself as a major player in the aerospace sector.

Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL), in partnership with the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), launched an ambitious ₹60,000 crore upgrade of the Su-30MKI fighter jet fleet. The upgrade will enhance the aircraft’s capabilities by introducing cutting-edge radars, advanced mission control systems, state-of-the-art electronic warfare capabilities, and the seamless integration of sophisticated weapon systems.

HAL’s Chairman and Managing Director, CB Ananthakrishnan, recently confirmed the substantial involvement of the private sector in this initiative, reinforcing HAL’s pivotal role as the lead integrator. This collaboration underscores the growing synergy between India’s public and private defence sectors, positioning HAL at the forefront of the nation’s aerospace advancements.

(With reporting by Bharatshakti.in)

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Content: Afghanistan and flow of abandoned US weapons to Kashmir topped NSA Doval's agenda in Dushanbe

By IANS | Published: May 28, 2022 12:24 PM2022-05-28T12:24:06+5:302022-05-28T12:35:07+5:30

New Delhi, May 28: India has expressed deep concern over sophisticated American arms and ammunition from terror-torn Afghanistan landing ...

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New Delhi, May 28: India has expressed deep concern over sophisticated American arms and ammunition from terror-torn Afghanistan landing in the hands of Islamic jihadists in the region.

In Dushanbe on Thursday, during his meeting with the Secretary of the Supreme National Security Council of Iran Ali Shamkhani, National Security Advisor Ajit Doval highlighted the high volume of American weapons remaining in Afghanistan after the US exit.

"The large amount of American weapons left in Afghanistan, part of which has fallen into the hands of terrorists, is one of the major threats to our neighbours," India's security boss was quoted as saying by the Iranian media during his meeting with Shamkhani.

NSA Doval's comments came less than 24 hours after the gruesome murder of Kashmiri TV artist Amreen Bhat by Lashkar-e-Tayyiba pistol-borne terrorists in Jammu and Kashmir's Budgam district.

As reported by IndiaNarrative.com, the valley vlogger's death occurred at a time when the local police had seized the first haul of the 15 highly sophisticated US-made pistols which, according to an officer, were found with 15-round magazines.

"Conventional Chinese pistols have 8-round magazines. These American pistols, which have been smuggled straight from Afghanistan in the last few months, have the capacity of firing 30 rounds from twin magazines," said the officer.

NSA Doval was in the Tajikistan capital to attend the 'Fourth National Security Advisors/Secretaries of the Security Councils Regional Security Dialogue on Afghanistan Issues' which concluded today.

Besides India and Iran, the two-day event was also attended by high-ranking representatives of Russia, Kazakhstan, China, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uzbekistan.

On Thursday, India's National Security Advisor also held talks with Nikolai Patrushev, the Secretary of the Security Council of the Russian Federation.

Both top officials stressed the importance of further coordination of interaction between the two countries on a wide range of issues of national and international security.

The security chiefs also discussed the whole range of problems related to the development of the situation in Afghanistan, as well as specific practical measures to counter the challenges and threats emanating from the Afghan territory.

During the Security Dialogue on Friday, NSA Doval highlighted India's historical and civilisational relations with Afghanistan and stressed the need to find constructive ways to ensure peace and stability in Afghanistan and combating risks from terrorism emanating from the region.

"India was and is an important stakeholder in Afghanistan. Special relationship with people of Afghanistan over centuries will guide India's approach. Nothing can change this," he told the gathering of security chiefs.

Carrying forward the spirit encapsulated in the Delhi Declaration from the 3rd Regional Security Dialogue on Afghanistan held in New Delhi in November 2021, NSA Doval batted for enhancing capability of Afghanistan to counter terrorism and terrorist groups which pose a threat to regional peace and security.

All participating countries emphasised that a peaceful, stable and prosperous Afghanistan is in the common interest of the countries of the region and the international community.

In the joint statement released after the meeting, the heads of delegations reaffirmed the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of Afghanistan and noted that the mechanisms for establishing lasting peace and harmony should be developed in accordance with the principle "By the Afghans themselves, under the leadership of the Afghans and controlled by the Afghans".

"At the same time, all parties should maintain dialogue and communications with Afghanistan and call on Afghanistan to create a broad and inclusive political structure, pursue a sustainable and moderate domestic and foreign policy, and develop friendly relations with all countries, especially with countries in the region," it mentioned.

They also called on the relevant Afghan parties to take more "realistic steps" to eradicate all types of terrorist groups, stop the movement of all terrorist organisations, dismantle their training camps both in Afghanistan and in the region, and ensure that Afghanistan does not serve as a breeding ground, safe haven or source for the spread of terrorism.

"The heads of delegations note the inadmissibility of international terrorist organizations using the territory of Afghanistan for shelter, training, planning or financing of any terrorist acts against the countries of the region. In this context, concern was expressed about the possibility of terrorists and other destructive elements penetrating the territories of their countries under the guise of refugees from Afghanistan," the joint statement detailed.

The eight countries also expressed hope for the practical implementation by Afghanistan of its anti-drug obligations, for the adoption of concrete measures against the cultivation, production and illicit trafficking of narcotic drugs.

Disclaimer: This post has been auto-published from an agency feed without any modifications to the text and has not been reviewed by an editor

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Title:

Content: International

Modi Gets A Red Carpet Welcome In Moscow

Modi’s visit the first since the Ukraine war has given a fillip to India-Russia ties

PM Modi with Russian President Putin in Moscow Photo: X/@Narendramodi

Russia has pulled out all the stops to make Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s first bilateral foreign visit since taking office for the third time, a memorable one. A visit by Modi, the leader of the world’s largest democracy is a feather in Russia’s cap, at a time when the US and its allies have tried to isolate Putin and project him as a pariah on the world stage.

He was received at the airport by First Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov and later had dinner with President Vladimir Putin at his home, a singular honour reserved for the Indian PM. Putin took the wheel Monday evening  to drive Modi around his Dacha in an electric vehicle. The PM also picked up Russia’s highest civilian award, the Order of St Andrew the Apostle for his stellar contribution to India-Russia ties. The award was announced in 2019.

"Gratitude to President Putin for hosting me at Novo-Ogaryovo this evening. Looking forward to our talks tomorrow as well, which will surely go a long way in further cementing the bonds of friendship between India and Russia," Modi posted on X after the dinner.

Modi’s visit coincides with the NATO summit in Washington starting later on Tuesday. Additionally, on Monday, news of a deadly Russian strike in Ukraine leading to several deaths and a hit on a children’s hospital was something Modi could have done without. More so as New Delhi is treading a delicate balance between Russia, a time-tested ally and its growing closeness to the US, India while not condemning Russia’s invasion had told President Putin that this was not the era of war. He expanded on this again during his talks with the Russian leader.

"It is a huge disappointment and a devastating blow to peace efforts to see the leader of the world’s largest democracy hug the world’s most bloody criminal in Moscow on such a day,”  Ukraine’s President Zelensky said in a post on X.

In the opening remarks ahead of the delegation level talks in the Kremlin on Tuesday, Modi spoke out, “whether it’s conflict war or terror, any person who believes in humanity is troubled when there are deaths, especially when innocent children die…I know that war cannot solve problems, solutions and peace talks can't succeed among bombs, guns and bullets. And we need to find a way to peace through dialogue,” Modi said in televised remarks with Putin sitting on a chair beside him. These words will be seen by the US and its allies as a positive move. Later at a briefing by foreign secretary Vinay Kwatra after the talks in Moscow, he said that the Prime Minister had offered India’s support and any contribution it could make to bring peace and stop the bloodshed.

The two-day visit to Moscow, Modi’s first since the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, is being closely watched in Western capitals. While most European leaders have stayed away from Russia, the rest of the world, including leaders of the global south have refused to boycott Moscow. A host of leaders including from the UAE, South Africa, Egypt and other African nations, as well as Turkey, Indonesia and even Israel had met Putin in Moscow. In fact former Israeli president Naftali Bennet was in Russia in March 2022, just after the invasion of Ukraine.

On Monday in Washington, answering reporters’ questions on Modi’s visit to Moscow, State Department Spokesman Matthew Miller said: "We would urge India, as we do any country when it engages with Russia, to make clear that any resolution to the conflict in Ukraine needs to be one that respects the UN charter, that respects Ukraine’s territorial integrity, Ukraine’s sovereignty. India is a strategic partner with whom we engage in a full and frank dialogue. And that includes our concerns about their relationship with Russia," he said.

But the US knows well that India cannot be pushed beyond a point and doing so could be counter-productive. "Prime Minister Modi has from the beginning been careful to emphasise that he will not be deflected from pursuing India’s national interests and forced into positions that are  dictated by the geo-political considerations of other countries,’’ says P S Raghavan Chairman of the National Security Advisory Board, and a former ambassador to Russia.

So despite the all-pervasive sanctions on Russia slapped by the Biden administration, India has been buying discounted Russian oil, refining here and selling to several European countries. It is an open secret that Europe is picking up Russian oil from India. All this after the fracas European countries made about New Delhi buying oil from Russia soon after the sanctions.

Earlier on Tuesday, Modi laid a wreath at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier and later met with members of the Indian diaspora. Here he gushed over India-Russia ties and said "Every Indian considers Russia to be India’s friend in good and bad times.” He also announced the setting up of two new consulates in Kazan and Yekaterinburg in the industrial area of  Russia.

The bilateral talks reviewed all aspects of the Special and Privileged Partnership between India and Russia. A major point of discussion was the request to send back all Indians who had joined the Russian army to be sent back home. Most of them were unemployed youth duped by agents to travel to Russia with the promise of earning big bucks. Many did not realise they had to serve in the front lines of the war. Two of them were unfortunately killed. India had been demanding that the 35-50 of the remaining Indian nationals be sent home. When a question was asked if those who were willing to stay behind would also be sent back, the foreign secretary did not reply. Nor did he give a deadline when the men would return. He said the two sides would look into it. The focus of the talks was mainly on economics and the promise to reach $100 billion in bilateral trade by 2030. However thanks to the quantity of oil India is buying from Russia the figure is already a little over $60 billion already. But trade is skewed as the balance of payment is in  favour of Russia. The two sides are planning on more joint production. The Prime Minister leaves for Austria later on Tuesday.

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In the shifting sands of geopolitics, several changes in the past few weeks would make agile diplomacy the key instrument of foreign affairs for any country. First up is the difficult, India-US-Russia tightrope trick. Russia last week announced their new foreign policy, which emphasises the deepening of ties with strategic allies India and China. The Russian NSA and his Indian counterpart also got into a huddle on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, NSA-level meeting, to discuss expanding the bilateral defence partnership. It now emerges that the two sides could have discussed expanding the partnership for joint research and manufacturing of next-generation supersonic BrahMos missile systems.

