Javier Milei’s presidency in Argentina is defined by a radical libertarian and market-oriented policy agenda that seeks to fundamentally transform the country’s economic, political, and institutional landscape.

His administration’s reforms are characterized by aggressive austerity, sweeping deregulation, privatization, and a confrontational anti-establishment political style, all of which have profound implications for Argentina’s governance, economy, and society .

**Economic Reforms:** Milei’s economic strategy is anchored in libertarian principles, particularly those of the Austrian School, emphasizing minimal state intervention and free-market mechanisms .

The centerpiece of his agenda is the proposed dollarization of the Argentine economy—replacing the peso with the US dollar as the sole legal tender.

This measure aims to "kill" hyperinflation, which has reached rates as high as 300% annually, and restore confidence in the economy by eliminating the Central Bank, which Milei blames for chronic monetary instability .

However, dollarization requires congressional approval and substantial US dollar reserves, which Argentina currently lacks, making implementation both politically and technically challenging .

Austerity is another defining feature of Milei’s economic reforms.

His administration has enacted severe cuts to public spending, including a 15% reduction in government expenditures, elimination of subsidies for energy, transport, and fuel, and the dissolution of several ministries such as Culture and Women, Gender, and Diversity .

These measures are intended to achieve a fiscal surplus—the first since 2008—which Milei touts as a foundation for future prosperity .

The austerity program also includes halting 90% of public works projects and slashing state transfers to regional governments by nearly 75% .

Privatization and deregulation are central to Milei’s market-oriented approach.

His administration has introduced a "mega-decree" to repeal over 300 laws and regulations, facilitating the privatization of state-owned enterprises and the removal of rent controls and labor protections .

These reforms are designed to attract foreign investment, stimulate economic growth, and reduce what Milei views as bureaucratic inefficiencies and obstacles to market freedom .

**Political and Institutional Reforms:** Milei’s political strategy is marked by a combative anti-establishment rhetoric, positioning himself as an outsider fighting against a "political caste" he accuses of causing Argentina’s decline .

His coalition, La Libertad Avanza, holds a minority in Congress, which has led to political isolation and significant challenges in passing his ambitious reform agenda .

To circumvent legislative obstacles, Milei has adopted a "turbo-politics" approach, issuing emergency decrees and omnibus bills that bundle major reforms into single legislative packages, often bypassing traditional debate and scrutiny .

For example, his Necessity and Urgency Decree (NDU) repealed over 300 laws, expediting privatization and deregulation efforts .

Institutional restructuring is a hallmark of Milei’s governance.

In addition to dissolving ministries, he has proposed the shutdown of the National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET), a move that threatens Argentina’s scientific research capacity and signals a prioritization of private investment over state support for science and culture .

These institutional changes reflect Milei’s commitment to reducing the size and influence of the state in all sectors .

**Social and Cultural Policies:** Milei’s social agenda is a blend of libertarian economics and cultural conservatism.

He has taken hardline stances on issues such as abortion, labeling it "aggravated murder" and proposing to repeal the law that legalized it in Argentina .

He has also advocated for controversial measures like legalizing the sale of human organs and has expressed skepticism about climate change, dismissing it as a "socialist lie" .

These positions have sparked significant public debate and mobilization among activist groups, contributing to societal polarization .

**Impact on Institutions and Governance:** Milei’s use of emergency powers and legislative bypassing has raised concerns about the erosion of democratic norms and the concentration of power in the executive branch .

The elimination of ministries and proposed shutdowns of scientific and cultural institutions have alarmed various sectors, including the scientific community, which fears a brain drain and diminished research capacity .

Critics argue that these developments could undermine democratic institutions, weaken the legislative branch, and set a precedent for authoritarian governance .

**Economic and Social Impact:** The immediate effects of Milei’s reforms have been profound.

While his administration achieved a fiscal surplus, this has come at the cost of increased poverty and social unrest.

Poverty rates have surged, with estimates suggesting that up to 57% of the population now live in poverty, a sharp increase attributed to high inflation and cuts to social programs .

The elimination of subsidies and public services has disproportionately affected low-income households, leading to a loss of about 20% of purchasing power for wage earners and worsening food insecurity as community kitchens are dissolved .

Protests and strikes organized by labor unions and social movements have become widespread, reflecting significant public discontent and resistance to austerity measures .

**Environmental Policy:** Milei’s administration has pursued extensive deregulation in environmental policy, including the repeal of protections such as the Glacier Protection Law, which now permits mining in ecologically sensitive areas .

He has proposed dismantling the environmental ministry and shutting down CONICET, further weakening Argentina’s capacity for environmental governance and research .

His climate change skepticism and deregulatory agenda have drawn criticism from environmentalists and complicated Argentina’s international relations, particularly with countries prioritizing climate action .

**International Relations:** Milei’s foreign policy marks a shift toward closer alignment with the United States and a distancing from leftist regimes in Latin America .

His administration seeks to attract foreign investment, especially in strategic sectors like lithium, while his initial antagonism toward China and Brazil has given way to a more pragmatic approach post-election .

International financial institutions such as the IMF have expressed cautious optimism about Milei’s reforms, but concerns remain about their feasibility and social impact .

**Public Reception and Youth Engagement:** Milei’s radical agenda has polarized Argentine society.

He enjoys significant support among younger voters, who are drawn to his anti-establishment rhetoric and promises of economic freedom .

