The India-Russia relationship under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin has evolved into a multifaceted strategic partnership, deeply influenced by regional security imperatives, defense cooperation, and the shifting global order, particularly India’s rivalry with China.

Officially designated as a "Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership," this relationship has been reaffirmed through high-level summits, such as the 21st and 22nd Annual Summits, and the establishment of a 2+2 dialogue mechanism between foreign and defense ministers, institutionalizing strategic cooperation and addressing issues like Afghanistan and the implications of China’s rise .

Defense cooperation remains a cornerstone, with India sourcing approximately 60-75% of its military equipment from Russia, including critical acquisitions like the S-400 air defense system—a $5.43 billion deal central to India’s strategy amid border tensions with China .

Joint production initiatives, such as the BrahMos missile and discussions on logistics support agreements, further deepen military ties .

India’s rivalry with China is a defining factor in its approach to Russia.

Despite Russia’s growing partnership with China, including their "no limits" agreement, Russia continues to support India in its stand-off with China, motivated by a desire to maintain geopolitical relevance and balance Western and Chinese influence .

However, India remains concerned that deepening Russia-China ties could pressure Moscow to downgrade its relationship with New Delhi, complicating India’s strategic calculations .

This has led India to pursue a careful balancing act, strengthening its partnership with the US and the Quad to counter China’s regional assertiveness while maintaining robust defense and economic ties with Russia [707b4e10_

The India-Russia relationship under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin has evolved into a multifaceted strategic partnership, deeply influenced by regional security imperatives, defense cooperation, and the shifting global order, particularly India’s rivalry with China.

Officially designated as a "Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership," this relationship has been reaffirmed through high-level summits, such as the 21st and 22nd Annual Summits, and the establishment of a 2+2 dialogue mechanism between foreign and defense ministers, institutionalizing strategic cooperation and addressing issues like Afghanistan and the implications of China’s rise .

Title:

Content: Russian partnership: Jaishankar’s visit cements time-tested ties - The Tribune India

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Russian partnership

Jaishankar’s visit cements time-tested ties

S Jaishankar External Affairs Minister. PTI file photo

SUFFICE it to say that External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar has reassured the Kremlin that from New Delhi’s point of view, there is no attempt to alienate Russia. Also, that India’s deepening economic and security partnership with the West is not at the expense of Russia. That could explain why both Jaishankar and his counterpart Sergey Lavrov felt it necessary to highlight the special relationship. Moscow is a very valued and time-tested partner, Jaishankar, who’s on a five-day visit of the country, responded to a question on the western perception that India’s relationship with Russia is a handicap. Lavrov said the ties were built on mutual respect and not subject to political fluctuations. Inviting Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Russia, President Vladimir Putin said ties with friends were progressing despite the turbulence in the world.

A sweeping review of bilateral relations has been on the agenda. New Delhi has consistently called for an end to the hostilities in Ukraine, but has not publicly criticised Russia following the invasion. It has also resisted pressure from the US to impose sanctions, and ramped up purchase of Russian oil. Jaishankar has described Russian supplies, including fertilisers, as very big components of bilateral trade. The rupee-rouble payment mechanism, though, still has not been resolved. One reason Washington has reconciled itself to India’s stand on Russia could be that on the issue of China, it is seen as aligning itself more closely with the US. For New Delhi, it is also critical to understand that Russia’s isolation would push Putin closer to China.

An agreement has also been reached on future units of the Kudankulam nuclear power project in Tamil Nadu. It will have six reactors. Two had become operational by 2016. Lavrov has claimed tangible progress on plans to jointly produce military equipment. That could involve sustained negotiations. India has been open about diversifying arms imports and building stronger military ties for defence production.

#Russia #S Jaishankar

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Title:

Content: India’s Long Infatuation with Russia Must End

Seven months after China and Russia announced their "no limits" partnership, the two countries seem closer than ever. In the face of growing Chinese belligerence, this augurs ill for India, which should urgently reconsider its long-standing diplomatic and strategic dependence on a weakening Russia.

NEW DELHI – During a parliamentary debate in April, I expressed my concerns about India’s relationship with Russia. My words were met with grim-faced silence. But the events of the last five months have only strengthened my case.

The debate was on the Ukraine war. While deploring India’s reluctance to call a Russian shovel a spade, I acknowledged that India has historically depended on the Kremlin for defense supplies and spare parts, and appreciated Russia’s long-standing support on vital issues like Kashmir and border tensions with China and Pakistan. But the Ukraine war and Western sanctions had weakened Russia considerably, I noted. The ban on semiconductor chips, for example, had significantly eroded its ability to produce advanced electronics and defense goods that form the basis of India’s dependence.

Worse still, I argued, the war had highlighted and reinforced Russia’s reliance on China as its principal global partner – a relationship that would intensify as Russia grew weaker. India could then scarcely depend on the Kremlin to counter Chinese aggression, exemplified by the People’s Liberation Army’s territorial encroachments and killing of 20 Indian soldiers in June 2020.

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Content: PM Narendra Modi, Vladimir Putin to meet today; spotlight on India-Russia 'Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership'

This will be the first face-to-face meeting between the two leaders after their rendezvous on the sidelines of the BRICS Summit in Brasilia in 2019.

File Photo

New Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Monday (December 6, 2021) will host Russian President Vladimir Putin for the 21st India-Russia Annual Summit in New Delhi.

This is the first face-to-face meeting between the two leaders after their rendezvous on the side-lines of the BRICS Summit in Brasilia in November 2019.

During the meeting which is likely to take place at 5:30 pm at the Hyderabad House in the national capital, the two leaders will review the state and prospects of bilateral relations and discuss ways to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries.

The Summit is also likely to see Modi and Putin exchange views on regional, multilateral and international issues of mutual interest.

"The visit is in continuation of the tradition of Annual Summits alternately in India and Russia. The visit will provide further impetus to the India-Russia Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership," New Delhi had said while officially announcing Putin's visit to the country.

The last India-Russia Annual Summit was held in September 2019 during the visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Vladivostok (Russia). The Annual Summit in 2020 could not take place due to the COVID-19 pandemic situation.

Putin's trip to India will mark his second international trip after the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic and comes amid the emergence of a new Omicron variant which has affected the schedule of several bilateral and international summits.

Meanwhile, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov arrived in New Delhi on Sunday ahead of the inaugural meeting of the 2 + 2 dialogue mechanism at the level of the foreign and defence ministers.

India's Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) spokesperson Arindam Bagchi had confirmed last month that the agenda for the dialogue will cover political and defence issues of mutual interest.

"The establishment of this new mechanism of two plus two dialogue is expected to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries," he had said.

(With agency inputs)

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Defense cooperation remains a cornerstone, with India sourcing approximately 60-75% of its military equipment from Russia, including critical acquisitions like the S-400 air defense system—a $5.43 billion deal central to India’s strategy amid border tensions with China .