Russia seems to have greater technological know-how for the development of this high-speed (at least five times faster than the speed of sound with higher degrees of manoeuvrability) missiles, ahead of both China and US. Meanwhile, India is all set to enhance its naval capabilities including its ability for defending its sea frontiers, from the recent acquisition of superior technology helicopters, missiles and torpedoes capable of taking down submarines, from the US. The initial reluctance from the US to have India as a strategic defence partner in the Indo-Pacific region now seems to have given way to a pragmatic approach, keeping in mind India’s strategic defence needs, and its centrality to the Indo-Pacific.

The Indo-Pacific region, at one point in time, relegated to appendix sections of Washington’s foreign policy books, has found complete bipartisan support from opposite ends of the political spectrum in US politics. The imminent threat is the rising heft of China in the region, which has assumed the role of being the biggest bully, having clawed into some of the most influential national economies in the region. Most of the influence China wields in the Indo-Pacific rides on its opaque infrastructure funding policies, which have forced many of these growth-hungry economies to fall into a fatal debt trap. These economic blunders in turn give China the upper hand to start influencing the nation’s domestic politics, which goes well with the dragon’s expansionist agenda.

However, the US has taken note and brokered a peace truce between Japan and South Korea, the two technology-aided Asian giants. These two countries, even though not too warm to each other due to historical reasons, are joined in the common threat of an aggressive China in their backyard. The US knows that any future dominance in the global world order would be defined by technological advancements, and the ability to integrate technology into their defence equipment. Every breakthrough, every new use case and standard set, for emerging technology such as Artificial Intelligence would be critical for the race to the top.

It has already operationalised the US-India initiative on Critical and Emerging technologies, to expand the existing defence industrial partnership and strategic technology partnership to a wider set of stakeholders. Meanwhile, discussions regarding supply chain resilience, expansion and cooperation, on new technology form the pillars for all QUAD discussions, which has the US, India, Japan and Australia, as its members. The US is also aggressively pushing countries in South and South-Southeast Asia into a like-minded bloc of partners through the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework initiative, where India is also a founding member. China meanwhile has also managed to stitch together one of the largest free trade agreements in the world, through the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, giving it market access to most of the economies in the region. India chose to sit out of RCEP, citing the unfair advantage accrued to China.

Against this backdrop, the guns are still blazing in eastern provinces of Ukraine. Many expect China and India to play the silent backroom boys role to broker peace between Ukraine and Russia. It is going to be volatile situations ahead for every country.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

This approach allows India to preserve its critical defense and energy relationships with Russia while deepening its engagement with the US and other Quad members to counter China’s assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific .

Title:

Content:
India-Russia trade ties have strengthened, with trade volume reaching $65.7 billion in the financial year ending in March 2024.

In a landmark development, India has supplied aluminium to Russia, which itself is the world’s second-largest exporter of the metal, according to Sputnik’s analysis of Indian customs data.

India sold 44,800 tons of unprocessed aluminum to Russian companies for $16.5 million in April, according to the figures furnished.

In the meantime, in May, Indian Foreign Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar has stressed that the growing bilateral trade between India and Russia is not merely a temporary phenomenon, but rather a sustained trend that is opening up new economic opportunities for both countries.

Meanwhile, Russia has been a major exporter of the metal, and it was the world's second largest, with supplies worth $6.5 billion till the end of 2023.

Our Bureau

Title:

Content: ISSN 2330-717X

India Rethinks Ties With China – Analysis

By

By B R Deepak*

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The rise of China triggered a regional power shift that has been felt across East Asia and into the Himalayas. As China changes the status quo of the Indo-Pacific, it talks of promoting a multipolar world. But in practice it has a problem with multipolar Asia and is unwilling to accommodate India’s interests. In response to this, India is aligning itself more closely with the United States and its allies.

When evaluating India’s policy choices in East Asia, history cannot be overlooked. India–China rapprochement in the late 1970s, amid the Cold War and the rise of globalisation, saw the two countries grow closer. Their budding relationship found common ground in being at the same stage of development.

It was through this parity that a series of confidence-building measures (CBMs) were signed, enabling India and China to normalise and diversify their relationship into other areas. They became part of various multilateral mechanisms such as the Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, East Asia Summit and the BRICS grouping (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa).

Trade flourished and Chinese investment in India’s telecom, electronics, solar and, most notably, digital sectors increased by leaps and bounds. While India had a twinge of envy for China’s rise, it saw opportunities for win–win cooperation. Yet over the past two decades, India has become increasingly wary of the dangers of widening economic, military and technological asymmetries between the two countries.

The power shift in Asia has resulted in Chinese behavioural changes. With its growing regional power, China has felt less compulsion to abide by the CBMs. It has started flexing its muscles along the disputed border regions between India and China, resulting in bloodshed and prolonged standoffs.

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Until very recently, India acted like a ‘swing state’ between major powers in the region and avoided taking sides. This can be gleaned from India’s initial lukewarm reception to the idea of the Quad. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s keynote address at the 2018 Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore wished for India and China to ‘work together in trust and confidence, sensitive to each other’s interests’.

Many believe it was the 2017 border standoff in Doklam that pushed India to rethink its involvement in the Quad. If that is the case, the 2020 border clash in Galwan likely played a decisive role in India’s move to incorporate the Quad and the Indo-Pacific Strategy into its military and foreign policy.

It is unsurprising that Chinese scholars now see India’s ‘Act East Policy’ and other sub-regional and multilateral mechanisms as subservient to the Indo-Pacific strategy. These multilaterals include the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation, the Security and Growth for All in the Region vision and the Indian Ocean Rim Association — many of which are designed to counterbalance China’s growing influence.

Whether or not these mechanisms serve the goals of the Indo-Pacific strategy, India has indeed shifted its gaze away from China and towards Southeast Asia to initiate connectivity projects. One of them — the India–Myanmar–Thailand Trilateral Highway — has been extended to run through Cambodia and Vietnam and is expected to be completed by 2023

India supports the idea of ‘ASEAN centrality’ and envisages a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific region built on a rules-based international order. This obvious rebalancing has enhanced India’s security cooperation with the United States and other regional middle powers. The institutionalisation of the India–US 2+2 dialogue, the Quad, the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework and the US–India Malabar exercises point to this growing cooperation.

The growing India–US partnership has riled China. Some Chinese scholars have claimed that India refuses to support the ‘One China Policy’ over the Kashmir issue, which is home to a long-standing territorial dispute between India and China. But the late Indian minister of external affairs Sushma Swaraj has also called upon China to respect its own ‘One India Policy’.

Compared to China, India is relatively weak in economic and political power. In 2021, China–ASEAN trade accounted for US$878.2 billion, outstripping India–ASEAN trade, which stood at US$78 billion. But East Asian countries have always been positively inclined towards India’s engagement in the region, though most do not support India’s self-proclaimed role as a ‘net security provider’ — a role that they believe should be reserved for the United States.

China believes that India’s Act East Policy ‘will allow India to intervene’ and ‘warm up’ to other countries on issues surrounding the South China Sea. This may become a drag on China–ASEAN relations in future. But China will not cede the space it once did before its rise.

Similar anxieties have been expressed by India over China’s attempts to increase its footprints in the Indian Ocean. The docking of the Yuan Wang 5 — a Chinese ‘spy ship’ — at Hambantota, Sri Lanka, was particularly concerning for India.

In the face of a prolonged standoff on the India–China border and the growing US–China rivalry, India finds itself leaning more towards the United States and its allies. India sees this as best for its economic and technological advancement and for the realisation of its larger global aspirations.

*About the author: B R Deepak is Professor of Chinese and China Studies at the Centre of Chinese and Southeast Asian Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

Source: This article was published by East Asia Forum

East Asia Forum

East Asia Forum is a platform for analysis and research on politics, economics, business, law, security, international relations and society relevant to public policy, centred on the Asia Pacific region. It consists of an online publication and a quarterly magazine, East Asia Forum Quarterly, which aim to provide clear and original analysis from the leading minds in the region and beyond.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
energy

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
energy

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
energy

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India’s External Affairs Minister S.

India’s External Affairs Minister S.

Jaishankar has described the relationship as “steady” and “unique,” underscoring the importance of balancing ties with both Russia and the West .

Title:

Content: Perilous Ukrainian conflict

India’s stance of not taking sides in the Ukrainian conflict thus is bound to be severely tested as the war is entering a more dangerous phase.

India continues its delicate balancing act in not joining the chorus of Western nations in condemning Russia’s eight-month long war in Ukraine while appealing for dialogue to end the conflict. Unfortunately, the war has entered a more perilous phase with Ukraine staging a stunning military counter-offensive since early September and an increasingly cornered Russia annexing four regions through referenda and mobilising reserves for this never-ending conflict. Last Sunday, Ukrainian forces were in full control of the eastern logistics hub of Lyman, the most significant battlefield gain, which provides a staging post for lightening offensives to recapture more territory in the east. Russia, for its part, has vowed to use “all means” including nuclear weapons, to defend its territorial annexation. Worsening geopolitical tensions are bound to impact the energy and food security of the developing world, including India. Even on the diplomatic front there are costs involved as India’s stance is bound to be increasingly viewed by Western nations as a tacit support for president Putin. But true to form. India abstained on a resolution at the UN Security Council that condemned Russia’s “illegal so-called referenda” in four of Ukraine’s regions while reiterating its plea in favour of peace, diplomacy and dialogue.

Also read: The cost of the Fed’s challenged credibility

India’s restrained position on the Ukrainian conflict obviously stems from its limited geopolitical options. If it joins the West, there is the risk of antagonising the time-tested, reliable relations with Russia. At a time of Chinese aggression on its northern and northeastern borders, the last thing India wants is a disruption of Russian defence equipment on which it depends heavily. Since the Ukraine conflict began in late February, India has also emerged as a big purchaser of deep-discounted Russian oil—buying 765,000 barrels a day last month from limited quantities earlier—in the interests of its energy security. But there are costs with this strategic objective as the ambit of Western sanctions is steadily widening on Russian oil and gas supplies with the US unveiling a raft of new measures against top Russian officials. This is bound to pose serious payment problems for India which is not keen as yet to bypass the Western financial system. Not so long ago, there were reports that Russia was seeking payment for its oil supplies to some Indian customers in the UAE dirham. India would have been relatively insulated from all of this had the rupee-rouble trade agreement of yesteryear been fully re-activated. But this is still a work-in-progress at the moment with no clarity on the peg to fix the rupee-rouble exchange rate. India’s exporters are weighing the impact of fresh sanctions with concern with shipments to Russia dropping by 30% between April to July this fiscal, according to a report in FE.