His effective use of social media and direct communication has fostered a grassroots movement among youth frustrated with traditional politics .

However, his policies have also provoked fierce opposition from labor unions, social movements, and other sectors, leading to widespread protests and highlighting deep societal divisions .

**Implications for Argentina’s Future:** Javier Milei’s policy agenda represents a profound transformation of Argentina’s governance, economy, and society.

His libertarian and market-oriented strategies have achieved some fiscal milestones but have also led to increased poverty, social unrest, and concerns about democratic backsliding and institutional erosion .

The long-term success of his reforms depends on his ability to navigate a fragmented Congress, manage social tensions, and balance radical change with democratic norms and social cohesion.

The future trajectory of Argentina under Milei’s leadership remains uncertain, with the potential for both economic stabilization and deepening societal challenges [13168c

Javier Milei’s presidency in Argentina is defined by a radical libertarian and market-oriented policy agenda that seeks to fundamentally transform the country’s economic, political, and institutional landscape.

Javier Milei’s presidency in Argentina is defined by a radical libertarian and market-oriented policy agenda that seeks to fundamentally transform the country’s economic, political, and institutional landscape.

Javier Milei’s presidency in Argentina is defined by a radical libertarian and market-oriented policy agenda that seeks to fundamentally transform the country’s economic, political, and institutional landscape.

His administration’s reforms are characterized by aggressive austerity, sweeping deregulation, privatization, and a confrontational anti-establishment political style, all of which have profound implications for Argentina’s governance, economy, and society .

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Content: December 16, 2023

As Argentina’s new president, it took only one day for Javier Meili to get rid of the Culture Ministry. Miley was inaugurated on December 10, and the next day, the liberal economist and former television commentator delivered on her campaign promise with characteristic bravery. Also on the chopping block – or, rather, in the path of her chainsaw, which Miley wielded throughout her campaign to symbolize her intention to cut government spending – was the Ministry of Women, Gender and Diversity.

Many other ministries were reduced in size and transformed into new entities. The Ministry of Social Development, the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Labour, Employment and Social Security will be divided into a newly formed Ministry of Human Capital headed by former TV producer Sandra Pettovello. Meanwhile, the ministries of public works, transport, energy, mining and communications will be merged into a new infrastructure ministry. (It appears that the Ministry of Culture and the Ministry of Women, Gender and Diversity will be dissolved entirely.)

Coming out on top after a runoff election against Argentina’s former economy minister Sergio Massa, Miley is keen to show her supporters she is serious about austerity measures. The self-described “anarcho-capitalist” cut widespread subsidies for gas and electricity and canceled public projects, considering these actions necessary to bring Argentina’s economy under control. Additionally, Miley announced a plan to devalue the Argentine peso against the dollar to half its current value in an effort to prevent hyperinflation, a move lauded by the International Monetary Fund, which has held Argentina’s debt to the tune of $40 billion. More is due. Prices in Argentina have more than doubled in the past year, and 40% of the population lives below the poverty line.

Although Miley’s actions are presented as economic policy, they are also a means of exerting control. A fan of Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro (former presidents of the US and Brazil, respectively), Miley has a history of blustering, ignoring reporters, and promoting far-right views on issues such as abortion, immigration, climate change, and gun ownership. He also regularly attacks his political rivals, labeling socialists “trash” and “human excrement”. (Bolsonaro also fired his country’s cultural ministry when he took office, and Trump congratulated Miley on her victory, saying he would “make Argentina great again”.)

Miley has referred to his country’s Ministry of Education as “the Ministry of Education”, and his disparaging view of the arts and humanities extends back to history – to the public accounts of those executed and disappeared by Argentina’s 1970s military junta. Casting doubt on the numbers and mocking human rights activists. Miley’s vice president, Victoria Villarruel, a regular supporter of the junta, in September called for a tribute to the “victims” of leftist groups of the 1970s and the dismantling of the ESMA Museum and Memory Site in Buenos Aires. , a former junta prison and torture center, has recently been named a UNESCO World Heritage Site.

Source: www.theartnewspaper.com

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Content: Argentina’s Javier Milei Attempts To Turn Back the ‘Pink Tide’

Election Sunday could elevate a radical libertarian, free marketeer, and advocate of sound money to the presidency of the country whose name means money.

It’s too soon to say whether tomorrow the arch-libertarian Javier Milei will be able to convert his place from leading contender to become Argentina’s president-elect. There might have to be a runoff. It’s not too soon, though, to savor the prospect of a free marketeer and sound money advocate acceding to the Pink House. Particularly in the land that spawned Perónism and whose name — Argentina —  means money.

The anarcho-capitalist is campaigning with a chainsaw, vowing to upend Argentina’s establishment, which he describes as a “political caste” of “useless parasites.” It’s “no time for nice words and good manners,” he avers, noting that, as the Wall Street Journal reports, “the caste is trembling.” The anger, if strident, is understandable, with Perónism, a leftist hybrid of nationalism and statism, having ravaged the once-thriving Argentine economy.

Poverty stands at 40 percent in a country that once vied with America as a contender for economic superpower status. Inflation is running at a catastrophic 138 percent, devastating Argentines’ buying power and driving a black market in dollars. No wonder Mr. Milei wants to ditch the country’s debased peso, which he calls “a currency emitted by Argentine politicians” that isn’t even “worth excrement,” because the pesos can’t be used as fertilizer.