Title:

Content: Blinken face-to-face with Russian counterpart for first time since invasion of Ukraine

The world’s 20 wealthiest nations met in New Delhi for the G20 summit. But the gathering on global cooperation was largely overshadowed by bitter disagreement on the war in Ukraine and concluded with no consensus. Amna Nawaz discussed the meeting, and China's and India’s support for Russia, with Sumit Ganguly and Elizabeth Wishnick.

Read the Full Transcript

  • Amna Nawaz:

    The world's 20 wealthiest nations met in New Delhi today for the G20 summit hosted by India and bringing together the U.S., Russia and China.

    But the gathering on global cooperation was largely overshadowed by bitter disagreements on the war in Ukraine and concluded with no consensus.

    For the first time since Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, Secretary of State Antony Blinken met face to face with his Russian counterpart, Sergey Lavrov, a 10-minute meeting on the sidelines of the G20. Summit in New Delhi, Blinken urging Lavrov to end what he called a war of aggression.

    Antony Blinken, U.S. Secretary of State: President Zelenskyy has put forward a 10-point plan for a just and durable peace. President Putin, however, has demonstrated zero interest in engaging, saying there's nothing to even talk about.

  • Amna Nawaz:

    Lavrov blaming the West for prolonging the war.

  • Sergey Lavrov, Russian Foreign Minister (through translator):

    While we are being called for talks, I don't remember Western colleagues urging Ukraine for talks, probably because Ukraine is being encouraged for a continuation of the war.

  • Amna Nawaz:

    Blinken and Lavrov last met in January of 2022, one month before Russia launched its war in Ukraine with global reverberations, a year later, growing worries over Beijing and Moscow's closer ties.

    Blinken today threatened sanctions if China supplied weapons to Russia, saying the issue was raised with Chinese officials last month in Munich and with partners in New Delhi today

  • Antony Blinken:

    I made clear that there would be consequences for engaging in those actions. So I'm not going to detail what they would be. But, of course, we have sanctions authorities of various kinds.

  • Narendra Modi, Indian Prime Minister:

    We are meeting at a time of deep global divisions.

  • Amna Nawaz:

    India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi said the fallout shouldn't disrupt global agreements on food, energy and debt.

  • Narendra Modi:

    We should not allow issues that we cannot resolve together to come in the way of those we can.

  • Amna Nawaz:

    Modi has stopped short of condemning Russia for its war, and India has continued to import discounted Russian oil throughout the conflict.

    For more on today's G20 meeting and, in particular, China and India's support for Russia, we get two views.

    Sumit Ganguly is a distinguished professor of political science at Indiana University, and Elizabeth Wishnick is a senior research scientist at the Center for Naval Analyses. She's on leave from Montclair State University.

    Welcome to you both and thanks for being here.

    Sumit, I will begin with you and India's relationship with Russia. Modi is attempting to be as neutral as possible, it seems. Explain that to us. Why would Modi not want to upset Putin?

  • Sumit Ganguly, Indiana University-Bloomington:

    There are three compelling reasons why Modi is following this very delicate tightrope walk.

    To begin with, anywhere between 60 to 75 percent of India's weaponry is either of Russian or Soviet origin. And, consequently, India is acutely dependent on Russia for supplies of spare parts and a continuing pipeline of weaponry.

    Secondly, India can ill afford to buy oil on the global market, given the price of oil, and the Russians are prepared add to sell oil at concessionary rates, which is easing inflation in India, when global inflation is affecting the Indian economy.

    And, third, there is a degree of Cold War nostalgia that permeates the Indian political elite. And, consequently, they are unwilling to totally abandon Russia and rebuke Russia for its actions in the Ukraine.

  • Amna Nawaz:

    Elizabeth, what about the Chinese view here?

    When we last spoke a year ago, Russian troops were massing on the Ukrainian border. Putin flew to Beijing to meet with President Xi. You said then that you didn't believe a war in Ukraine was in China's interest. So why does China stand with Russia today?

    Elizabeth Wishnick, Center for Naval Analyses: Well, Russia is an important partner for China.

    China just doesn't have another partner of Russia's stature, a U.N. Security Council member, a neighbor with which China shares a very lengthy border. Like India, China also receives military technology from Russia, though, increasingly, China is producing its own. And China has also been increasingly importing oil and gas from Russia and sees overland supplies of energy as more secure than risking seaborne supplies, where the U.S. could intervene.

  • Amna Nawaz:

    The oil component is huge. I'd like to ask you both about that, because, over the last year, the U.S. and West have worked very hard to cut off Russia's oil revenue.

    At the same time, China and India have ramped up their oil imports from Russia. When you look at the numbers, those are China's numbers and red, India's numbers in yellow, in terms of oil imports from Russia. China has hiked up their imports from 1.8 million barrels a day to 2.3 million. India has increased from fewer than a million, 0.1 million barrels per day, up to 1.6 million barrels per day

    Sumit, this is arguably helping to fuel the war. So what does India say? How do they justify that increase in oil imports from Russia?

  • Sumit Ganguly:

    They justify that increase on the grounds that this is easing India's economic burden, that, ultimately, India has to be concerned about 1.4 billion of its own population, and that India has meager other sources of obtaining oil at a reasonable price on in the global market.

    And consequently, they sort of shrug their shoulders and say, the Western world also deals with any number of regimes which are not entirely savory, and who are they to hector us about who we are buying oil from, particularly at a time of dire need?

  • Amna Nawaz:

    Has that strained U.S.-India relations in any way?

  • Sumit Ganguly:

    It has strained Indo-U.S. relations, but the U.S. has mostly expressed its discomfiture privately.

    Publicly, Antony Blinken, President Biden have maintained mostly silence on this subject after, initially, when Blinken had raised the issue with his Indian counterpart, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar. But Jaishankar basically rebuffed Blinken at the time. And, subsequently, the U.S. has not publicly upgraded or rebuked India.

  • Amna Nawaz:

    Elizabeth, what about from the Chinese perspective? How do they explain the increase in oil imports?

  • Elizabeth Wishnick:

    They have been increasing their imports from Russia steadily over time.

    And prior to the war, they accounted for about 17 percent — Russian oil accounted for 17 percent of Chinese imports. And now it's about 20 percent. So, for China, they see it as a matter of energy security, that Russia is a close supply of oil. And this oil, some of it has been going to Chinese reserves.

    I think China is concerned about supply chains, and wants to make sure it has enough reserves of oil.

  • Amna Nawaz:

    That purchase has certainly increased tensions between the U.S. and China, though. Then we had the spy balloon incident, of course.

    And now we have U.S. officials, warning Chinese officials against providing lethal support to Russia. Would doing that in any way be in China's interests?

  • Elizabeth Wishnick:

    I think they know that this is a red line for the international community, as they're threatened with sanctions if they do this.

    But, nonetheless, we have seen evidence of some companies trying to go under the radar and provide some parts for aircraft by falsifying records or claiming these are commercial aircraft. And there was evidence of a small company, Xi'an Bingo Intelligent Aviation, that was in an agreement with a Chinese-state-owned defense company, China Poly Group, to provide prototypes for kamikaze drones.