Also read: RBI’s calibrated approach to target inflation

India’s stance of not taking sides in the Ukrainian conflict thus is bound to be severely tested as the war is entering a more dangerous phase. It has already unleashed the spectre of a full-blown global food crisis—with prices of wheat and other essentials spiraling up—that threatens vast parts of the developing world. Prime minister Narendra Modi did mention these issues to president Putin when they met at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit in Samarkand. The big question is how much longer would India sit on the fence as the costs are steadily mounting not just on the economic but also the international diplomatic front?

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**Impact of India–China Rivalry** India’s rivalry with China is a central driver of its evolving relationship with Russia.

**Impact of India–China Rivalry** India’s rivalry with China is a central driver of its evolving relationship with Russia.

**Impact of India–China Rivalry** India’s rivalry with China is a central driver of its evolving relationship with Russia.

The 2020 Galwan Valley clash and ongoing border tensions have heightened India’s security concerns, making Russian military technology and support even more vital .

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India views its partnership with Russia as a strategic counterbalance to China’s growing regional influence and seeks to prevent a scenario where Russia is pushed closer to China, which could undermine India’s security interests .

Title:

Content:
India-Russia trade ties have strengthened, with trade volume reaching $65.7 billion in the financial year ending in March 2024.

In a landmark development, India has supplied aluminium to Russia, which itself is the world’s second-largest exporter of the metal, according to Sputnik’s analysis of Indian customs data.

India sold 44,800 tons of unprocessed aluminum to Russian companies for $16.5 million in April, according to the figures furnished.

In the meantime, in May, Indian Foreign Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar has stressed that the growing bilateral trade between India and Russia is not merely a temporary phenomenon, but rather a sustained trend that is opening up new economic opportunities for both countries.

Meanwhile, Russia has been a major exporter of the metal, and it was the world's second largest, with supplies worth $6.5 billion till the end of 2023.

Our Bureau

Title:

Content: India in talks with Russia on payment mechanisms

MEA has consistently stated that New Delhi’s objective is to stabilise its economic engagement with Russia

Photo for representation. — iStock

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, April 30

Russia is engaged in talks with India over alternate payment mechanisms even as both sides are negotiating for about 20 million barrels worth of crude from Rosneft at heavily discounted prices.

Having rebuffed European preaching over Ukraine at the Raisina Dialogue and with new statistics showing that sales of Russian crude to the US and Europe was over $ 70 billion, India is confident of striking its own path.

The MEA has consistently stated that New Delhi’s objective is to stabilise its economic engagement with Russia. There is a possibility that the Western sanctions against Russia might impact India. “Our objective has been to see how (we) can stabilise the economic transactions or economic engagement that we are doing with Russia in the current context,” MEA spokesperson Arindam Bagchi has said.

“There is a possibility that these sanctions might impact us and that is why we are having the inter-ministerial discussions and other conversations to see how we can keep our economic interactions with Russia stabilised and also to see how we can ensure our interests are not affected,” he added.

India’s strategy appears to be two pronged. One, it is in the market along with China and several other nations to buy crude oil at heavily discounted prices from Rosneft, which incidentally operates the second biggest private refinery in India. Second, India is also keen to occupy the vacuum in the merchandise sector after the withdrawal of European companies from the market and is looking at a boost of $ 2 billion. Due to the ongoing trade with European countries and even the US, Rosneft has several non-sanctioned intermediaries and trading companies which are in talks with Indian companies.

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

However, Russia’s deepening ties with China, especially in military and energy cooperation, present a strategic challenge for India, raising concerns about Moscow’s neutrality in the event of India-China hostilities .

Title:

Content: 31 Dec, 2023 08:46

Deeper than diplomacy: There is a reason why New Delhi and Moscow rely on each other

Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy is the core strength of bilateral ties, as the Indian foreign minister’s latest visit proves

Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar’s five-day official visit to Russia was timely and significant for more than one reason.

India and Russia had held annual summits at the leadership level since 2000. This sent an important message in terms of the value attached by the two countries to bilateral ties, but it also conveyed a broader geopolitical message to other international partners of the two countries.

But this practice was broken largely because of Russia’s pre-occupation with the Ukraine conflict and its fallout. The last annual summit took place in 2021.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin could have held a summit on the margins of the BRICS summit in Johannesburg in South Africa or the G20 summit in New Delhi, but Putin did not attend either. While Jaishankar’s visit does not substitute for a summit meeting, it was intended to fill a political gap.

Jaishankar and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov have met six times during the year, and the Indian external affairs minister also met with Russian Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov during the year on the economic agenda. For Jaishankar to visit Russia before the end of the year, undeterred by the Russian winter and holiday season, reflects the importance both sides attach to the further expansion of ties.

Putin has on several occasions praised the Indian prime minister and positively noted the country’s economic progress. At the ‘Russia Calling’ Forum in early December this year, he said that despite pressure from others, he “cannot imagine that Modi could be frightened, intimidated or forced to take any actions, steps, decisions that would at variance with the national interest of India and the Indian people.” He noted that sometimes he is surprised at Modi’s tough stance on Indian national interests. He added that the policy pursued by Modi is the “main guarantor” of the developing bilateral ties.

This is high and unusual praise by Putin. It can be interpreted on several levels – particularly as an acknowledgement that India has resisted pressure from the US and others to condemn Russia over the Ukraine conflict, impose sanctions, and reduce defense ties with Russia. India has, on the contrary, bought discounted Russian oil to the point that Russia has become its biggest oil supplier. It has argued that ensuring this market flow of Russian oil has helped avoid a major spike in oil prices and checked global inflation. Indian-Russian trade has expanded, while the G7 has broken economic and trade ties with Russia.

India played a major role as G20 president in negotiating the part in the Leaders’ Declaration on the Ukraine conflict despite the hardening of the G7 position and that of Russia and China after the G20 summit in Bali. The final text does not mention Russia by name, while the G7 was satisfied that the general formulations in it could be sold as being directed at Russia’s military operation in Ukraine.

Not surprisingly, Putin complimented India for de-politicizing the G20. India chaired the SCO summit in July 2023 and participated in the BRICS summit in South Africa in August 2023. This countered G7 attempts to isolate Russia diplomatically. In fact, the New Delhi SCO Declaration spoke of more effective global institutions, a more representative, just, and multipolar world order based on international law and multilateralism, and criticized the unilateral application of economic sanctions – a clear critique of the Western-dominated global system.

It is against this backdrop that Putin received Jaishankar at the Kremlin, the first time that such a gesture has been made to him personally. The general unavailability of Putin to visiting foreign ministers is well-known.

Jaishankar delivered a personal message from Modi to Putin. During the meeting, Putin invited his “friend Modi” to visit Russia in 2024 and noted that Indian-Russian ties were on the whole developing well. He said that he had been briefing Modi on developments in Ukraine, remarking that he understands the Indian prime minister is willing to do his utmost to resolve the matter by peaceful means. He added that he would give additional information to Jaishankar on Ukraine.

India has continued to strengthen ties with the US, including in the defense domain. It is a member of the Quad and a strong supporter of the Indo-Pacific concept, both of which are intended to deter China’s regional ambitions. Russia has reservations about the Quad and the Indo-Pacific concept, which it sees as the US engaging in bloc politics in Asia.

Putin’s praise for Modi and India and the gesture of receiving Jaishankar takes into consideration these realities of India’s foreign policy which are meant to safeguard the larger national interests. At the core of this is Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy. Jaishankar’s high-profile visit and the vigorous language used to mark the importance of India’s traditional ties with Russia would have caught Washington’s attention.

Jaishankar noted that after talks with Lavrov, “what clearly came out was that India-Russia relations remain very steady, remain very strong, they are based on our strategic convergence, on our geopolitical interests, and because they are mutually beneficial.” The two leaders discussed political cooperation within international organizations such as BRICS, the SCO, etc.

Indian-Russian trade is at an all-time high, exceeding $50 billion last year, and should pass that figure this year. It includes energy, fertilizers, coking coal, and other items, for which long term arrangements were discussed. India intends to expand investments in Russia’s oil and gas sector.

On the nuclear side, two important amendments were agreed to which will take the Kudankulam nuclear power project forward. Mutual investments, progress on a bilateral investment treaty, and the resumption of negotiations between India and the Eurasian Economic Union for a free trade agreement will be resumed in the second half of January 2024.

Moscow and New Delhi will expand cooperation in the Russian Far East. India expects a large representation from this region at the Vibrant Gujarat Summit in January 2024.

Connectivity between India and Russia will be critical for expanding trade ties – connectivity from western India through the International North-South Transport Corridor, and connectivity from eastern India, from Chennai to Vladivostok, and the polar route. To promote tourism, India is open to increasing the number of flights from India every week.

The talks between Jaishankar and Lavrov were comprehensive. They discussed the global strategic situation, Ukraine, Gaza, the Indo-Pacific, ASEAN, Afghanistan, UN-related matters, the challenges facing the Global South, and the building of a multipolar order. China would undoubtedly have been discussed, but diplomatic discretion here would be normal.

In the joint press conference, Lavrov spoke of prospects for more defense cooperation, including joint production of modern weapons under New Delhi’s ‘Make in India’ program, and, importantly, expressed respect for India’s efforts to diversify its defense ties. He noted bilateral cooperation in rocket engine manufacturing and satellite navigation systems.

Jaishankar’s visit was productive in maintaining the momentum of Indian-Russian ties, which have been built over 60 years, a relationship that he believes is not just about politics, diplomacy, or economics, but is much deeper.

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Toward the end of March, an unusual sequence of diplomatic visitors passed through India’s capital.

First came Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, Austrian Foreign Minister Alexander Schallenberg and U.S. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Victoria Nuland. They were followed by Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias, Omani Foreign Minister Sayyid Badr Albusaidi and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi.

The parade continued. Next to arrive were Gabriele Visentin, the European Union’s special envoy for the Indo-Pacific; Marcelo Ebrard, Mexico’s foreign minister; Jens Plotner, foreign and security policy adviser to German Chancellor Olaf Scholz; and Geoffrey van Leeuwen, foreign affairs and defense adviser to Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte. Last and by no means least were U.S. deputy national security adviser Daleep Singh, U.K. Foreign Secretary Liz Truss and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov. There was also an online Indo-Australian summit.

The Ukraine war has exposed India’s strategic vulnerabilities in a tough neighborhood as arguably nothing else could, raising fundamental questions about the country’s global position and regional security. But, paradoxically — as the slew of recent high-profile visits confirms — the conflict has increased India’s strategic importance and, in the short term, widened its options.

Has Prime Minister Narendra Modi used this room for maneuver well? The West, even as it seeks to line up India on its side vis-a-vis Ukraine, has signaled its understanding of India’s dependence on Russia for vital defense equipment and long history of close diplomatic relations with the Kremlin.