The real path toward restoring sound money in Argentina would be to restore a peso convertible into gold or silver, as opposed to merely adopting a fiat dollar. Yet Mr. Milei’s proposed “dollarization” — making the greenback Argentina’s sole legal tender — is something of a step in the right direction. It would mark a sea change for a country that has been notorious for its lax monetary and fiscal policies after it abandoned its gold standard.

That was in 1929. Since then, Argentina’s currency has fallen in tandem with the country’s economic prospects. As the 20th century began, both America and Argentina “were young, dynamic nations with fertile farmlands and confident exporters,” journalist and historian Alan Beattie has observed, and “Argentina was among the 10 richest economies in the world.” Emigrants fleeing Europe were often torn, he noted: “Buenos Aires or New York?”

Argentina’s prospects dimmed during the Great Depression. Instead of following America’s path by embracing global trade, Argentina fell prey to the siren song of Perónism. This regime of corporate cronyism and big government, as economist Lawrence Reed explains, “expanded the power of labor unions, spent lavishly on welfare schemes and waged class warfare against the rich,” and drove Argentina’s economy into the ditch.

One of the most insidious aspects of Perónism is how it inverted the formula of “negative rights.” These are enshrined in America’s Constitution to protect against the predations of the government, as seen in, say, the First Amendment, which opens by saying “Congress shall make no law . . .” By contrast, Eva Perón justified the socialist takeover of the economy and a bloated welfare state by saying “Where there’s a need, there’s a right.”

Mr. Milei is, in the Financial Times’ telling, running on a platform that is as far from Perónism as it gets, calling for “unfettered free markets,” free trade, and “giving primacy to private property and individual freedom.” The fact that he has named his dogs after economists like Milton Friedman, Robert Lucas, and Murray Rothbard suggests he has an awareness that political liberty is not possible without economic liberty.

Whether or not Mr. Milei wins the presidency in Sunday’s first round of voting, as he suggests is a possibility, or at all, his candidacy is a bright spot on a continent that has lately drifted toward the shoals of neo-Marxism. Observers call it a “pink tide.” The Argentines have the opportunity at the ballot box to buck this leftward trend, choosing sound money and individual liberty and putting their country on the path to prosperity it left decades ago.

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Argentina's President Javier Milei Brands Abortion 'Aggravated Murder', Sparks Nationwide Debate

President Javier Milei's recent comments on abortion have rekindled Argentina's national debate over reproductive rights, highlighting deep societal and political divides.

Waqas Arain
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On March 6, Argentine President Javier Milei ignited a firestorm of controversy with his remarks at the Cardenal Copello School in Buenos Aires, where he labeled abortion as 'murder aggravated by the bond' and criticized proponents of legal abortion. Milei's stern condemnation of the practice, which has been legal in Argentina since 2020, underscores a significant shift in the country's political discourse regarding reproductive rights.

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Controversial Stance Amid Political Promises

Milei, who has been vocal about his opposition to abortion since his election campaign, reiterated his stance in a speech that not only challenged the current law but also criticized the 'murderers with green neckerchiefs' - a direct reference to activists who championed the law's passage. Despite his strong opposition, Milei's administration has yet to introduce legislation to repeal the law, leaving some to question the priority of this issue in his political agenda. This comes as Milei's vice president, Victoria Villarruel, downplayed the urgency of addressing abortion law repeal given the country's economic challenges.

Legislative Action and Internal Coalition Dynamics

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In February, controversy within Milei's political coalition, La Libertad Avanza, surfaced when congresswoman Rocío Bonacci introduced a bill to repeal the abortion law without the coalition's endorsement or consultation with Milei. This move highlighted the differing opinions within the coalition and raised questions about the unified stance on this contentious issue. Bonacci defended her action by emphasizing her personal commitment to defending life.

Societal and Political Implications

Milei's statements and the subsequent legislative actions have reignited the abortion debate in Argentina, bringing the issue back into the national spotlight. Feminists and LGBT groups are mobilizing in opposition to Milei's policies, marking a resurgence in activism. The president's stance has not only deepened the ideological divide but also prompted a broader discussion on reproductive rights and governmental priorities in Argentina.

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How will Milei's reforms impact workers?

What does Milei promote in terms of healthcare and education?

How will Milei's reforms impact workers?

What does Milei promote in terms of healthcare and education?

How will Milei's reforms impact workers?

What does Milei promote in terms of healthcare and education?

**Economic Reforms:** Milei’s economic strategy is anchored in libertarian principles, particularly those of the Austrian School, emphasizing minimal state intervention and free-market mechanisms .

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Content: The US Government congratulates Miley and calls on them to work together on the economy and environment

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The United States government on Sunday congratulated far-right Javier Miley on his victory in the Argentine presidential election, and called on him to work together on the economy, human rights, democracy and combating the climate crisis.

“Congratulations to Javier Miley and the Argentine people! We look forward to working together on shared priorities that benefit the people of our two countries.”

The diplomat pointed out that potential areas of cooperation are “protecting human rights and democracy, combating climate change, improving the investment climate and investing in the middle class.”

Later, White House National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan joined the congratulations and affirmed the United States' commitment to human rights.