    So this is a delivery that was supposed to be by April. And we don't know if it will take place. So I think that some companies are trying to find ways of getting technology to their Russian counterparts. They have been working together for a long time. We don't know if this is a state-directed effort by China to aid Russia, though.

  • Amna Nawaz:

    Do you believe the threat of sanctions, as Secretary Blinken said today, would prevent China from acting in that way?

  • Elizabeth Wishnick:

    Well, we haven't seen any systematic effort by China to overtly provide military aid.

    So I think the sanctions are a factor, but also the huge reputational costs, because China just issued a position paper where it claims to be impartial and aiming for peace. And so this would certainly run counter to that message.

  • Amna Nawaz:

    We will certainly be following both of these nations very closely.

    Sumit Ganguly and Elizabeth Wishnick, thank you both for joining us.

  • Sumit Ganguly:

    Thank you.

  • Elizabeth Wishnick:

    Thank you.

Listen to this Segment

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Business Standard

'India great power and a time-tested friend', says Russia's Vladimir Putin

India, Russia hold 21st summit, and first 2+2 dialogue; sign 28 agreements

Topics
indian government | India-Russia ties | Narendra Modi

Ajai Shukla  |  New Delhi

Prime Minister Narendra Modi receives Russian President Vladimir Putin at Hyderabad House in New Delhi, on Monday (Photo: PTI)

New Delhi and Moscow on Monday issued to the world a high-visibility reminder about their “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership”, as Prime Minister and Russian President held the 21st India-Russia Summit, an annual ritual missed only in 2020 due to the pandemic.

Leading into the 21st summit meeting, India and Russia held their first-ever 2 + 2 Ministerial Dialogue, in which External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh together held strategic discussions with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu.

“We perceive India as a great power, a friendly nation and a time-tested friend. The relations between our countries are growing and I am looking into the future,” Putin said in his initial comments.

Putin also expressed concern over the developments in Afghanistan and said India and Russia will continue to coordinate on major challenges facing the region.

Modi said Putin’s second visit abroad during the Covid-19 pandemic reflected his personal commitment to the and that the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two sides was getting stronger. In the last few decades, the world witnessed many fundamental changes and different kinds of geopolitical equations and variables, but the friendship of India and Russia remained constant, Modi said. “Your visit to India is a reflection of your commitment to ties with India,” the PM said.

Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla said 28 agreements were concluded between India and Russia after Modi-Putin meet. After the 2+2 meeting, Jaishankar tweeted: “A productive exchange of perspectives on cross-cutting and inter-related issues. Will be reporting it to the Annual Summit later today.”

Earlier on Monday, there was a meeting of the apex body that governs defence relations between the two: The Indo-Russian Inter-Governmental Commission on Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-MTC), co-chaired by the two defence ministers, Singh and Shoigu.

India’s military uses Russian weaponry extensively, such as Sukhoi-30MKI fighter aircraft, T-90S tanks and BMP infantry combat vehicles, Talwar-class frigates, and Kilo-class submarines. The two sides have jointly produced the highly regarded BrahMos cruise missile system.

During the 17th annual summit, the two countries concluded deals on India’s procurement of five units of the S-400 air defence systems for an estimated ~37,000 crore, constructing Talwar-class frigates under Project 1135.6, and a shareholders’ agreement on a joint venture (JV) to manufacture Kamov-226T helicopters in India.

The S400 is regarded as the world’s premier long-range missile system, with the ability to shoot down enemy aircraft at ranges up to 400 kilometres. During the confrontation over the last two years between the Chinese and Indian armies in Ladakh, China deployed the S400 along the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

On March 3, 2019, in Amethi, Modi announced another JV —Indo-Russian Rifles — that would manufacture 750,000 AK-203 assault rifles in Korwa under the “Make in India” programme for an estimated $687 million. Russia is also competing for a ~40,000-crore deal for building six submarines in India under Project 75I, and a ~50,000-60,000 crore agreement to manufacture 114 fighter aircraft in India.

To ensure that Russian defence equipment was not hampered by any shortfall in maintenance or spare parts, the two sides agreed during the 20th Annual Summit in Vladivostok in September 2019 to cooperate in producing spare parts for Russian/Soviet military equipment.

The India-Russia defence partnership is being tested by Washington, especially through the piece of legislation the US Congress passed in 2017, titled CAATSA (Countering America’s Adversaries through Sanctions Act). This provides for US sanctions on countries that have significant defence or intelligence relations with Russia, Iran, or North Korea. India’s purchase of the S400 missile system is regarded as a potential trigger for Washington to impose sanctions.

While the US Congress has created a “CAATSA waiver” for close partners such as India, the US president is required to determine whether to exercise that waiver. So far, President Joe Biden has not stated a preference.

India, which faces a growing threat from China, is determined to buy the S400 from Russia. Asked whether New Delhi would bow to CAATSA pressure, India’s foreign ministry spokesperson said last week: “India and the US have a special global strategic partnership. And we also have a very special and privileged strategic partnership with Russia. And as you’re all aware, we pursue an independent foreign policy. This applies to our defence acquisitions, and supplies which are and will continue to be guided by our security interest.”

New Delhi and Moscow have identified trade and economic relations as a priority area. Modi and Putin have set a bilateral investment target of $50 billion and a bilateral trade target of $30 billion by 2025. (With inputs from PTI)

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First Published: Tue, December 07 2021. 01:24 IST
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Content: English Edition
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    Russia will support India in a stand-off against ally China. Here's why

    Synopsis

    Not that sentiment plays no role in relations between nations. It does. The immense soft power that the West wields over nations like India colours the discourse, and could even impede rational pursuit of the national interest. So how does the national self-interest of Russia, China and the US play out vis-à-vis India?

    Modern chess evolved from the game Indians called chaturanga, meaning four angas or anatomical parts. The four elements of the ancient Indian army were the infantry, the cavalry, the elephantry and the chariots. Moving pieces to gain advantage, anticipating the opponent’s countermoves, is the nub of the game.

    Geopolitics is a lot like playing chess. You position your pieces to gain advantage, not because you like or dislike any particular piece. You could sacrifice the queen, if that is the path to victory, as unsentimentally as you would take the opponent’s rook. It is that lack of sentiment that many people fail to appreciate when they reach facile conclusions on the relations between nations. In the popular mind, Indo-Russian relations are about Raj Kapoor songs and lingering gratitude for the Soviet navy’s interception of the US 7th Fleet’s Task Force 74 as it moved towards the Bay of Bengal, to threaten India during the 1971 war in East Pakistan.

    In the same vein of humanising international relations, many conclude that Russia’s indebtedness to China for its support during the ongoing Ukraine war, economically and politically, would rupture Russia’s support for India in the face of Chinese aggression. Whatever the sentiment, Russia would continue to support India. Because that is in Russia’s own interest.

    National Interest…
    Not that sentiment plays no role in relations between nations. It does. The immense soft power that the West wields over nations like India colours the discourse, and could even impede rational pursuit of the national interest. So how does the national self-interest of Russia, China and the US play out vis-à-vis India?