China has been somewhat surprised to find itself on the same page as India regarding the war. Both countries abstained in a series of United Nations votes condemning the Russian invasion and have maintained their communication channels with the Kremlin despite Western sanctions. China has been asking for restoration of “normal” bilateral relations with India, which have been in a deep freeze since violent border clashes in June 2020 killed 20 Indian soldiers. “The world will listen when China and India speak with one voice,” Wang reportedly stated on his recent visit to Delhi.

Russia, no doubt eager to thank India for “understanding” the Kremlin’s position, has offered the country economic incentives — notably, discounted oil and gas and affordable fertilizer — to dissuade it from changing its stance.

While India’s long-standing focus on “strategic autonomy” has kept it out of formal alliances, its broad geopolitical orientation has been veering toward a special partnership with the United States, notably in the Indo-Pacific. India is a member of the U.S.-led “Quad,” an informal grouping also including Japan and Australia that is widely seen as a way to check China’s regional ambitions.

India has also significantly increased its defense purchases from the West in recent years, and, with the U.S., is seeking to modernize its manufacturing base for military equipment. This process is likely to be accelerated by India’s current realization that its dependence on Russian supplies imposes significant constraints, particularly in the event of a future border crisis with China.

Singh, the U.S. deputy national security adviser, pointedly warned of “consequences” should India breach the Western-led sanctions on Russia, and he urged India to recognize the diminishing value of its close relationship with the Kremlin. “The more Russia becomes China’s junior partner, the more leverage China gains over Russia, the less and less favorable that is for India’s strategic posture,” he told an Indian TV channel. “Does anyone think that if China breaches the Line of Actual Control, that Russia would now come to India’s defense? I don’t.”

China has been pushing the BRICS grouping (of which it is a member, along with Brazil, Russia, India and South Africa) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as models of non-Western collaboration that can ensure a multipolar world order. But Chinese blandishments toward India are unlikely to succeed if China’s leaders are not willing to reverse their military gains from unprovoked Himalayan incursions in the spring of 2020. India will accept nothing less than a return to the status quo ante of April 2020 as the price for normalizing bilateral relations. But whether it can leverage China’s overtures to achieve results on the ground remains to be seen.

Russia, meanwhile, is aware that India’s refusal to condemn its assault on Ukraine does not imply support. India has at no stage endorsed the Russian military campaign and its language has notably hardened as the war has dragged on. Indian statements now pointedly refer to the inviolability of borders, respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states and the inadmissibility of resorting to force to resolve political disputes, even while calling on “both sides” to pursue diplomatic negotiations.

India has also been quick to provide humanitarian assistance to Ukraine, sending 90 tons of relief materials. As the destruction has become more intense, its aid is likely to continue. India will gladly purchase essential supplies of fuel and fertilizer from Russia at discounted rates in rubles. But its diplomatic stance and decreasing reliance on Russian defense equipment mean that it is not completely in Russia’s camp.

Still, India’s calls for peace in Ukraine would have been more credible had it taken steps to bring about that outcome. Whereas countries like Turkey and Israel have been actively engaged in peace diplomacy, India has made no effort to play a mediating role, despite at one point sending four cabinet ministers to Europe to supervise the evacuation of Indian citizens from Ukraine. Even Lavrov suggested in Delhi that India could help “support” a mediation process.

India could have used the diplomatic attention it has been getting over Ukraine to carve out a role worthy of its aspirations for a permanent seat on the U.N. Security Council. Sadly, its ambitions seem to have been too modest.

India’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, observed in 1946 that “India, constituted as she is, cannot play a secondary part in the world. She will either count for a great deal or not count at all.” Ukraine is a test case — and the jury remains out. Will today’s India count at all?

Shashi Tharoor, a former U.N. under-secretary-general and former Indian minister of state for external affairs and minister of state for human resource development, is an MP for the Indian National Congress. © Project Syndicate, 2022

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What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

This has prompted India to diversify its defense partnerships and increase engagement with the US and other Western powers .

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Russia's growing closeness to China
India's growing closeness to the U.S.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Russia's growing closeness to China
India's growing closeness to the U.S.

**Regional Security and Multilateral Cooperation** India and Russia share concerns over regional security, particularly regarding Afghanistan and the threat of terrorism .

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Content: All news

Russia testing model of descent vehicle for Indian spacecraft — Deputy PM

Denis Manturov stated that Russia is also making contracts to supply sets of flight suits and sets of crew seats and speed sensors

NEW DELHI, April 18. /TASS/. Russia is conducting aerodynamic tests of the descent vehicle and the emergency rescue system for India’s Gaganyaan manned spacecraft, an official at the office of Deputy Prime Minister and Industry and Trade Minister Denis Manturov told reporters on Tuesday.

"We are assisting in the implementation of the program for creation of India’s manned spacecraft Gaganyaan. <..> Contracts are being concluded for wind tunnel testing of models of the descent vehicle and the emergency rescue system of the Indian manned spacecraft for the Gaganyaan mission," the official said.

He added that Russia is also making contracts to supply sets of flight suits and sets of crew seats and speed sensors.

According to Manturov’s office, manned space programs and satellite navigation are now the key areas of space cooperation between the two countries. In addition, much attention is being paid to the training of Indian cosmonauts.

Earlier, the general director of the Zvezda enterprise, Sergey Pozdnyakov told TASS that spacesuits and their accessories as well as shock-absorbing seats for India's manned space mission Gaganyaan are ready. In turn, JSC Glavkosmos (part of Russian space corporation Roscosmos) reported it had delivered the systems and equipment for the ship to the Indian side.

Gaganyaan program

In August 2018, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi officially announced that his country would send its first national space crew into orbit by August 2022, as the country prepared to celebrate the 75th anniversary of independence from British colonial rule. The name of the project "Gaganyaan" (from the Sanskrit "gagan" - heaven) means "celestial vehicle". While the three crew members were originally scheduled to spend five to seven days in orbit, a group of Indian astronauts have already been trained in Russia's Star City (Zvyozdny gorodok).

However, in November 2022, the ISRO announced that due to the coronavirus pandemic, which essentially halted work on the project in March 2020, the launch of the Gaganyaan mission into space was postponed.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Both countries collaborate in multilateral forums such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and BRICS to address security challenges and promote stability in Eurasia and the Indian Ocean region .

Title:

Content: All news

Russia testing model of descent vehicle for Indian spacecraft — Deputy PM

Denis Manturov stated that Russia is also making contracts to supply sets of flight suits and sets of crew seats and speed sensors

NEW DELHI, April 18. /TASS/. Russia is conducting aerodynamic tests of the descent vehicle and the emergency rescue system for India’s Gaganyaan manned spacecraft, an official at the office of Deputy Prime Minister and Industry and Trade Minister Denis Manturov told reporters on Tuesday.

"We are assisting in the implementation of the program for creation of India’s manned spacecraft Gaganyaan. <..> Contracts are being concluded for wind tunnel testing of models of the descent vehicle and the emergency rescue system of the Indian manned spacecraft for the Gaganyaan mission," the official said.

He added that Russia is also making contracts to supply sets of flight suits and sets of crew seats and speed sensors.

According to Manturov’s office, manned space programs and satellite navigation are now the key areas of space cooperation between the two countries. In addition, much attention is being paid to the training of Indian cosmonauts.

Earlier, the general director of the Zvezda enterprise, Sergey Pozdnyakov told TASS that spacesuits and their accessories as well as shock-absorbing seats for India's manned space mission Gaganyaan are ready. In turn, JSC Glavkosmos (part of Russian space corporation Roscosmos) reported it had delivered the systems and equipment for the ship to the Indian side.

Gaganyaan program

In August 2018, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi officially announced that his country would send its first national space crew into orbit by August 2022, as the country prepared to celebrate the 75th anniversary of independence from British colonial rule. The name of the project "Gaganyaan" (from the Sanskrit "gagan" - heaven) means "celestial vehicle". While the three crew members were originally scheduled to spend five to seven days in orbit, a group of Indian astronauts have already been trained in Russia's Star City (Zvyozdny gorodok).

However, in November 2022, the ISRO announced that due to the coronavirus pandemic, which essentially halted work on the project in March 2020, the launch of the Gaganyaan mission into space was postponed.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

The evolving security environment, shaped by the US withdrawal from Afghanistan and the resurgence of the Taliban, has reinforced the importance of India-Russia cooperation in counter-terrorism and regional stability .

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Saturday, February 26, 2022

Friends and partners on both sides: Why India abstained on UN vote against Russia

With the abstention, India has managed to hold its balancing act for another day, despite the considerable pressures from the West to get off the fence, and an open call from the Russian envoy in Delhi for its support.

Written by Nirupama Subramanian , Edited by Explained Desk | Mumbai |
February 26, 2022 12:13:04 pm
UN Ambassadors hold a minute's silence for Ukraine during a United Nations Security Council meeting on Friday. (Photo: Reuters)

India’s abstention from the vote on the draft resolution with “deploring in strongest terms” Russia’s operations inside Ukraine was no surprise, given the fine balance Delhi has sought to strike between its crucial partnership with Moscow and its Western allies over the last month.

Russia used its veto to kill the draft resolution, which was co-sponsored by the United States and Albania, and supported by more than 40 other members of the General Assembly. When a resolution is taken up, UNSC members have to cast their vote before any of the Permanent 5 decides to use their veto on it.

Russia-Ukraine Crisis |Follow Live Updates

China, too, abstained. Among the non-permanent members, India’s abstention found company in the United Arab Emirates, another strong partner of the United States.

The US envoy to the UN said after the vote that “there is no middle ground” and that it would be taken next to the General Assembly “where Russia has no veto”.

How India explained its abstention

Explaining the stance, India’s Permanent Representative to the UN T S Tirumurti said “we are deeply disturbed by the recent turn of developments in Ukraine. We urge that all efforts are made for the immediate cessation of violence and hostilities”.

“Dialogue is the only answer to settling differences and disputes, however daunting that may appear at this moment. It is a matter of regret that the path of diplomacy was given up. We must return to it. For all these reasons, India has chosen to abstain on this resolution,” Tirumurti added.

What New Delhi achieves with this move

With this, India has managed to hold its balancing act for another day, despite the considerable pressures from the West to get off the fence, and an open call from the Russian envoy in Delhi for its support.

On Thursday, the ambassadors of the G-7 countries in Delhi had met in a show of solidarity with the Ukrainian envoy Igor Polikha, who openly appealed to Prime Minister Narendra Modi to take a stand against Russia’s violation of Ukraine’s territorial integrity.

UNSC resolution on Russian invasion of Ukraine: |How countries voted

“Ambassadors of G7 countries & UKR in Delhi met today to express their solidarity with people of UKR & to exchange information on Russia’s unjustifiable military aggression (GER currently holds G7 presidency). This is a moment to stand up for peace, rule-based order & intern law!” German ambassador Walter J Lindner tweeted.