US President Joe Biden's advisor said: “I congratulate Javier Miley on his election as president of Argentina, and I congratulate the people of Argentina on holding free and fair elections.”

He added: “We look forward to continuing to build our strong bilateral relationship based on our shared commitment to human rights, democratic values, and transparency.”

According to an audit by the National Elections Directorate, with 98% of the tables counted, Meli won the elections with 56% of the votes (14,319,272 votes) compared to the current Minister of Economy, Sergio Massa, with 44% (11,384,014 votes).

Given the overwhelming victory that was expected, Massa appeared before the official results were announced to recognize the victory of Miley, who will assume the presidency of Argentina on December 10.

The ultra-liberal has proposed dollarizing the country to solve Argentina's devastated economy. He does not believe in climate change and denies that 30,000 people disappeared during the military dictatorship (1976-1983).

Former US President Donald Trump (2017-2021) congratulated Miley, who admires the Republican, and declared that he was “proud” of his victory.

“Congratulations to Javier Miley on the wonderful election as President of Argentina. The whole world was watching! I am very proud of you,” Trump said on social media.

X (formerly Twitter) mogul Elon Musk also congratulated Miley's victory from the United States and predicted that “Argentina awaits prosperity.”

The centerpiece of his agenda is the proposed dollarization of the Argentine economy—replacing the peso with the US dollar as the sole legal tender.

The centerpiece of his agenda is the proposed dollarization of the Argentine economy—replacing the peso with the US dollar as the sole legal tender.

The centerpiece of his agenda is the proposed dollarization of the Argentine economy—replacing the peso with the US dollar as the sole legal tender.

This measure aims to "kill" hyperinflation, which has reached rates as high as 300% annually, and restore confidence in the economy by eliminating the Central Bank, which Milei blames for chronic monetary instability .

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Content: Protesters clash with police in Argentina over austerity reforms

Argentina protests. Copyright Natacha Pisarenko/Copyright 2024 The AP. All rights reserved
By Euronews with AP
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Demonstrators are demanding Javier Milei's government provide more social benefits for impoverished families.

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Grassroots movements clashed with police on Wednesday during a demonstration in central Buenos Aires.

Hundreds gathered in front of government buildings, rallying against the austerity measures being ramped up by Javier Milei's government.

Police used water cannons to disperse the protesters, who tried to block one of the city's main avenues. Officials reported that at least eight people were detained during the operation.

The organisations behind the protests are demanding more social benefits for impoverished families.

A security protocol that came into force a few days after Milei took office enables federal forces to evict or disperse protesters who block traffic.

The law's critics maintain that it violates free assembly, association, and freedom of expression.

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Milei's 'mega-decree' labour reforms blocked by top court in Argentina

What might happen to Argentina after Milei's mega-decree?

Streets of Argentina erupt with anger against new Milei proposals

What economic issue did Milei want to address?

What economic issue did Milei want to address?

What economic issue did Milei want to address?

However, dollarization requires congressional approval and substantial US dollar reserves, which Argentina currently lacks, making implementation both politically and technically challenging .

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Content: Protesters clash with police in Argentina over austerity reforms

Argentina protests. Copyright Natacha Pisarenko/Copyright 2024 The AP. All rights reserved
By Euronews with AP
Share this articleComments
Share this article
Copy/paste the article video embed link below:Copied

Demonstrators are demanding Javier Milei's government provide more social benefits for impoverished families.

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Grassroots movements clashed with police on Wednesday during a demonstration in central Buenos Aires.

Hundreds gathered in front of government buildings, rallying against the austerity measures being ramped up by Javier Milei's government.

Police used water cannons to disperse the protesters, who tried to block one of the city's main avenues. Officials reported that at least eight people were detained during the operation.

The organisations behind the protests are demanding more social benefits for impoverished families.

A security protocol that came into force a few days after Milei took office enables federal forces to evict or disperse protesters who block traffic.

The law's critics maintain that it violates free assembly, association, and freedom of expression.

Share this articleComments

You might also like

Milei's 'mega-decree' labour reforms blocked by top court in Argentina

What might happen to Argentina after Milei's mega-decree?

Streets of Argentina erupt with anger against new Milei proposals

Austerity is another defining feature of Milei’s economic reforms.

Austerity is another defining feature of Milei’s economic reforms.

Austerity is another defining feature of Milei’s economic reforms.

His administration has enacted severe cuts to public spending, including a 15% reduction in government expenditures, elimination of subsidies for energy, transport, and fuel, and the dissolution of several ministries such as Culture and Women, Gender, and Diversity .

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Argentina’s Javier Milei Is Looking To Bluff His Political Rivals

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And just like that, Argentina’s ultra-libertarian president, Javier Milei, sent the whole socio-political-economic ecosystem into disarray

Praised for his moderation and pragmatism during the first few weeks of his presidency, the self-proclaimed anarcho-capitalist has now put in place a series of controversial measures which have divided public opinion, generating a new iteration of Argentina’s infamous “grieta,” our very own version of the polarization that has now become the norm across the so-called ‘Western World.’ But, it’s no longer about the antagonism between Kirchnerites and their opponents, mainly represented by Mauricio Macri and the Juntos por el Cambio coalition, but about those blindly in favor of the wild-haired economist and those denouncing his every move as a diabolic, anti-democratic part of a ferocious plan to tear down the tenets of Argentine society.