    The expansion of Nato to include assorted former Soviet bloc countries has been an attempt to underline Russia’s loss of salience as a global power. The West loved Boris Yeltsin and his chums, who not just disbanded the Soviet Union, but also eviscerated Russia’s economy by handing over valuable economic assets to their cronies — the so-called oligarchs —as well as by failing to put in place a functional system of governance and regulation, without which a market cannot function.

    Vladimir Putin put an end to this dissolution of Russian power, when he took office in 2000. He even sought Nato membership for Russia, a request that was dismissed out of hand by the West. It was only after Nato decided to offer membership to Georgia and Ukraine that Putin turned actively hostile to the West. He attacked Georgia in 2008, putting paid to any plan for Georgia to join Nato. In 2014, when a pro-West popular uprising threw out a pro-Russian regime in Ukraine, Putin moved in, to annex Crimea, which, till 1954, had been part of Russia, and hosts the base of Russia’s warm water navy.

    Extending Nato to Ukraine would bring Nato missiles to Russia’s borders. As it is, extension of Nato to Poland, Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia has brought St Petersburg within the range of short-range Nato missiles. The Cuban missile crisis, it may be recalled, had been about the US stomping into the ground Cuba’s sovereign right to place missiles of any nation it befriends on its territory. No power allows hostility that amounts to an existential threat to thrive in the immediate neighbourhood.

    By forcing Russia to docilely accept Nato missiles in Ukraine, the West wanted to tell Russia and the world that Russia no longer matters, despite all its nukes. It is this that Russia opposes, primarily, in its action against Ukraine. For the US, its geopolitical rival of significance is China. It is to contain China that George W Bush gave India its nuclear deal, thereby releasing India from assorted technology denial regimes, imposed originally to rid India of its nuclear ambitions. India continues to be a significant ally in the Asia-Pacific region for the US, in its quest to keep China in check. Hence its membership of the Quad. China does not want to be the sole focus of western hostility. Its interests are served by the West having to commit some of its men and materiel to Russia.

    That calls for retaining Russia as a significant geopolitical power. That is why China supports Russia over Ukraine.

    …Not Sentiment

    It is in India’s interest to retain Russia as a global power centre. The alternative is to confront the dual hegemony of the world by the US and China. Given China’s aggressive claims on Indian territory, that would redound to abject dependence on the US to resist China, scrapping India’s hopes for strategic autonomy.

    China wants Russia as a power centre that would consume the West’s attention and resources. Russia wants to retain its own geopolitical relevance. It has not invaded Ukraine and taken China’s help to give up that relevance. Just as the West gains by propping up India as a counterweight to China in Asia, Russia also gains by India’s ability to stem China’s rise to become the principal countervailing force against the US.

    In other words, the interests of Russia and the West converge in keeping India alive as a viable counterweight to China. China’s desire to have Russia as another pole of global power implicitly entails acceptance of India’s role as a counterweight to itself.

    Probably, China would count that as a pawn sacrifice.

    Views expressed are author's own

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India unsure of Russian arms to meet China, Pakistan threats

By ASHOK SHARMA
Associated Press

NEW DELHI (AP) — India is bracing for a disruption in Russian arms supplies following Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s tightrope walk between Moscow and Washington could become more difficult due to a border standoff with China. Up to 60% of Indian defense equipment comes from Russia. Modi has so far avoided voting against Russia at the United Nations or criticizing Russian President Vladimir Putin for invading Ukraine. Beijing could pressure Moscow to downgrade its ties with India. President Joe Biden has publicly spoken about unresolved differences with India over the Ukraine issue, but he is building ties with New Delhi under the Indo-Pacific security alliance known as “the Quad” that also includes Japan and Australia.

Associated Press

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Putin visiting India: Is it strategic balancing?

By Major General S.B. Asthana
With heated exchanges between the US and Russia due to heavy concentration of troops in Ukraine border scheduled for talks between both, Russias growing dependency on China due to sanctions from West, and Indian tilt towards the US with inclusion in Quad, the visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to India on December 6, appears to be viewed differently by different world players. Even in domestic debates, the public anger due to Chinese intrusion in Ladakh and growing partnership of Russia and China, indicates that the visit is sensitive in context of international geopolitical scenario; hence will require a delicate strategic balancing including text of joint statement, if issued at the end of the visit. Notwithstanding the above, the visit is a scheduled 21st India-Russia Annual Summit, which couldnt take place earlier due to coronavirus pandemic, there are many justified reasons to continue with 'Indo-Soviet Friendship Treaty (1971)' matured into 'Strategic Partnership (2000)', which has stood the test of time till date, even during ongoing rough relations between China and India.

Why Russia Matters to India Despite Chinese Embrace?

Despite Indian effort for Atmanirbhar Bharat in defence manufacturing and SIPRI indicating significant 33 per cent decrease in import of military hardware by India in recent years, it remains heavily dependent on Russian technology, maintenance, procurement of hardware and spares. For many decades Russians have been collaborating with India in its indigenous manufacturing programs and were amenable to transfer of technology, which India was finding difficult to get from others. It includes some major systems like nuclear-powered submarines, warships/frigates, nuclear reactors, space programmes and flagship projects like Brahmos.

The impending visit, besides deal to commence indigenous manufacturing of AK 203 Kalashnikov rifles, may see some forward movement in collaboration in manufacturing (including transfer of technology of very short range air defence missile systems (VSHORADS), twin engine helicopters to replace Cheetah and Chetak, upgradation of inventory of MIG-29 and Sukhoi aircrafts. S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile system which India had signed in 2018 for $5.43 billion is a done deal, and the threat of CAATSA is unlikely to have any impact on delivery schedule. It was chosen because it was most suitable to Indian requirement at that point of time. There are also speculations of approximately ten agreements to be signed between the two countries, which could include reciprocal exchange of logistics Agreement and 10-year military technical agreement, besides Two plus Two dialogue to strengthen existing strategic partnership. While the US may be amenable to a waiver on CAATSA for S-400, in view of common China challenge, but further deals may create some new friction points in strengthening of Indo-US relations.

On strategic context, Russia continues to be a favourable P5 member in UN and continues to support India in various multilateral organisations like the UN, SCO, BRICS on crucial issues. It's a technological powerhouse, with one of the largest producer of military hardware, producing rugged equipment suited for variety of terrain, where Indian forces operate. While its nearness to China, its discomfort with Indian embrace to Quad, growing Indo-US partnership, and hardware sale to Pakistan, forces some of the opinion makers in India to suggest divorcing Russia in favour of US, but such opinions are marred by impracticality, ignorance of Indian hardware dependency on Russia and its track record of reliability of its partnership with India. In its revised Military Strategy document Russia continues to name India as its partner along with China, and has not delayed/defaulted on any hardware support to India, even during standoff with China. The interest of both countries also coincide regarding concerns on export of terror after Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan and resultant humanitarian crisis, which will certainly be a subject of discussion and may find some mention in joint statement.