Unofficially, several of these envoys have been conveying their concern to their Indian interlocutors about Delhi’s unwillingness to shed its neutrality over the conflict.

On Thursday, President Biden indicated that the US was in talks with India, when he was asked about Delhi’s position on the conflict. “We’re going to be — we’re in consultation with — with India today. We haven’t resolved that completely.”

Meanwhile, Russia, too, has been keeping up the pressure by lauding India’s “unbiased stand” in the Security Council. The Kremlin readout of the Modi-Putin conversation did not take note of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s appeal to the Russian president for a “cessation of violence” and a return by all parties to dialogue.

It appeared that in saying this, Delhi had decided to do the barest minimum to keep the West off its back, without an expression of concern or condemnation.

Strategic partners on both sides

India’s strategic ambivalence at this moment of a big turning point in world geopolitics is born out of its friendships and strategic partnerships on both sides. Russia is India’s biggest and time-tested supplier of defence weapons. Despite its growing friendship with China, Moscow has boosted India’s defence capabilities with the S-400 air defence system. Defence Minister Rajnath Singh had recently visited Moscow at the height of India’s crisis with the Chinese Army at the Line of Actual Control in June 2020. And Russia has stood behind India at the UNSC on all issues.

At the same time, India has a long-standing partnership with the United States, which includes defence pacts, trade and investment, technology, and a huge connect through the Indian diaspora and people-to-people contacts, with thousands of students leaving the country every year to study in American universities. The same with Europe. Additionally, France, which is as one of the P-5, is a vital friend of India in the UN Security Council.

Within India’s foreign policy establishment, there is an ongoing debate on what India might gain or lose by its neutrality and the consequences of siding with the West.

India’s position may have to be calibrated constantly as the situation evolves. A joint statement after the vote, read out by US envoy to the United Nations Linda Thomas-Greenfield, described the resolution as “vital” and “straightforward”, aimed “to hold Russia accountable for its aggression against Ukraine”.

“Fundamentally, it was about whether the countries on the Security Council charged with maintaining international peace and security believe in upholding the UN Charter. Russia alone is accountable,” the statement read. “President Putin is the aggressor here. There is no middle ground,” it added.

What happens next?

The 43-odd sponsors of the resolution now plan to take it to the General Assembly, where, according to Ambassador Thomas-Greenfield, “the Russian veto will not apply and the nations of the world will continue to hold Russia accountable”.

According to the Security Council Report, during negotiations on the draft, China wanted a change in the draft’s use of Chapter VII of the UN Charter (which allows the Council, once it determines a threat to the peace, a breach of the peace or an act of aggression, to take measures, including the use of force) to Chapter VI (which speaks about peaceful settlement of disputes).

A timeline of UN’s meetings on the Ukraine issue

Including the February 25 meet, the Security Council has so far held five meetings on Ukraine — on January 31, at the request of the US; on February 17, at Russia’s request to brief members on the Minsk II agreement, seven years of which was marked on February 12; on February 21, following Russia’s recognition of the breakaway regions of Donetsk and Luhansk, an open meeting was held at the request of Ukraine, with support from Albania, France, Ireland, Norway, the UK, and the US among others; on February 23, an extraordinary/emergency meeting at the request of Ukraine, after the authorities of the two “republics” requested military assistance from Russia, and Moscow initiated its “special military operations”.

Apart from this, on February 23, the General Assembly held a regular session on the agenda: “The situation in the temporarily occupied territories of Ukraine”.

At the January 31 meeting, India abstained from a vote on whether to hold a discussion on the Ukraine situation, and also indicated support for Russia’s “legitimate security interests”.

At the February 21 meeting, after Russia recognised the two breakaway regions, India expressed “deep concern” at the “escalation of tensions on the Ukraine-Russia border”, and called for “restraint on all sides”. Ambassador T S Tirumurti said at the meeting that the “immediate priority was de-escalation of tensions taking into account the legitimate security interests of all countries and aimed towards securing long term peace and security in the region and beyond”. He added that India was convinced that the issue could be resolved only through diplomacy and dialogue.

At the February 23 meeting, India said it “regret[s] that the calls of the international community to give time to the recent initiatives to defuse tensions were not heeded”, and that the crisis, if not handled urgently, would undermine “the peace and security of the region”. Without naming any parties, India called for “immediate de-escalation” and “refraining from any further action” that could lead to a worsening of the crisis.

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

**Technological and Space Cooperation** Technological collaboration, especially in defense and space, has been a hallmark of the partnership.

**Technological and Space Cooperation** Technological collaboration, especially in defense and space, has been a hallmark of the partnership.

Joint projects include the BrahMos missile, AK-203 rifles, and the S-400 system .

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Content: Russia, India Agree To Further Study Prospects For Cooperation In Peaceful Use Of Space

Russia and India will study the prospects for cooperation in the development of launch vehicles and the use of outer space for peaceful purposes, according to a joint statement by Russian President Vladimir Putin and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi following the 21st Russian-Indian summit

MOSCOW (UrduPoint News / Sputnik - 06th December, 2021) Russia and India will study the prospects for cooperation in the development of launch vehicles and the use of outer space for peaceful purposes, according to a joint statement by Russian President Vladimir Putin and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi following the 21st Russian-Indian summit.

"The Sides welcomed the enhanced cooperation between the State Space Corporation "Roscosmos" and the Indian Space Research Organization, including in the human spaceflight programs and satellite navigation and agreed to study the prospects of the development of mutually beneficial cooperation in the development of launch vehiclesand use of outer space for peaceful purposes, including planetary exploration," the statement says.

Moscow and New Delhi also expressed concern about the possibility of an arms race in outer space and its transformation into an arena of military confrontation.

"Both sides expressed concern over the possibility of an arms race in outer space and outer space turning into an arena for military confrontation. They reaffirmed commitment to takeefforts for the prevention of an arms race in outer space and its weaponization," they said.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
security & military
weapons supply

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
security & military
weapons supply

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
security & military
weapons supply

In space, India and Russia have cooperated on human spaceflight and satellite navigation, with Russia assisting India’s Gaganyaan program through technical support and equipment .

Title:

Content: India, Russia express deep concern on situation in Middle East

Moscow: India and Russia have expressed “deep concern” on the situation in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Gaza and called for immediate and unconditional release of all hostages.

The joint Statement following the 22nd India-Russia Annual Summit said the two sides called for the effective implementation of the relevant United Nations General Assembly resolutions and United Nations Security Council resolution 2720 and for immediate safe and unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance in the Gaza Strip.

In the joint statement, India and Russia said, “The Sides expressed deep concern on the situation in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Gaza. In this regard, they called for the effective implementation of the relevant UNGA resolutions and UNSC resolution 2720 and for immediate safe and unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance at scale directly to the Palestinian civilian population throughout the Gaza Strip.”

“They also called for the effective implementation of the UNSC resolution 2728 for a lasting and sustainable ceasefire. They equally called for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages as well as humanitarian access to address their medical and other humanitarian needs,” it added.

The two nations affirmed their support for Palestine’s full membership in the United Nations and reiterated their commitment to the principle of the two-state solution.

The joint statement reads, “They reaffirmed their support for Palestine’s full membership in the United Nations and reiterated their unwavering commitment to the principle of the two-state solution according to internationally accepted basis.”

The conflict in Gaza escalated after the October 7 attack by Hamas, where about 2,500 terrorists breached the border into Israel from the Gaza Strip, leading to casualties and the seizure of hostages.

Israel has since, characterised its Gaza offensive as targeting Hamas’ infrastructure with the goal to eliminate the entire terror group while making efforts to minimize civilian casualties.

The statement was issued after Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin held talks in Moscow.

India and Russia agreed to strengthen joint efforts to build an architecture of equal and indivisible regional security and to intensify consultations on complementarities between integration and development initiatives in Greater Eurasian space and the regions of the Indian and Pacific oceans.

The joint statement further said, “The Sides underlined the importance of strengthening cooperation within various regional fora, aimed at deepening regional peace and security, including East Asia Summit, ASEAN Regional Forum on Security (ARF), ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting Plus (ADMM-Plus).”

The two nations noted the importance of expanding efforts to combat climate change and achieving the goals of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement.

The joint statement reads, “The Sides noted the importance of expanding efforts to combat climate change and achieving the goals of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement.”

“In this regard, the Sides agreed to develop cooperation in the field of preventing climate change and adapting to it, including the exchange of experience on the organization and operation of greenhouse gas emission quota systems, the implementation of joint Russian-Indian investment projects in the field of low-carbon development, as well as sustainable and “green” financing,” it added.

The two nations agreed to continue interaction within G20, BRICS, and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) on key issues like increasing the sustainability and developing resiliency of international supply chains, compliance with free and fair trade rules and climate change, according to the joint statement.

India and Russia welcomed the launch of the BRICS Contact Group on Climate Change and Sustainable Development within the framework of the Environment Working Group under the Russian Chairship in BRICS in 2024.

During his visit to Russia, PM Modi held talks with Russian President Putin. The two leaders also visited the Rosatom Pavilion at the VDNKh Exhibition Centre in Moscow.

PM Modi was ceremoniously presented with the Order of St Andrew the Apostle the First-Called, Russia’s highest civilian honour, by Putin.

Notably, the award was bestowed on PM Modi in 2019, but he received it physically on Tuesday. The Prime Minister was presented with this award for his distinguished contribution to the development of a privileged strategic partnership between Russia and India and friendly ties between the two countries.

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Content: India-Russia strategic partnership growing stronger: Russian Envoy Alipov

Russian Ambassador to India Denis Alipov said that the 'special Russia-India strategic partnership' has shown strength and is 'growing stronger as ever''

ANI Asia

2 min read Last Updated : Jun 08 2023 | 1:10 AM IST

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Russian Ambassador to India Denis Alipov said that the 'special Russia-India strategic partnership' has shown strength and is 'growing stronger as ever''.

"There have been lies about Russia on a daily basis and on a global scale. Efforts are being made to disrupt Russia - India relations," Envoy Alipov said during the state reception hosted in the national capital that was dedicated to the National Day of the Russian Federation.

Lauding the 'special Russia - India strategic partnership', the envoy said, "The indispensable truth however is- the special Russia-India strategic partnership has shown strength and we keep growing stronger than ever".

From the Indian side, Minister of State for Ministry of External Affairs and Education Rajkumar Ranjan Singh attended the event along with other senior officials of the government of India.

Ambassadors and military attaches of other countries were also present on the occasion. During the celebrations, Ratheesh Nair, Honorary Consul of Russia in Trivandrum was awarded the 'Order of Friendship' in recognition of his exceptional work in the promotion of Russia-India bilateral ties.