Both sides seem to agree that he is executing a carefully crafted plan that will either elevate Argentina back to the lost status of “global power” of the late 19th century or ravage the nation in order put it on the chopping-block and conduct a fire sale to hand over the crown jewels to global financial elites. Those with access to the Casa Rosada tell a different story though, one of amateurism and incomplete staffing that would suggest the La Libertad Avanza coalition is acting more out of necessity than Machiavellian genius.

Milei finally broke out of his honeymoon period with those who didn’t vote for him after launching a massive package of reforms through a “decreto de necesidad y urgencia,” an emergency decree (DNU) which has become the standard practice for presidents seeking to bypass Congress and is generally used for less ambitious projects. The DNU is truly massive, with 366 articles including the repeal of multiple laws which call into question the constitutionality of the measure, even if governing via DNU is already contrary to the spirit of the Constitution and something that has happened in each of the last several administrations. It was quickly followed by the Omnibus law, equally as massive in its scope and ambition, and its capacitiy to divide the political field.

Put together by liberal economist Federico Sturzenegger, who ran the Central Bank under Macri and helds no role in the Milei-Villaruel administration until after the project was presented, the “mega-decree” was announced by national (and obligatory) broadcast several weeks in a dramatic scene that had Milei as the protagonist in the foreground and his whole team standing behind, statue-like, as the president read sternly.

Earlier that day they had scored a political victory with Security Minister Patricia Bullrich’s “anti-picket” protocol making its debut, effectively diluting the first public protest against the government. Some reports indicated there was more security than 'piquetero' protesters. Weeks later, the General Confederation of Labor united the pan-Peronist opposition in a massive march that managed to remain cordial, respecting Bullrich's protocol by trying to show political muscle in the streets.

The reform package conformed by DNU and Omnibus bill immediately generated the reaction of Milei's political opponents, along with a substantial portion of the population who took to the streets for a traditional “cacerolazo,” a protests with pots and pans reminiscent of the worst days of the 2001 crisis. There are no coincidences. Congressional leaders from the pan-Peronist Unión por la Patria coalition spoke with union strongmen from the General Confederation of Labor (CGT) umbrella union group. Members of the Unión Cívica Radical (UCR) warned of unconstitutionality and specialist lawyers indicated Milei was trampling all over the Constitution by failing to respect the separation of powers. Buenos Aires Province governor Axel Kicillof, probably the leading member of the Peronist opposition, and his government decided to ignore Bullrich’s “anti-picket” protocol claiming it violated the constitutional right to protest. A few weeks before, Economy Minister Luis ‘Toto’ Caputo unveiled the government’s initial economic plan, generating a similar reaction in the political field which didn’t seem to make its way to the general population. The situation is beginning to change and as the actual implications of the Milei administration’s actions make an impact, social and political actors will begin to respond.

There should be few doubts that one of the strongest points of La Libertad Avanza’s electoral strategy had to do with communications, particularly on social media. These early moves suggest they will try and double down, betting on the use of their skills to try and compensate for the lack of political support, despite a strong victory over both Sergio Massa and the Peronists, and Bullrich and Juntos por el Cambio. Toto Caputo, however, is known to be particularly uncomfortable with the media. His pre-recorded message several weeks ago announcing tough economic measures — many of which contradicted Milei’s campaign promises, particularly tax hikes — was delayed several times reportedly due to the need for multiple takes and Milei’s direct involvement (or maybe indirectly through sister Karina). The second measure he announced, for example, was a year-long reduction of government advertising to zero – a direct strike to the beleaguered media industry and a measure that has practically zero impact on the deficit but high popular approval. The over-dramatization of the security operation to contain a moderate-to-small protest early into the presidency, together with pictures of Milei and Bullrich supervising from police headquarters, allowed them to take advantage of the far-left Partido Obrero to score an easy win and show his electorate that they can control the streets. Yet, controlling a couple of thousand protesters is one thing. The CGT protest that brought together the political and social power of the unions remained under control, and that's a win for the government, but it was a political protest. If the middle class begins to lose its temper, and expectations, Milei could face a much more difficult scenario.

The “basis for the reconstruction of the Argentine economy” reform package could be another attempt to win the communications game and take the spotlight to appear active in the eyes of the public opinion. With absolute minorities in both chambers of Congress and several controversial reforms included in a massive package passed by Milei’s mega-DNU, it's difficult to imagine that it will quickly pass in the Chamber of Deputies, despite an early win at the commission level with the help of the former Juntos por el Cambio coalition. Furthermore, several interest groups are putting together legal arguments to dispute the issue in court, especially the labor reform which has been stayed. It could quickly make its way to a Supreme Court that has already proven eager to interject politically.

Ultimately, most, if not all, of the regulations, laws, and measures included in the decree will have to make their way through Congress and will therefore be subject to negotiations and amendments. Yet, Milei has shown initiative and wants to maintain, or extend, the popular support which took him to victory in the run-off and has already generated a circumstantial majority in the Senate to defeat the Peronist caucus and at the commissions to get the Omnibus bill past the first obstacle.

There are risks that the ultra-libertarian could prove authoritarian and anti-democratic. He’s shown some of that in the past, particularly by claiming he would govern by plebiscite if he didn’t have the support of Congress (something Hugo Chávez did to amend the Venezuelan constitution) and by picking a dictatorship denialist as his running-mate. Many of his detractors have pointed to signs that suggest Argentina could descend into a state of totalitarianism, and this emergency decree fuels their suspicion.