Reality of Sino-Russian Embrace

The much publicised Sino-Russian embrace by Chinese media and Russian acceptance to go along has been due to economic compulsions due to increasing sanctions from West, common adversary US branding both as competitors in security strategy documents. Objectively an expansionist, aggressive China seeking Sino-centric world order does suit Russia as well, which is looking for multilateral world order. Chinese BRI has already side-lined Eurasian dream, its technological theft like alleged hypersonic technology proliferation and increasing border claims in previously settled border with Tajikistan are not to Russian liking. Russia has made no commitment to back China's misadventure in South China Sea/Himalayas and China has also not made any commitment on Ukraine borders. Reiterating India as a strategic partner may be Moscow's message to US and Beijing both. It is however, impractical to expect Russia criticising China or Pakistan or India discussing Ukraine issue during this visit, due to peculiar geo-political equations, and Russians need for strategic and economic balancing.

Strategic Balancing by India

India and US have commonality of Interest in most issues including tackling China, which has pushed India to become an important global strategic partner of US, by its aggressive designs. There is congruence of interests in most global issues between US and India in the current geo-strategic equation. India stands with US and Quad in context of Indo-Pacific and facing China challenge. India continues to do its best to respond to sensitivities and concerns of the US, at times risking some of its old relationships like Iran. To accommodate US interest India reduced import of oil from Iran, bearing a cost disadvantage, as Iran oil was being imported in Rupee terms, in crude form and attuned to existing refineries in India. India doesn't seem to be repeating the same mistake with Russians, who haven't done anything bilaterally which demands a divorce in mutual relationship. Moreover, military capacity building of India also adds to collective strength of Quad, which is in collective interest.

Lately India is trying to be self-reliant, as well as diversifying procurement from various countries to include US, France, Israel. In last decade the defence procurement from Russia has gradually reduced from over 65 percent approximately to nearly 49 percent and correspondingly increased in favour of the US, Israel and France. There is a noticeable upward trend in purchase of US military hardware, as the year 2020 alone saw a purchase $3.4 billion worth of US military equipment, indicating enough accommodation by India. In a buyers' market US has competitors to include Russia, Israel and France, and every country will make sovereign choice to pick the best deal including India. India has also made modest beginning in exporting Rs 38,000 crore worth of military equipment, as a step towards self-reliance, seeking support of all the partners.

(Major General S.B.Asthana is a strategic and security analyst, a veteran Infantry General. He is the Chief Instructor, United Service Institution of India. The views expressed are personal)

--IANS
asthana/ksk/

Title:

Content: Opinion

Treading a fine line

Ajit Doval’s high-stake visits to Russia and the US are reflective of India’s consistent efforts to balance ties with the rival superpowers; writes Vinay Kumar

X

India’s security and strategic interests on important global platforms have been in focus over the last month as National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval made hectic trips to the US and Russia.

Doval headed to the United States in late January and held a meeting with his US counterpart, Jake Sullivan. Earlier this month, he paid a visit to Russia where he joined top security officials from China, Iran and a number of Central Asian states to participate in a multilateral meeting on Afghanistan.

NSA’s recent visits to the world’s most important political capitals underlined the importance that India attaches to striking a delicate balance in its relations with both the countries at a time when global security and geopolitical environment appear uncertain. His visits to Washington DC and Moscow show India’s priorities in forging vital initiatives.

In Washington, the two NSAs agreed upon a number of important arrangements under the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) which was launched in 2022 and has the potential to have a transformative impact on India’s partnership with the US in areas like military, science & technology and key high-tech fields.

Considering the fact that Russia and the US have been at loggerheads, more so in the wake of the Ukraine War which has completed one year, Doval’s trip assumes significance. The icing on the cake was that the NSA also had one-on-one meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a rare instance of President Putin meeting a top-ranking official from India. His meeting with Doval also pointed towards the continued importance which both sides accord to each other in taking forward their engagement. At a time when Russia continues to face confrontation with the West over the war in Ukraine, Doval’s meeting with President Putin carries a special context. India, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has lent its voice to the peace-making efforts in Ukraine, stressing that today’s era is not an era of war. In his telephonic conversation with President Putin last September, PM Modi voiced his concern, stressing upon the need to take the path of diplomacy and dialogue, a stance often reiterated at various global forums at the highest level.

While India, having to put up with the Chinese threat, has warmed up to the US, it has also taken pains to maintain its relationship with Russia; though Moscow, facing increased isolation in the global community over the war in Ukraine, does not appear to be too pleased with the initiatives surrounding the Indo-Pacific, with the active involvement of the US and further deepening of strategic defence and technological ties between New Delhi and Washington. India has also stressed upon furthering its cooperation with Russia in sectors such as trade, energy and defence.

With the US, under the iCET initiative, India is poised to forge closer cooperation in the areas of Artificial Intelligence (AI), 6G, quantum technologies etc. Other focus areas include defence innovation, technology cooperation and semiconductor supply chains. Doval stressed upon the need to pin down the deliverables in these key focus areas to ensure that no slip-ups or laxity creeps in. Co-production and technology development have left much to be desired, though India is now billed as a major defence partner of the US

The NSA’s discussions in Washington DC and Moscow also point towards India’s keen desire to safeguard its key interests, make advances in high-tech areas and, at the same time, be ready to hold on to its independent position and avoid landing in confrontationist stance, so far as the two rival powers are concerned, as new dynamics is emerging rather rapidly in the geopolitical arena.

Views expressed are personal

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Title:

Content: S-400 is a legacy contract, supply of this defence system will continue: Foreign secy Shringla

Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla on Monday said S-400 is a legacy contract and the supply of the defence system has begun this month and would continue.

ANI | New Delhi | Updated: 06-12-2021 22:58 IST | Created: 06-12-2021 22:58 IST
  • Country:
  • India

Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla on Monday said S-400 is a legacy contract and the supply of the defence system has begun this month and would continue. During a special Ministry of External Affairs briefing today, the Foreign Secretary said: "There was a sense that S-400, which you all are aware, is a legacy contract, going back to 2018 and was in fact discussed before that. Supply has begun this month and will continue to happen."

Addressing issues relating to other countries including the United States, Shringla noted that India and Russia conduct an independent foreign policy. "With all issues relating to other countries, it is important to note that whether it is us (India) or Russia, we conduct an independent foreign policy and I don't think we need to look at our relationship in the light of any other relationship," the Foreign Secretary said.

Referring to Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA), Shringla said that "I don't think this issue came up at all" during the talks with the Russian delegation. Shringla held a special briefing after the annual summit meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the visiting Russian President Vladimir Putin. Both countries have signed 28 MoUs along with a programme of cooperation in the field of defence for the next 10 years from 2021 to 2031.