Ambassador Alipov also underscored the commitment to "enriching achievements of the Russian-Indian special and privileged strategic partnership" while also highlighting Nair's considerable contribution to the promotion of bilateral ties.

The Moscow Cossack Choir's performance with Russian folk songs and rousing dances, supported by the Government of Moscow, became a bright decoration of the evening that ended with festive fireworks.

Topics :India RussiaRussia

First Published: Jun 08 2023 | 7:11 AM IST

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These initiatives enhance India’s indigenous capabilities and strategic deterrence, particularly in the context of China’s advancements in these domains .

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

**Arctic and Far East Cooperation** The Arctic region and Russia’s Far East have emerged as new areas of collaboration.

**Arctic and Far East Cooperation** The Arctic region and Russia’s Far East have emerged as new areas of collaboration.

India has expressed interest in Arctic cooperation, focusing on climate change and resource management, while joint investment projects in the Russian Far East aim to strengthen connectivity and economic linkages .

Title:

Content: Top

Old friends

X

On Monday, PM Modi spoke over the phone with Russian President Vladimir Putin. The phone call reportedly was a follow-up on many of the issues raised during Putin's recent India visit on December 6. According to a statement by the PMO, the two leaders have agreed to remain in regular touch with each other on a range of issues covered under the India-Russia Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership. Insofar as visits from foreign dignitaries and leaders go, Putin's visit to India earlier this month was arguably the most consequential development for India in the field of foreign affairs for quite some time. India, as may be known, has a long and storied relationship with Russia and its precursor, the Soviet Union. From the earliest days, the friendship between the two nations had a strong strategic undertone with both sides supporting each other on the world stage whenever necessary. Indeed, the Soviet Union was undeniably India's greatest ally in the 20th century against the machinations of the western powers like the US that did not take kindly to India announcing itself to be a 'socialist' nation. From Kashmir to the Bangladesh Liberation War, Russia has stood by India in defence of its strategic interests. As a proof of the relationship, a majority of military equipment India currently possesses was either directly supplied by Moscow or is otherwise of Russian origin. In recent years, with the fall of the Soviet Union and India's move towards liberalising its economy, India has ventured out into the world to make a new set of friends. This time around, it is India and the US that are getting along like a house on fire. India has deliberately sought to widen its field diplomatically and militarily in order to not be tied down to a single nation with the rather pragmatic understanding that there are no permanent relationships in international politics. In more recent times, Russia and India have somewhat drifted further apart as Russia bands together with India's rival China to take on the hegemony of the western world that is held up by the US. While India has no interest in joining the US in its power games against Russia, it is very much interested in leveraging its relationship with the west in its struggle to contain a belligerent China. It is here that India has had to perform a tremendous tight-rope walk, particularly following the 2014 annexation of Crimea by Russia. On the one hand, you have America that wishes to limit or even extinguish India's strategic relationship with Russia. On the other, you have Russia that is increasingly concerned and agitated by India drawing ever closer to the US's sphere of influence as it joins America in endeavours like the Quad grouping. Of particular concern to both sides is India's continuing dependence on Russia for military equipment. The US, already having sanctioned Turkey for the same, looks on menacingly as it threatens India with sanctions for buying the S-400 missile system. Russia, of course, is not only interested in keeping its old defence ties but even expanding them, as it has been recently teasing India with the possibility of being the first nation in the world to buy the improved S-500 missile system. In this regard, Putin's visit to India could be termed as symbolic. Since the beginning of the pandemic, Putin has only ventured out twice from his country, with the second trip being the one to India. His tone and body language during the meeting with PM Modi spoke volumes of the importance he attaches to maintaining the ties with India. Aside from underscoring the good working relationship he has with India's PM, the visit also highlighted that despite the recent turns of history, the two nations still have much to share and collectively work towards. Common concern in regards to the Taliban and Afghanistan is one such area that the two sides are looking to cooperate on in the near future. Another is strengthening existing defence ties between the two nations. Underscoring its strategic independence, India has decided to continue with its defence dealings with Russia, discussing the purchase of the S-400 missile system while also finalising a long-pending Rs 5,000 crore deal for the production of over five lakh AK-203 rifles in a joint Indo-Russian deal. But all said and done, the future of India's relationship with Russia still has some shades of uncertainty. Primary amongst them is the ongoing escalation between Moscow and NATO in regards to Ukraine and eastern Europe. If Russia should choose to brave threats of western sanctions to take action in Ukraine, where does this leave India? Can India still continue its balancing game between east and west at a time when geopolitics are heating up to a boiling point? That remains to be seen.

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Content: New Delhi | Jagran News Desk: Prime Minister Narendra Modi met visiting Russian president Vladimir Putin at Delhi’s Hyderabad House on Monday evening. Prime Minister said that India-Russia ties are stronger than ever.

Prime Minister Modi added that despite the challenges posed by the pandemic, there has been no change in the relationship between India and Russia. He further pointed out that the two countries cooperated during the COVID-19 crisis too, in the field of vaccine and humanitarian support. "The relation between India and Russia is truly a unique and reliable model of interstate friendship," Prime Minister Narendra Modi said.

"You (Putin) should be credited for the strategic partnership between our countries for the 3 decades," PM Modi said, acknowledging Russian President Vladimir Putin's role in nurturing the bilateral traditions between India and Russia.

India a great power, time-tested friend: Vladimir Putin

Russian President Vladimir Putin said that Russia considers India 'a great power' and a 'time tested' friend. "The relations between our nations are growing and I am looking into the futur," Putin added while further asserting his happiness at being in India, saying that he is 'happy to travel to India'.

"Currently mutual investments stand at about 38 million with a bit more investment coming from the Russian side. We cooperate greatly in military and technical sphere like no other country. We develop high technologies together as well as produce in India," Putin said.

This is the first in-person meeting between PM Modi and President Putin after their meeting on the sidelines of BRICS summit in Brazil in 2019 before the beginning of COVID-19 pandemic. Both the leaders are scheduled to hold deliberations to review the prospects of bilateral relations and recalibrate the long standing India-Russia friendship.

"The agenda for the dialogue will cover political and defence issues of mutual interest. The establishment of this new mechanism of two plus two dialogue is expected to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries," Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Arindam Bagchi had said earlier.

Posted By: Mukul Sharma

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

These efforts are partly motivated by the need to counterbalance China’s growing presence in these strategically significant regions .

Title:

Content:
India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday. At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

The 22nd Russia-India Annual Summit will lead to a greater collaboration between the two countries in Russian Far East and the Eurasian space, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), according to experts.

The 81-paragraphbilateral Joint Statement underscored the "shared vision" to enhance transport and connectivity cooperation, as well as a "solid commitment" to enhance economic linkages in Russia's resource-rich Far East, Pravesh Kumar Gupta, an Associate Fellow at New Delhi-based think tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), told Sputnik India.

The 22nd Annual Summit, a "unique and pivotal event in the current global geopolitical context" according to Gupta, exposed the disappointment of Western countries.

"Amidst global turbulence, the summit served as a crucial platform for leaders to engage in constructive discussions and strategic dialogues, with the aim of bolstering cooperation in vital areas such as trade, energy, connectivity, defence, and technology. This event has been widely acknowledged as a significant milestone in the ongoing development of the close ties between India and Russia, a success that stood in stark contrast to the disappointment felt by the Western world," the Indian think-tanker asserted.

Lauding the Summit outcomes, Gupta remarked that the leaders would intensify effort to develop "promising production and marketing chains in Eurasia" and stick to the new plan for the Far East in providing enhanced cooperation in different sectors, including transport and connectivity.

Specifically both leaders shared a vision pointing to three projects – International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor as well as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), or the Polar Route.

"Most importantly, these connectivity projects are free from any political agenda, unlike the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as clearly mentioned in the joint statement. Their implementation will be based on the principles of transparency, broad participation, local priorities, financial sustainability, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations," the VIF pundit underlined.

Gupta expressed confidence that the proposal to establish a joint working group on developing the NSR would speed up the project, which promised "significant cost savings and reduced shipping times" for goods traveling between Europe and Asia.

"The route's increased accessibility due to melting Arctic ice has sparked increased interest in its potential for commercial shipping and trade, offering a bright future for global trade," Gupta stated.

In the context of the INSTC, the expert underscored that it could turn out to be the most "cost-effective and favourable" connectivity project to increase Indian exports to Eurasia and vice-versa. He explained that the 7,200-kilometre-long multimodal corridor was in line with Moscow's geo-economic focus on Asia-Pacific following the Ukraine conflict.

Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'

In terms of bolstering cooperation in Asia-Pacific, or near India's own neighbourhood, Modi and Putin shared approaches on building a "new architecture" of a 'Greater Eurasian space'.

Although, initially Russia was focused primarily on the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, the Ukrainian conflict completely changed the situation, Alexey Kupriyanov, an expert in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) at Moscow-based think tank IMEMO RAS told Sputnik India.

At the same time, the think-tanker highlighted that a growing trade turnover between Russia and India was pushing Moscow to return to the Indian Ocean Region, primarily to ensure the protecting of Russian vessels in areas not covered by Indian Navy's operations, which include the Red Sea and the Mediterranean region.

"In the long term, this means that Russian ships will soon operate more intensively in the Indian Ocean and expand their presence," Kupriyanov stressed.

It would bolster India's security efforts and help it manage the power competition between China and the US, even as Indian Navy has intensified inter-operability with western maritime forces in recent years, the expert asserted.

"Since India's focus is primarily on the eastern part of the region, Russian ships in the western part could help fill the vacuum of security there. This will reduce the need for East African countries to seek help from China and the US to combat pirates, smugglers and drug traffickers," Kupriyanov concluded.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

Title:

Content: New Delhi | Jagran News Desk: Prime Minister Narendra Modi met visiting Russian president Vladimir Putin at Delhi’s Hyderabad House on Monday evening. Prime Minister said that India-Russia ties are stronger than ever.

Prime Minister Modi added that despite the challenges posed by the pandemic, there has been no change in the relationship between India and Russia. He further pointed out that the two countries cooperated during the COVID-19 crisis too, in the field of vaccine and humanitarian support. "The relation between India and Russia is truly a unique and reliable model of interstate friendship," Prime Minister Narendra Modi said.

"You (Putin) should be credited for the strategic partnership between our countries for the 3 decades," PM Modi said, acknowledging Russian President Vladimir Putin's role in nurturing the bilateral traditions between India and Russia.

India a great power, time-tested friend: Vladimir Putin

Russian President Vladimir Putin said that Russia considers India 'a great power' and a 'time tested' friend. "The relations between our nations are growing and I am looking into the futur," Putin added while further asserting his happiness at being in India, saying that he is 'happy to travel to India'.