It’s not clear whether the conditions for such a situation are in place. For now, he seems to be bluffing his political opponents. We’ll see if someone calls his hand.

This piece was originally published in the Buenos Aires Times, Argentina's only English-language newspaper.

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Content: Javier Milei’s Radical Agenda Threatens Argentina’s Scientific Community

As the 22 October presidential election in Argentina draws near, scientists in the country are growing increasingly concerned about the potential implications of front runner Javier Milei’s radical agenda. One of his most controversial proposals is the complete shutdown of the National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET), the country’s main science agency and a critical source of funding for over 12,000 researchers across 300 institutions.

Milei, a libertarian candidate often compared to former US President Donald Trump and former Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, argues that shutting down CONICET and relying on private investment for scientific research could alleviate Argentina’s ongoing fiscal crisis. He has also proposed privatizing other sectors, including health and the environment, and even suggested allowing individuals to sell their organs for profit.

The scientific community in Argentina, home to Latin America’s third-largest economy, is deeply alarmed by the potential consequences of Milei’s presidency. The National Academy of Exact, Physical and Natural Sciences in Buenos Aires has stressed the importance of state investment in science, highlighting that leading developed countries heavily invest in scientific research as a means to drive economic development and tackle poverty.

Milei’s rise to prominence has been fueled by Argentina’s economic turmoil, with high inflation rates, escalating debt to international creditors, and significant levels of poverty. While he may currently be leading in the polls, experts remain skeptical of the figures, and his opponents are still actively campaigning to garner support.

If Milei were to become president, many fear a massive brain drain as talented researchers seek opportunities abroad. Argentina has a long history of struggling with brain drain during times of economic crises, with previous instances leading to mass emigration of scientists to Europe and the United States. While Argentina still maintains a relatively high number of researchers per capita in Latin America, the loss of these talented individuals would undoubtedly hinder the country’s scientific progress.

As the election date approaches, the fate of Argentina’s scientific community hangs in the balance. The outcome will determine not only the future of CONICET but also the country’s ability to sustain scientific advancements and retain its brightest minds. It is a critical moment for the scientific community as they await the decision that could shape Argentina’s trajectory in the years to come.

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In initial victory for Argentine President Milei, Senate gives overall approval to key reform bills

By ISABEL DEBRE
Associated Press

BUENOS AIRES, Argentina (AP) — Argentina’s Senate has approved key state overhaul and tax bills proposed by President Javier Miliei, delivering an initial legislative victory to the libertarian leader in his efforts to deliver on his promises of radical change.

Senators voted 37 to 36 late Wednesday to give their overall approval to the overhaul bill after 11 hours of heated debate as protesters urging lawmakers to reject Milei’s harsh austerity clashed with police outside Congress. The lawmakers still must approve individual measures in an article-by-article vote that will stretch throughout the night.

In a reflection of the fierce backlash to the legislation and deep polarization gripping Argentina’s Congress, Vice President and head of the Senate Victoria Villarruel cast the tiebreaking vote in favor of Milei’s agenda.

The legislation delegates broad powers to the president in energy, pensions, security and other areas and includes several measures seen as controversial, including a generous incentive scheme for foreign investors, tax amnesty for those with undeclared assets and plans to privatize some of Argentina’s state-owned firms.

If the Senate approves the articles with modifications, the lower house still has to okay them before Milei can claim passing his first law since entering office last December.

As Senators pored over the bills, protesters in downtown Buenos Aires hurled sticks, stones and Molotov cocktails at police who fired water cannons and tear gas to disperse the crowds.

The fiery right-wing economist rose to power on promises he would resolve Argentina’s worst economic crisis in two decades, with annual inflation climbing toward 300% and a recession deepening.

But his political party of relative novices holds just a tiny minority of seats in Congress and he has struggled to strike deals with the opposition.

Senators approved two bills, a tax package that lowers the income tax threshold and a 238-article state reform bill that passed the lower house of Congress in late April after weeks of negotiations.

Initially dubbed the “omnibus bill” because of its more than 600 articles, the watered-down version at hand still delegates broad legislative powers to the president in energy, pensions, security and other areas.

The proposal’s immense scope — and staunch opposition to it — has limited progress.

“We have the weakest president we’ve ever seen who is trying to pass the biggest bill we’ve ever seen,” said Ana Iparraguirre, an Argentina-based analyst at Washington strategy firm GBAO. “That’s the contradiction.”

Unlike previous Argentine leaders since the return of democracy in 1983, Milei has failed to pass a single piece of legislation during his first six months in office. Instead, the populist outsider has relied on executive powers to slash state spending and sweep away economic restrictions.

“Today, it’s almost more important for Milei to demonstrate that he can pass laws in Congress than what he passes,” said Lucas Romero, director of Synopsis consultancy.

The package has faced tough resistance from the left-leaning Peronist movement loyal to former president Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, which has dominated Argentine politics for the last two decades and holds sway over the country’s powerful trade unions.

Thousands of bankers, teachers, truckers and workers from a range of other unions converged around Congress throughout the day, banging drums, blasting trumpets and chanting, “Our country is not for sale!” and “We will defend the state!”