Meanwhile, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov today said that the United States undermined the India-Russia deal on S-400 defence system. He added that the US tried to make India "obey its orders" but New Delhi told them it's a decision of a sovereign country to bolster its defence system. "We witnessed at times on part of the United States to undermine this cooperation and to make India obey US orders to follow American vision to how this region should develop, and our Indian friends clearly and firmly explained that they are a sovereign country and they will decide whose weapons to buy and who is going to be a partner of India in this and other areas," Lavrov told ANI.

The S-400 air defence system was contracted for by India in a deal worth around Rs 35,000 crore and five squadrons would be provided to India for tackling air threats from up to 400 km. Washington had indicated that the Russian S-400 systems may trigger CAATSA sanctions. The CAATSA is a United States federal law that imposed sanctions on Iran, North Korea, and Russia. Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act CAATSA authorises the US administration to impose sanctions on countries that purchase major defence hardware from Russia in response to Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014 and its alleged meddling in the 2016 US presidential elections. (ANI)

(This story has not been edited by Devdiscourse staff and is auto-generated from a syndicated feed.)

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Joint production initiatives, such as the BrahMos missile and discussions on logistics support agreements, further deepen military ties .

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Is all well in Indo-U.S. partnership?

Updated - July 30, 2024 09:38 am IST

Published - July 29, 2024 02:01 pm IST

The overall trajectory of India’s strategic partnership with the U.S. seems steady. Many U.S. policymakers see the partnership with India as one of the most consequential bilateral relationships of the U.S. in the 21st century.

(This article is part of the View From India newsletter curated by The Hindu’s foreign affairs experts. To get the newsletter in your inbox every Monday, subscribe here.)

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Earlier in July, immediately after Prime Minister Modi wrapped up a bilateral summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow, since first visit to Russia since the Ukraine war began in february 2022, the U.S.’s Ambassador in India made a rare public criticism of India’s Russia policy. “There is no such thing as strategic autonomy in times of conflict; we will, in crisis moments, need to know each other,” Ambassador Eric Garcetti said. In Washington DC, the State Department also expressed “concerns” over India’s ties with Russia, while National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan warned India of Russia’s deepening partnership with China. Public comments did not end there. On July 23, almost two weeks after Mr. Modi’s Russia visit, Donald Lu, Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia, told lawmakers at a Congressional hearing in Washington that the U.S. was “disappointed” about the symbolism and timing of Mr. Modi’s visit.

The overall trajectory of India’s strategic partnership with the U.S. seems steady. Many U.S. policymakers see the partnership with India as one of the most consequential bilateral relationships of the U.S. in the 21st century. They also see an economically growing, democratic India as an effective bulwark against the Communist Party-ruled China. In India, economic, defence and strategic partnership with the U.S. is seen as critical for the country’s continued rise as a major Asian power. But the disagreements lie in the details. India’s refusal to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and its decision to ramp up energy trade with Moscow after it was sanctioned by the West did not go down well with Washington. Russia, cut off from the Western markets, found an economic lifeline in its booming trade with China and India, the world’s second and fifth largest economies, respectively.

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In recent years, the India-U.S. partnership saw stress points in other areas as well. Indian nationals were accused of killing Hardeep Singh Nijjar, a Khalistan separatist, in Canada last year. The U.S. government has also sought accountability from the Indian government over a plot to kill Sikh separatist leader Gurpatwant Singh Pannun in New York. An Indian national is now in jail in the U.S. in connection with the case. India has denied any role in these incidents, but allegations have added to tensions in bilateral relations. And Prime Minister Modi’s visit to Russia, on the eve of a NATO summit in Washington whose main agenda was to strengthen Ukraine against the Russian invasion, seemed to have “disturbed” the Biden administration, as a Washington Post report claimed.

In its response, India’s Ministry of External Affairs said it values its strategic autonomy. “India, like many other countries, values its strategic autonomy. The U.S. Ambassador is entitled to his opinion. Obviously, we have different views,” MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said. “Our comprehensive global strategic partnership with the U.S. gives us the space to agree to disagree on certain issues, while respecting each other’s view-points,” he added.

What’s strategic autonomy, which India is fiercely protective about? “A simple definition of the concept is that countries should be able to make decisions that best serve their national interests, irrespective of the pulls and pressures from other parties,” I wrote in this July 19 Oped in The Hindu. And why is it significant for India? Watch the latest episode of Realpolitik, our video explainer column: What’s strategic autonomy and why is it important for India? | Realpolitik.

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‘Victory for Maduro’

Nicolas Maduro, Venezuela’s President who claims to be a successor of Chavismo, the socialist ideology championed by the late, charismatic President, Hugo Chavez, “won” a third consecutive term in Sunday’s election, according to Venezuela’s election authorities. Mr. Maduro, a former bus driver-tuned-politician, won 51% of the vote, while his main rival Edmundo Gonzalez garnered 44%. Before the vote, opinion polls had stated that Mr. Maduro, who rose to power after Chavez died of cancer in 2013, was trailing. And he had warned of a civil war and bloodbath if he lost the election. Mr. Gonzalez was not the opposition’s original pick against Mr. Maduro. Maria Corina Machado, arguably the most popular opposition leader who won the opposition primaries, was disqualified by the Supreme Court for supporting another opposition figure Juan Guaido’s rebellion against Mr. Maduro.

On Mr. Maduro’s watch, Venezuela’s economy, also battered by U.S. sanctions, contracted by 80% in 10 years. According to UNHCR, more than 7.7 million Venezuelans fled the country in a decade. In 2013, when Chanez passed away, Venezuela had a household poverty rate of 33.1% and extreme poverty at 11.4%, down from 61.5% and 30%, respectively, in 2003. In 10 years, the figures jumped to 82% and 53%, respectively. In other words, Mr. Maduro oversaw the total collapse of Venezuela’s economy. And he still managed to “win’ another term, extending his rule for six more years. What’s Maduro’s politics and how did he emerge as a strong man? Read this profile of the Venezuelan leader, written by my colleague Srinivasan Ramani: Nicolas Maduro | Chavism’s designated successor.

Sri Lanka to hold elections

Sri Lanka’s presidential elections will be held on September 21, the Election Commission announced on July 26. Some 17 million voters will have their first chance of electing the country’s leader, after a mass people’s uprising ousted former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa two years ago. President Ranil Wickremesinghe was among the first to formally get into the fray. His office announced making a cash deposit at the Commission for his candidacy as an independent, although he has relied on the Rajapaksas’ Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP or People’s Front) since his rise to Presidency through an urgent parliamentary vote, after Mr. Gotabaya’s resignation, reports Meera Srinivasan, from Colombo.

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The Top Five

1. The ‘geo-calculus’ of the Moscow visit

There was one clear message — of the sure bet the Narendra Modi government has placed on India-Russia ties, writes Suhasini Haidar.

2. The importance of both Quad and BRICS

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With India being the only country common to both Quad and BRICS and a founding member of both, it cannot afford to downplay one for the other, writes retired diplomat T.S. Tirumurti.