"Currently mutual investments stand at about 38 million with a bit more investment coming from the Russian side. We cooperate greatly in military and technical sphere like no other country. We develop high technologies together as well as produce in India," Putin said.

This is the first in-person meeting between PM Modi and President Putin after their meeting on the sidelines of BRICS summit in Brazil in 2019 before the beginning of COVID-19 pandemic. Both the leaders are scheduled to hold deliberations to review the prospects of bilateral relations and recalibrate the long standing India-Russia friendship.

"The agenda for the dialogue will cover political and defence issues of mutual interest. The establishment of this new mechanism of two plus two dialogue is expected to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries," Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Arindam Bagchi had said earlier.

Posted By: Mukul Sharma

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

**Public Perception and Media Representation** In both Indian and Russian media, the bilateral relationship is portrayed as enduring and strategically important.

**Public Perception and Media Representation** In both Indian and Russian media, the bilateral relationship is portrayed as enduring and strategically important.

**Public Perception and Media Representation** In both Indian and Russian media, the bilateral relationship is portrayed as enduring and strategically important.

Russian officials and media emphasize the strength and reliability of the partnership, countering narratives of decline due to shifting global alignments .

Title:

Content: Day 2: India forges ahead: Strengthening Defence Ties Amidst Challenges with Russian-Origin Equipment

The Working Group Meeting between India and Russia aims to foster stronger defence ties between the two countries.

Amidst ongoing challenges with Russian-origin defence equipment, India is actively working on enhancing its military cooperation with key nations. As part of this effort, the third Meeting of the Indian-Russian Intergovernmental Commission on Military and Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-M&MTC) is going on in New Delhi. On day one of the two day the meeting, chaired by Lt Gen Johnson P Mathew from the Indian side and Lt Gen Dylevskii Igor Nikolaevich from the Russian side, focused on addressing issues related to spare parts and maintenance of the Russian equipment utilized by the Indian armed forces.

The Working Group Meeting between India and Russia aims to foster stronger defence ties between the two countries. This strategic dialogue assumes added significance with India’s increasing dependence on Russian defence equipment, ranging from Sukhoi fighter jets to tanks and naval assets. The ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict has impacted military supplies to India, raising concerns over payment mechanisms and delays in deliveries. However, the Russian defence industry’s resilience and focus on production of various defence items have shown positive signs, ensuring continued support to India’s armed forces.

In the backdrop of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, India has consistently advocated for dialogue and diplomacy to resolve the crisis. Despite the challenges, India has strengthened its trade ties with Moscow and remains committed to enhancing defence cooperation. To achieve this goal, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has undertaken two successful visits to prominent nations, the United States and France, where key defence deals were announced.

The meeting is taking place close on the heels of the recently concluded visits of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the US and France. During his visit to the United States, PM Modi reaffirmed the strategic partnership between India and the US. Both nations inked significant defence deals aimed at bolstering India’s defence capabilities and strengthening military ties. Similarly, in Paris PM Modi engaged in fruitful discussions, resulting in important defence agreements that will pave the way for enhanced cooperation between the two countries’ armed forces.

India’s commitment to bolstering its defence capabilities and cooperation remains unwavering, even amidst challenges with Russian-origin equipment. The recent Working Group Meeting with Russia reflects the nation’s determination to find solutions collaboratively.

Get live Share Market updates and latest India News and business news on Financial Express. Download Financial Express App for latest business news.

First published on: 19-07-2023 at 11:02 IST
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Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Indian media highlight the pragmatic benefits of the relationship, especially in defense and energy, while acknowledging the complexities introduced by Russia’s closer ties with China and the Ukraine conflict .

Title:

Content: Will Trump Win US Presidential Elections?

x

Donald Trump

Highlights

Does India firmly believe that Trump will win the race in US presidency? Does India want Trump to come to power to end the war between Russia and Ukraine? If the comments made by the key leader of the Republican Party, Nikki Haley are any indication, it appears so.

Hyderabad: Does India firmly believe that Trump will win the race inUS presidency? Does India want Trump to come to power to end the war between Russia and Ukraine? If the comments made by the key leader of the Republican Party, Nikki Haley are any indication, it appears so.

Nicky said that Putin did not commit any aggression when Trump was in power but when obama was the President Putin occupied Crimea, attacked Ukraine at the same time when Biden became President, he atracked Ukraine. That is why America needs a strong president, she said.

May be India also feels the same way.

The question now arises is will Trump be able to bring peace by making Putin to cease war? Will he be able to maintain proper relations with India and Russia.

The US National Security adviser cautioned that strong ties with Russia were a bad bet for India. America has made similar comments on India's relations with Russia in the past. But India did not care much. A neutral attitude has been followed. Now with Modi's hugging Putin, questions were raised about India's foreign policies. In particular, the question arises as to why Modi is giving priority to Russia instead of America.

Certainly India does not want to spoil relations with America. There is historical reasons for this.

Then why is it maintaining close relations with Russia.

Historically, it has been the biggest supplier of weapons and other defence equipment to India – from the MIG and Sukhoi fighter jets to, more recently, the S-400 anti-missile defence systems.

Since the start of Russia’s war in Ukraine, India has also dramatically ramped up its purchase of Russian crude. Russia is today India’s biggest supplier of oil and those imports have led to the total volume of India-Russia trade .

At the same time, India has in recent years strengthened its ties with the US, whose help it sees as essential to ward off the perceived threat emanating from China’s rise.

Modi and Donald Trump had good relations earlier also. The two leaders had a few years ago held joint public events in Houston and the Indian city of Ahmedabad.Recently modi reacted on the attack on trump, describing Trump as my friend.

After attack Indian administration was increasingly convinced that Trump might return to power in November. Trumps victory would help India, by easing the pressure on New Delhi to turn away from Moscow.

A second Trump administration, almost certainly, will care less about the optics of Russia-India ties. In his first term as president, Trump focused US strategic attention on Washington’s rivalry with Beijing, rather than on Moscow – a worldview that is in sync with India’s. India too views Beijing as its principal threat.

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
energy

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
energy

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
energy

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

**Challenges and Future Prospects** The Ukraine conflict has introduced new complexities, including supply chain disruptions for Russian military equipment and payment challenges due to sanctions .

Title:

Content:
India-Russia trade ties have strengthened, with trade volume reaching $65.7 billion in the financial year ending in March 2024.

In a landmark development, India has supplied aluminium to Russia, which itself is the world’s second-largest exporter of the metal, according to Sputnik’s analysis of Indian customs data.

India sold 44,800 tons of unprocessed aluminum to Russian companies for $16.5 million in April, according to the figures furnished.

In the meantime, in May, Indian Foreign Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar has stressed that the growing bilateral trade between India and Russia is not merely a temporary phenomenon, but rather a sustained trend that is opening up new economic opportunities for both countries.

Meanwhile, Russia has been a major exporter of the metal, and it was the world's second largest, with supplies worth $6.5 billion till the end of 2023.

Our Bureau

Title:

Content: “President Xi’s visit to Russia marks a new milestone in our strategic partnership,” said Russian President Vladimir Putin during a joint press conference with Chinese President Xi Jinping.

President Xi, who is on a three-day visit to Russia, responded by stating that “China and Russia are comprehensive strategic partners of coordination, not allies targeting anyone, but partners with sincere mutual assistance and support.”

The leaders’ comments reflect the deepening ties between the two nations, as they seek to bolster economic and military cooperation amid tensions with the United States and its allies. During his visit, President Xi met with President Putin to discuss a range of issues, including trade, energy, and security. The two leaders signed a series of agreements aimed at boosting economic cooperation, including a $1.5 billion investment deal between the China Development Bank and Russia’s Far East Development Fund. In addition, the two sides agreed to expand cooperation in the energy sector, with China set to import more Russian natural gas and work with Russia to develop a liquefied natural gas plant in the Arctic. The visit also saw the signing of a joint statement on global governance, which called for greater respect for international law and the United Nations Charter, as well as the promotion of multilateralism and the reform of global governance institutions. The growing partnership between China and Russia has been a cause for concern for some Western countries, who fear that the two nations are seeking to challenge the existing global order.

However, President Putin has dismissed these concerns, stating that “we don’t have any plans to create some kind of military alliance.” President Xi echoed this sentiment, stating that “we will continue to adhere to the principle of non-alignment, non-confrontation, and not targeting any third party.” Despite these assurances, the strengthening of ties between China and Russia is likely to have significant consequences for the world, particularly in terms of shifting geopolitical alliances and economic power.

CHINA RUSSIA RELATIONS:

In 1949, a patriotic anthem was composed in the Soviet Union to celebrate Chinese leader Mao Zedong’s visit to Moscow. The song, titled “Moscow-Beijing,” was a rousing military march that extolled the virtues of solidarity between the two socialist nations. The opening lyrics, “Russians and Chinese are brothers forever,” encapsulated the fraternal bond between the two countries, with the Soviet Union depicted as the big brother to the newly-formed People’s Republic of China, still reeling from the devastation of World War II and a civil war. Although China gratefully accepted Soviet aid, the perception of being treated as a junior partner would ultimately sour the relationship between the two nations.

The world’s economic superpower, China is now the senior partner to a Russia that has been weakened by its war with Ukraine and is more dependent than ever on China for economic, technological, and diplomatic support. Trade figures indicate that Chinese exports to Russia rose by almost 20 percent in the first two months of this year to reach $15 billion, while imports from Russia surged by over 31 percent to $18.65 billion. The Chinese yuan has surpassed the US dollar to become the most-traded currency on the Moscow stock exchange. Furthermore, Russia has overtaken Saudi Arabia as China’s largest oil supplier, with nearly 24 percent year-on-year growth in the first two months of 2023.

In light of these figures, it’s clear that China holds the upper hand in the relationship. Its economy is over ten times larger than Russia’s, and it boasts a modernizing military, technological superiority, and significant global diplomatic clout. As President Xi Jinping and President Putin meet in Moscow, it remains to be seen how the two nations will navigate their relationship in a world where China is now the big brother.

Over the past few years, China has been expanding its diplomatic outreach, with President Xi visiting more than 50 countries since taking office in 2013. This has helped to establish China as a major player in international affairs, with its growing influence being felt in everything from trade and investment to geopolitics and security.

CHINA’s DIPLOMATIC STRATEGY:

One key aspect of China’s diplomatic strategy has been to forge closer ties with Russia, which is also seeking to assert its position as a global power in the face of mounting pressure from the West. The strategic partnership between China and Russia has been growing stronger in recent years, with the two countries working together on a range of issues, from energy and infrastructure to military cooperation and global governance.