“If this law passes, we are going to lose so many of our labor and pension rights,” said 54-year-old teacher Miriam Rajovitcher protesting alongside her colleagues, middle-class Argentines who say they’ve had to reconfigure their lives since Milei slashed their school budgets and devalued the currency, sending inflation soaring. “I am so much wor0se off.

The rally took a tense turn when hundreds of riot officers pushed back with their shields against angry protesters trying to surge through a barrier.

Police used pepper spray, water cannons and tear gas against the huge crowds while demonstrators set two overturned cars ablaze and threw Molotov cocktails.

Dozens of protesters were being treated by medics in the streets and police said 20 officers had been injured in the clashes. At least five Peronist lawmakers said they were hospitalized after police sprayed pepper spray in their eyes.

“Today the government is declaring war on the Argentine people,” Peronist lawmaker Cecilia Moreau told reporters outside Congress.

The presidency called protesters “terrorists” and accused them of “attempting to carry out a coup d’état” by disrupting Congress.

The Peronist bloc controls 33 out of 72 seats in the Senate while Milei’s party, Freedom Advances, holds just seven seats. The bill needed 37 votes from the 72 total legislators in the Senate to get a majority and ended up with a 36-36 tie.

Analysts say that foreign investors and the International Monetary Fund, to which Argentina owes a staggering $44 billion, are closely watching Wednesday’s vote to see whether Milei can build consensus with his opponents to deliver on his ambitions.

Wednesday’s article-by-article vote will stretch for hours, with analysts expecting lawmakers to further weaken the most divisive sections of the bills.

One of the most contested measures is an incentive program to spur foreign investments that offers lucrative tax breaks for 30 years, no import tariffs and other perks for big corporations that critics say go too far.

“What this law is hurting most are the pockets of workers, not the big companies that are just going to get richer,” said 36-year-old Juan Barreto, a bank employee jostling amid crowds of his fellow union members.

Argentina’s unions have also voiced vehement opposition to measures that would make it easier for companies to fire employees as well as plans to privatize some state-owned companies. The question of which ones will head to auction has generated intense debate.

Backlash to the tax bill has centered on an amnesty that would allow Argentines to register undeclared assets at home and abroad without paying heavy taxes, as well as a lower income tax threshold to boost revenue.

Frustrated by legislative resistance, the president has moderated his previous all-or-nothing approach. Earlier this month, in a bid to break the impasse, Milei fired his politically inexperienced Cabinet chief and replaced him with Interior Minister Guillermo Francos, a career politician skilled at congressional wheeling and dealing.

In recent weeks, Argentina has gotten a taste of what awaits if Congress fails to pass the bills.

Sovereign bonds have tumbled. The country’s currency, the peso, has depreciated as well, widening the gap between the official and black market exchange rate to nearly 40%. The peso was trading at 1,255 per greenback on the informal market Wednesday, a rate far lower than earlier this year.

Even as the IMF has praised Milei’s agenda and released tranches of frozen loans, the fund has held back from striking a new deal with Argentina.

Meanwhile, Milei has been in Silicon Valley rubbing shoulders with billionaire tech executives Elon Musk, Tim Cook and Mark Zuckerberg. The meetings however, have not produced any announcements of substantial investments.

“What you’re seeing in the last three weeks is the market and investors getting a little nervous,” said Marcelo J. García, Americas director at geopolitical risk firm Horizon Engage. “The market is saying, ‘Show me that you can govern.’”

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Title:

Content: Argentina’s Javier Milei’s “Instant Democracy” and Neoliberalism

Javier Milei, YouTube screen grab.

Self-described “anarcho-capitalist,” Javier Milei became the president of Argentina in December 2023 promising “drastic” measures to temper the inflation crisis that has gripped the country. In the weeks since his election, Milei has brought forward an ambitious neoliberal restructuring program encompassing almost every aspect of the government.

Milei’s agenda confronts considerable opposition in Congress, where his governing coalition, Libertad Avanza, holds only a fraction of the seats. To adjust to these circumstances, Milei has cultivated a strategy of “turbo-politics,” bypassing legislative processes that risk delaying the implementation of his state reorganization plans.

Milei’s approach to Congress is symbolic of a decades-old strategy I have elsewhere called “neoliberal parliamentarism.” This concept describes a pattern of deliberate efforts to reform or subvert legislative institutions as a means of facilitating neoliberal reforms that do not have sufficient popular support to be actualized through usual democratic channels. These changes, even when temporary, often leave long-term scars on institutions by weakening norms of institutional forbearance.

The Emergency Decree and the Omnibus Bill

Milei has followed this blueprint, insulating the core elements of his agenda from democratic influence. The dismantling of the Argentine state began in earnest in mid-December when the executive branch presented an 83 page Necessity and Urgency Decree (NDU) aimed at repealing over 300 various laws and regulations, facilitating the privatization of core public assets.

This “mega-decree,” Milei claimed, was necessary to “start to undo the huge number of regulations that have held back and prevented economic growth”. It includes sweeping economic deregulation, such as the elimination of regulations on Argentina’s supermarket laws, which required the guarantee of low prices on basic products. It also includes measures to eliminate rent controls. Suggested labour reforms to cut pregnancy leave and increase the job probation period were suspended by the courts in January 2024.