3. Between a fascist past and Right-wing present, Italy is fighting its many battles

Bursting at its seams with immigrants from the Global South and with a Right-wing government in power, Italy under Meloni finds itself in the eye of the identity politics storm; what complicates the matter further is the country’s perception as being on the wrong side of the not-so-long-ago history, Nishtha Gautam reports from Rome.

4. A new push in the Bay of Bengal

The intent of BIMSTEC member states to push forth with a bold vision for the region was evident at the 2nd Foreign Ministers’ Retreat, write Harsh V Pant and Sohini Bose.

5. Special relationship: On U.S. policy on Israel

The welcome Mr. Netanyahu received at Congress shows that he has the support of the elites. But the protest on the streets and the dissenting voices even among lawmakers suggest that the national consensus on Israel is eroding in the U.S., The Hindu writes in this editorial.

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
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India’s rivalry with China is a defining factor in its approach to Russia.

Despite Russia’s growing partnership with China, including their "no limits" agreement, Russia continues to support India in its stand-off with China, motivated by a desire to maintain geopolitical relevance and balance Western and Chinese influence .

Title:

Content: Top

Old friends

X

On Monday, PM Modi spoke over the phone with Russian President Vladimir Putin. The phone call reportedly was a follow-up on many of the issues raised during Putin's recent India visit on December 6. According to a statement by the PMO, the two leaders have agreed to remain in regular touch with each other on a range of issues covered under the India-Russia Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership. Insofar as visits from foreign dignitaries and leaders go, Putin's visit to India earlier this month was arguably the most consequential development for India in the field of foreign affairs for quite some time. India, as may be known, has a long and storied relationship with Russia and its precursor, the Soviet Union. From the earliest days, the friendship between the two nations had a strong strategic undertone with both sides supporting each other on the world stage whenever necessary. Indeed, the Soviet Union was undeniably India's greatest ally in the 20th century against the machinations of the western powers like the US that did not take kindly to India announcing itself to be a 'socialist' nation. From Kashmir to the Bangladesh Liberation War, Russia has stood by India in defence of its strategic interests. As a proof of the relationship, a majority of military equipment India currently possesses was either directly supplied by Moscow or is otherwise of Russian origin. In recent years, with the fall of the Soviet Union and India's move towards liberalising its economy, India has ventured out into the world to make a new set of friends. This time around, it is India and the US that are getting along like a house on fire. India has deliberately sought to widen its field diplomatically and militarily in order to not be tied down to a single nation with the rather pragmatic understanding that there are no permanent relationships in international politics. In more recent times, Russia and India have somewhat drifted further apart as Russia bands together with India's rival China to take on the hegemony of the western world that is held up by the US. While India has no interest in joining the US in its power games against Russia, it is very much interested in leveraging its relationship with the west in its struggle to contain a belligerent China. It is here that India has had to perform a tremendous tight-rope walk, particularly following the 2014 annexation of Crimea by Russia. On the one hand, you have America that wishes to limit or even extinguish India's strategic relationship with Russia. On the other, you have Russia that is increasingly concerned and agitated by India drawing ever closer to the US's sphere of influence as it joins America in endeavours like the Quad grouping. Of particular concern to both sides is India's continuing dependence on Russia for military equipment. The US, already having sanctioned Turkey for the same, looks on menacingly as it threatens India with sanctions for buying the S-400 missile system. Russia, of course, is not only interested in keeping its old defence ties but even expanding them, as it has been recently teasing India with the possibility of being the first nation in the world to buy the improved S-500 missile system. In this regard, Putin's visit to India could be termed as symbolic. Since the beginning of the pandemic, Putin has only ventured out twice from his country, with the second trip being the one to India. His tone and body language during the meeting with PM Modi spoke volumes of the importance he attaches to maintaining the ties with India. Aside from underscoring the good working relationship he has with India's PM, the visit also highlighted that despite the recent turns of history, the two nations still have much to share and collectively work towards. Common concern in regards to the Taliban and Afghanistan is one such area that the two sides are looking to cooperate on in the near future. Another is strengthening existing defence ties between the two nations. Underscoring its strategic independence, India has decided to continue with its defence dealings with Russia, discussing the purchase of the S-400 missile system while also finalising a long-pending Rs 5,000 crore deal for the production of over five lakh AK-203 rifles in a joint Indo-Russian deal. But all said and done, the future of India's relationship with Russia still has some shades of uncertainty. Primary amongst them is the ongoing escalation between Moscow and NATO in regards to Ukraine and eastern Europe. If Russia should choose to brave threats of western sanctions to take action in Ukraine, where does this leave India? Can India still continue its balancing game between east and west at a time when geopolitics are heating up to a boiling point? That remains to be seen.

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Title:

Content: Will Trump Win US Presidential Elections?

x

Donald Trump

Highlights

Does India firmly believe that Trump will win the race in US presidency? Does India want Trump to come to power to end the war between Russia and Ukraine? If the comments made by the key leader of the Republican Party, Nikki Haley are any indication, it appears so.

Hyderabad: Does India firmly believe that Trump will win the race inUS presidency? Does India want Trump to come to power to end the war between Russia and Ukraine? If the comments made by the key leader of the Republican Party, Nikki Haley are any indication, it appears so.

Nicky said that Putin did not commit any aggression when Trump was in power but when obama was the President Putin occupied Crimea, attacked Ukraine at the same time when Biden became President, he atracked Ukraine. That is why America needs a strong president, she said.

May be India also feels the same way.

The question now arises is will Trump be able to bring peace by making Putin to cease war? Will he be able to maintain proper relations with India and Russia.

The US National Security adviser cautioned that strong ties with Russia were a bad bet for India. America has made similar comments on India's relations with Russia in the past. But India did not care much. A neutral attitude has been followed. Now with Modi's hugging Putin, questions were raised about India's foreign policies. In particular, the question arises as to why Modi is giving priority to Russia instead of America.

Certainly India does not want to spoil relations with America. There is historical reasons for this.

Then why is it maintaining close relations with Russia.

Historically, it has been the biggest supplier of weapons and other defence equipment to India – from the MIG and Sukhoi fighter jets to, more recently, the S-400 anti-missile defence systems.

Since the start of Russia’s war in Ukraine, India has also dramatically ramped up its purchase of Russian crude. Russia is today India’s biggest supplier of oil and those imports have led to the total volume of India-Russia trade .

At the same time, India has in recent years strengthened its ties with the US, whose help it sees as essential to ward off the perceived threat emanating from China’s rise.

Modi and Donald Trump had good relations earlier also. The two leaders had a few years ago held joint public events in Houston and the Indian city of Ahmedabad.Recently modi reacted on the attack on trump, describing Trump as my friend.

After attack Indian administration was increasingly convinced that Trump might return to power in November. Trumps victory would help India, by easing the pressure on New Delhi to turn away from Moscow.

A second Trump administration, almost certainly, will care less about the optics of Russia-India ties. In his first term as president, Trump focused US strategic attention on Washington’s rivalry with Beijing, rather than on Moscow – a worldview that is in sync with India’s. India too views Beijing as its principal threat.