THE NEW WORLD ORDER IN MAKING:

The relationship between China and Russia has always been one of strategic importance. As China continues to rise as a global superpower and Russia looks to maintain its influence in the world, the two countries have developed a close partnership that has only grown stronger in recent years. According to Chinese analyst Yan Xuetong, “the current China-Russia relationship is the best it has been in history.” This sentiment is shared by many experts, who see the two countries as increasingly aligned in their geopolitical objectives and shared opposition to Western dominance.

The two countries have engaged in a number of high-profile joint initiatives, such as the Belt and Road Initiative and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and have worked closely on issues such as opposing U.S. sanctions and promoting a multipolar global governance system. Despite these shared interests, the relationship between China and Russia is not without its challenges. For example, there are concerns among some Chinese analysts about Russia’s long-term economic viability and the potential for the country to drag China down with it. However, as Yan Xuetong notes, “the China-Russia relationship is characterized by mutual trust, mutual benefit, and win-win cooperation.” As the two countries continue to work together on key global issues, their partnership is likely to remain a key factor in shaping the new world order.

Title:

Content: 5 Jun, 2023 10:40

India won’t sacrifice interests under Western pressure – Russian ambassador

New Delhi is pursuing a balanced and independent foreign policy, Denis Alipov says

Efforts by the US and its allies to pressure India into joining their campaign against Russia have been in vain, Moscow’s ambassador to New Delhi, Denis Alipov, has said.

“The Western pressure on India continues. The policy in this regard is being openly formulated by the US – it’s about separating it [India] from Russia,” Alipov told the Izvestia newspaper in an interview published on Monday.

The Russian diplomat added that “maintaining friendly relations with our country is in the national interests of India. I believe that it won’t sacrifice them at somebody else’s whim.”

Amid Russia’s standoff with the West over Ukraine, New Delhi has been “pursuing a balanced policy, demonstrating independence in decision-making,” Alipov insisted. “The tactics of political pressure aren’t working with it.”

Since the outbreak of the conflict in Ukraine in February 2022, India has been reluctant to relent to demands by the US and EU to condemn Moscow or to join Western sanctions.

During a meeting with Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky at the G7 summit last month, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said that New Delhi would do “everything we can” to help resolve the crisis between Moscow and Kiev.

Meanwhile, India has boosted economic ties with Russia, with trade turnover standing at $39.8 billion last year, according to New Delhi. The two nations had previously aimed to cross the $30-billion mark by 2025.

Russia has become India’s largest supplier of oil, with deliveries increasing twelvefold in 2022 and reaching 24 million tons, Alipov pointed out. “It’s important that the sides are interested in long-term contracts and not only when it comes to oil,” he added.

Moscow and New Delhi are “creating and perfecting mechanisms that allow us to continue cooperating regardless of the unilateral anti-Russian sanctions,” he stated.

One such mechanism is switching to national currencies in bilateral trade, the ambassador explained, adding that India “obviously sees risks linked to foreign currencies.”

“I suppose we wouldn’t have given up on the dollar if we weren’t forced to do so. The de-dollarization trend is being set by the Americans themselves,” Alipov claimed.

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India is actively seeking to mitigate these risks by diversifying its defense imports and exploring alternative payment mechanisms .

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Content: India in talks with Russia on payment mechanisms

MEA has consistently stated that New Delhi’s objective is to stabilise its economic engagement with Russia

Photo for representation. — iStock

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, April 30

Russia is engaged in talks with India over alternate payment mechanisms even as both sides are negotiating for about 20 million barrels worth of crude from Rosneft at heavily discounted prices.

Having rebuffed European preaching over Ukraine at the Raisina Dialogue and with new statistics showing that sales of Russian crude to the US and Europe was over $ 70 billion, India is confident of striking its own path.

The MEA has consistently stated that New Delhi’s objective is to stabilise its economic engagement with Russia. There is a possibility that the Western sanctions against Russia might impact India. “Our objective has been to see how (we) can stabilise the economic transactions or economic engagement that we are doing with Russia in the current context,” MEA spokesperson Arindam Bagchi has said.

“There is a possibility that these sanctions might impact us and that is why we are having the inter-ministerial discussions and other conversations to see how we can keep our economic interactions with Russia stabilised and also to see how we can ensure our interests are not affected,” he added.

India’s strategy appears to be two pronged. One, it is in the market along with China and several other nations to buy crude oil at heavily discounted prices from Rosneft, which incidentally operates the second biggest private refinery in India. Second, India is also keen to occupy the vacuum in the merchandise sector after the withdrawal of European companies from the market and is looking at a boost of $ 2 billion. Due to the ongoing trade with European countries and even the US, Rosneft has several non-sanctioned intermediaries and trading companies which are in talks with Indian companies.

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Both countries have set ambitious goals, such as reaching $100 billion in bilateral trade by 2030 and expanding cooperation in energy, technology, and infrastructure .

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Content: The Russian and Chinese militaries have in recent times conducted joint bomber flights and military (especially naval) drills and coordinated a somewhat united front against shared geopolitical challenges in the Asia-Pacific region. Although much of the international attention is focused on the Indo-Pacific littoral and the South China Sea, the Sea of Japan and the approaches to the Pacific have seen tensions rise as well.

Japan’s willingness to accommodate the United States’ Pacific Deterrence Initiative, which is aimed at positioning precision-strike missiles against China, has implications for Russia too. Because of their intermediate-range and area-denial role, there is no reason the same missiles can’t target the Russian Far East.

The presence of US forces and US-supplied advance hardware like the prospective Aegis air defense ships, F-35s belonging to both Japanese and US forces prospectively operating from Japanese Izumo-class ships, inspires not unfounded anxiety in Russia.

It is no surprise that Russia sees Japan as less than an adversary, and the Russian ambassador to Japan, Mikhail Galuzin, has in no uncertain terms said that Russian military activity in the region is aimed at deterring US forces in Japan and the region and not against Japan itself.

Similarly, India’s increasing closeness with Washington is a major thorn in Moscow’s side. New Delhi signing a series of strategic agreements gives it access to many data streams from US reconnaissance, imaging, search, targeting and logistics infrastructure, which is an unprecedented boost for India’s capabilities.

However, the boost comes at the cost of an increasingly anxious Moscow that sees its long-standing partner and ally India realign with Washington, its main geopolitical adversary.

The US since the collapse of the Soviet Union has missed no opportunity to weaken Russia and further its own influence in the post-Soviet space. With extending NATO membership to former Soviet countries and enacting regime change and supporting color revolutions, the game of geopolitical intrigue and orchestrated crises is relentless.

Russian policy pragmatic and realist

The response to these perceived provocations has been true to the brand of long-standing Russian foreign policy, realistic and pragmatic above all else.

Moscow feels that for the time being the only way to counterbalance US hegemony is to throw its weight behind China selectively, on issues of converging interests. As it is within the Northeast Asia region and is a perceived junior partner and treaty ally of the US, Japan seems like the perfect target for such a policy.

The highly pragmatic and tentative nature of Russia’s so-called alliance with China means Moscow can selectively use its cooperation with Beijing as a bargaining chip or tool of mild coercion against shared challenges and adversaries.

Russian warships, subs in Sri Lanka

A recent visit by Russian Navy submarines and warships to Sri Lanka can also be seen as a strategic signaling move by Moscow.

The move has the dual implication of at the same time reassuring New Delhi that Sri Lanka is not in effect a Chinese-dominated unsinkable aircraft carrier in the Indo-Pacific littoral and to remind all interested in the region that Russia has the sea legs and the wherewithal for its Pacific Fleet to project power in the region if the need arises.

China’s lack of comment on Russian ASAT test

The recent Russian test of a direct-ascent anti-satellite (ASAT) weapon created thousands of pieces of debris in orbit that could threaten the International Space Station and the Chinese space station Tiangong.

The test brought widespread disapproval from many countries, private companies and individuals alike, but the lack of comment from the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs is indicative of at least some desire to accommodate Russia, unlike a lot of other spacefaring nations.

The Russia-China entente, while strengthening both, also has its limitations, for example the lack of significant progress on joint high-tech projects like the International Lunar Research Station.

The ILRS project seems to be a competitor to the US-led Artemis Program, which aims to return humans to the moon’s surface. However, for the moment the Russian part of the ILRS doesn’t seem to have any plans for a human element but will likely rely on uncrewed platforms.

While China and Russia have announced the technical scope of the ILRS and have kept the door open for cooperation with other countries, they have not yet laid out a legal or guiding framework akin to America’s Artemis Accords.

The Artemis Accords are a set of principles largely derivative of the Outer Space Treaty. A Russian and Chinese counterpart was expected to be unveiled during this year’s International Astronautical Conference in Dubai, but to the disappointment of many, nothing substantive was mentioned about ILRS during the event.

The mixed bag of pragmatic abstentions, selective cooperation and asymmetric responses is likely to continue until Japan, the US and India reconsider their respective attitudes to Russia and its anxieties.

Aditya Pareek

Aditya Pareek is a research analyst at the Takshashila Institution, an independent, networked think-tank and public-policy school based in Bangalore.

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Content: New Delhi | Jagran News Desk: Prime Minister Narendra Modi met visiting Russian president Vladimir Putin at Delhi’s Hyderabad House on Monday evening. Prime Minister said that India-Russia ties are stronger than ever.

Prime Minister Modi added that despite the challenges posed by the pandemic, there has been no change in the relationship between India and Russia. He further pointed out that the two countries cooperated during the COVID-19 crisis too, in the field of vaccine and humanitarian support. "The relation between India and Russia is truly a unique and reliable model of interstate friendship," Prime Minister Narendra Modi said.

"You (Putin) should be credited for the strategic partnership between our countries for the 3 decades," PM Modi said, acknowledging Russian President Vladimir Putin's role in nurturing the bilateral traditions between India and Russia.

India a great power, time-tested friend: Vladimir Putin

Russian President Vladimir Putin said that Russia considers India 'a great power' and a 'time tested' friend. "The relations between our nations are growing and I am looking into the futur," Putin added while further asserting his happiness at being in India, saying that he is 'happy to travel to India'.

"Currently mutual investments stand at about 38 million with a bit more investment coming from the Russian side. We cooperate greatly in military and technical sphere like no other country. We develop high technologies together as well as produce in India," Putin said.

This is the first in-person meeting between PM Modi and President Putin after their meeting on the sidelines of BRICS summit in Brazil in 2019 before the beginning of COVID-19 pandemic. Both the leaders are scheduled to hold deliberations to review the prospects of bilateral relations and recalibrate the long standing India-Russia friendship.

"The agenda for the dialogue will cover political and defence issues of mutual interest. The establishment of this new mechanism of two plus two dialogue is expected to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries," Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Arindam Bagchi had said earlier.

Posted By: Mukul Sharma

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The partnership is expected to remain robust, with ongoing dialogue and high-level

The partnership is expected to remain robust, with ongoing dialogue and high-level