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Content: New Delhi | Jagran News Desk: Prime Minister Narendra Modi met visiting Russian president Vladimir Putin at Delhi’s Hyderabad House on Monday evening. Prime Minister said that India-Russia ties are stronger than ever.

Prime Minister Modi added that despite the challenges posed by the pandemic, there has been no change in the relationship between India and Russia. He further pointed out that the two countries cooperated during the COVID-19 crisis too, in the field of vaccine and humanitarian support. "The relation between India and Russia is truly a unique and reliable model of interstate friendship," Prime Minister Narendra Modi said.

"You (Putin) should be credited for the strategic partnership between our countries for the 3 decades," PM Modi said, acknowledging Russian President Vladimir Putin's role in nurturing the bilateral traditions between India and Russia.

India a great power, time-tested friend: Vladimir Putin

Russian President Vladimir Putin said that Russia considers India 'a great power' and a 'time tested' friend. "The relations between our nations are growing and I am looking into the futur," Putin added while further asserting his happiness at being in India, saying that he is 'happy to travel to India'.

"Currently mutual investments stand at about 38 million with a bit more investment coming from the Russian side. We cooperate greatly in military and technical sphere like no other country. We develop high technologies together as well as produce in India," Putin said.

This is the first in-person meeting between PM Modi and President Putin after their meeting on the sidelines of BRICS summit in Brazil in 2019 before the beginning of COVID-19 pandemic. Both the leaders are scheduled to hold deliberations to review the prospects of bilateral relations and recalibrate the long standing India-Russia friendship.

"The agenda for the dialogue will cover political and defence issues of mutual interest. The establishment of this new mechanism of two plus two dialogue is expected to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries," Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Arindam Bagchi had said earlier.

Posted By: Mukul Sharma

Title:

Content: Russian President Vladimir Putin to visit India on December 6, Know Key Details

The visit of Russian President Putin coincides with the delivery of the first batch of the S400 air defence systems to India. Know key agendas during Putin’s visit to India.

Created On: Nov 15, 2021 10:25 IST
PM Modi, Russian President Putin, Source: Reuters

Putin visit to India 2021: Russian President Vladimir Putin is expected to visit India on December 6, 2021, for the Annual Summit with PM Narendra Modi. During Putin’s visit to India, a number of pacts in the field of economy, defence, science and technology, trade are expected to be signed. The visit of Russian President Putin coincides with the delivery of the first batch of the S400 air defence systems to India by the end of 2021. Putin’s visit will be preceded by the first 2+2 dialogue of the foreign and defence ministers meeting and a joint military commission.

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit to India on December 6: Key Agendas

During Putin’s visit to India on December 6, 2021, a number of pacts in the field of economy, defence, science and technology, trade are expected to be signed. The Summit will also witness the renewal of a framework for military-technical cooperation for the next decade (2021-31). A joint commission on technology and science is also likely to be announced.

India and Russia are at the stage of finalizing negotiations for the Reciprocal Exchange of Logistics Agreement (RELOS) which is likely to be signed during the Summit or the first 2+2 dialogue of the foreign and defence ministers meeting.

The situation and developments in Afghanistan since the Taliban take over are also expected to be taken up during 2+2 ministerial dialogue and the Summit. In August 2021, PM Modi and Russian President Putin had announced to create a permanent channel between India’s National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and Russian counterpart Nikolay Patrushev for discussions relating to Afghanistan.

The visit of the Russian President coincides with the delivery of the first batch of the S400 air defence systems to India by the end of 2021. India and Russia had signed the contract for S400 air defence systems in October 2018.

Besides strategic areas of discussion, the COVID-19 crisis and overall health sector will also be discussed. India is a major production hub for Russian Sputnik V COVID-19 vaccine.

Also read: India likely to be first buyer of Russia’s S-500 anti-aircraft missile system

Russian President Vladimir Putin last visit to India

Last, Russian President Putin visited India in 2018 for the Annual Summit during which the contract for S400 system was signed between India and Russia. The last edition of the Summit between India-Russia in 2020 was postponed due to COVID-19.

List of international presidential trips made by Vladimir Putin in 2021

Since the outbreak of COVID-19, the visit to India on December 6 will be Putin’s second foreign visit in 2021.

The first foreign visit of Putin in 2021 was to Geneva for a summit-level meeting with US President Joe Biden. Putin had joined the G20 Summit virtually amid COVID-19 crisis in Russia.

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Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

However, India remains concerned that deepening Russia-China ties could pressure Moscow to downgrade its relationship with New Delhi, complicating India’s strategic calculations .

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

This has led India to pursue a careful balancing act, strengthening its partnership with the US and the Quad to counter China’s regional assertiveness while maintaining robust defense and economic ties with Russia [707b4e10_

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  4. India, Russia looking at holding '2+2' dialogue alongside Modi-Putin summit

India, Russia looking at holding '2+2' dialogue alongside Modi-Putin summit

The pact will allow militaries of the two countries to use each other's bases for repair and replenishment of supplies, besides facilitating scaling up of overall defense cooperation.

PTI
New Delhi Published on: November 17, 2021 23:36 IST

The first edition of India-Russia '2+2' defense and foreign ministerial dialogue may be held alongside a summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin that is likely to take place on December 6, people familiar with the developments said on Wednesday. The two sides are looking at holding the '2+2' dialogue around the time of the summit primarily due to scheduling issues, they said. External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh are scheduled to hold the dialogue with their Russian counterparts Sergey Lavrov and Sergey Shoygu.

Jaishankar and Singh were to travel to Moscow in the last week of November but the plan is being amended primarily due to the Winter session of Parliament that is scheduled from November 29.

The two ministers were also likely to travel to Washington for the India-US '2+2' dialogue with US Secretay of State Antony Blinken and Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin later this month or early December.

But, the people cited above said the talks are now likely to be pushed to January. Putin is likely to visit India for the bilateral summit with Modi on December 6. The summit is expected to produce specific outcomes in further expanding ties in areas of defense, trade, and energy.

It is learned that the two sides are going to firm up a number of agreements in the areas of defense, trade and investment, and science and technology at the summit.

A framework for military-technical cooperation is set to be renewed for the next decade at the summit besides announcing a joint commission on technology and science. India and Russia have also reached the final phase of negotiation for a logistics support agreement and it is likely to be signed either during the two-plus-two talks or at the summit.

The pact will allow militaries of the two countries to use each other's bases for repair and replenishment of supplies, besides facilitating scaling up of overall defense cooperation. The unfolding humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan and implications of the Taliban's takeover of Kabul for regional security are also expected to figure prominently at the summit.

The summit was postponed last year because of the COVID-19 pandemic. Both the countries have a mechanism under which India's prime minister and the Russian president hold a summit meeting annually to review the entire gamut of ties.

So far 20 Annual Summit meetings have taken place alternatively in India and Russia. Russia has been a time-tested partner for India and a key pillar of New Delhi's foreign policy.

Also Read: India starts receiving 'game changer' S-400 surface-to-air missile systems from Russia

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