Less than a week after issuing the NDU, the executive branch sent a massive omnibus bill titled Foundations and Starting Points for the Freedom of the Argentine People to Congress for consideration. The bill bundles the major elements of Milei’s neoliberal restructuring initiatives under the heading of a single piece of legislation with 664 articles. It will enable the government to carry out, in a matter of weeks, what would normally take years to achieve if these reforms were considered independently and subjected to the usual legislative scrutiny.

Reforms from the 351 page bill include an extraordinary provision declaring a state of public emergency on matters related to the economy, fiscal balance, social security, defence, health, and administration.

The emergency declaration delegates more than 1,000 extraordinary powers from the legislative to the executive until December 31, 2025, with the possibility of a two-year extension. This provision would enable Milei to make major reforms without having to consult Congress, thus eliminating a major hurdle to the implementation of neoliberal reforms.

Authors of the bill are attempting to facilitate the privatization of 41 state-owned companies across various sectors including energy, aviation, port administration, and agriculture. They also enable the reorganization of public administration, including embedding regulatory cuts from the NDU into law.

Additionally, the omnibus legislation proposes substantial reforms to environmental protection laws. These changes include the weakening of the Glacier Protection Law, allowing the mining of sensitive “periglacial” areas. The bill is presently being rushed through the legislative process by way of Extraordinary sessions of Congress, leading to marathon sittings during Argentina’s usual summer recess period.

“It’s impossible for people to have an idea of the enormous number of proposals Milei has sent,” said Ricardo Gil Laverda, a constitutional lawyer and former Argentine Justice Minister. “They cover dozens and dozens and dozens of laws, often on deep topics.”

To influence negotiations, Milei has threatened to put forward a non-binding referendum if the opposition parties do not agree to the main terms of his restructuring plan. Milei has also threatened to take away social welfare rights from protesters who block streets.

Despite these efforts, however, the reality of Milei’s lack of Congressional support has led him to compromise on some elements of his agenda as it makes its way through the legislative process. Although the structure of the bill remains, opposition politicians have made more than 100 changes to it, including curtailing the scope of the President’s emergency powers to one year rather than two, and retaining YPF, the national oil and gas company, in public hands, despite allowing most other state-owned companies to remain subject to privatization.

Neoliberalism and the Decline of the Legislature

Argentina is not unique. This most recent example of legislative subversion is a familiar tactic used to accommodate neoliberal restructuring, that has been utilized repeatedly by neoliberal reformers in recent decades, including the IMF-sanctioned omnibus bill rammed through Greece’s parliament in 2014.

This approach to the legislature is the consequence of the political limitations of neoliberal policy, which is opposed by considerable segments of society. A blueprint for this strategy is spelled out by former New Zealand Minister of Finance Roger Douglas in his 1993 book, Unfinished Business. The book recalls lessons from his experience implementing a neoliberal agenda dubbed ‘Rogernomics’ in the 1980s against the headwinds of widespread social and political opposition.

Douglas claimed it is “uncertainty, not speed, that endangers the success of structural reform programmes.” Neoliberal reforms should not be passed incrementally, but as a rupture, moving in “quantum leaps” to overcome popular opposition.

Democratic processes are typically slow and deliberate, designed to enable the legislative body to scrutinize the executive, foster compromise, and encourage debate. It was necessary, therefore, to streamline the democratic process to ensure that politicians could neither interfere with, nor demand meaningful changes to, neoliberal reorganization efforts.

Neoliberal governments should confront the legislature, not as an essential element of the process of democracy, but an instrument used by politicians and vested interests to interfere with the operations of the marketplace. “Speed is essential. It is almost impossible to go too fast,” Douglas said. “Once the programme begins to be implemented, don’t stop until you have completed it.”

This tactic did not occur in a vacuum, but emerged intrinsically from the content of a neoliberal theoretical framework that views democratic institutions as an additional layer of state administration to be overcome. Neoliberal thought is deeply skeptical in the capabilities of reason to infer or predict causality. Given the limitations of the mind, society should be governed, not by conscious modelling and careful planning, but according to spontaneous or “invisible hand” forms of social organization, which are the outcome of independent, unplanned individual decisions.

This position is most clearly expressed by Friedrich Hayek, who claimed that parliamentary sovereignty was in fact the “root of the evil” in modern society, since it facilitated the growth of the state. Legislatures constituted one limb of what Milton Friedman called the “iron triangle” of politicians, bureaucrats, as well as corporate and individual special interests that were perpetually reliant upon the government for rents, and therefore had an interest in obstructing market reforms.

‘Instant Democracy’ and the Rise of ‘Neoliberal Populism’

What should we make of Milei’s approach to Congress, then? Is it reflective of a new pattern in neoliberal governance, or merely the extension of an old one? The answer is both. While Milei’s approach clearly shares categorial similarities with the neoliberal legislative blueprint built for speed, his blending of these ideas with a coarse, populist rhetoric grounded in anti-statism, signifies an intensification of these patterns.

Milei’s populist neoliberal worldview contributes to a rising trend among far-right governments around the world to use this rhetoric to rationalize the subversion of democracy. This kind of “neoliberal populism” conflates democratic institutions with political actors, claiming that they are instruments of obstruction for self-serving politicians and bureaucrats.

This is a view Milei has proudly declared. “For me, the state is an enemy, as are the politicians who live off it,” he said. “We will put an end to the parasitic, stupid, useless political caste that is sinking this country.”

Grounded in the same logic as neoliberalism’s conventional demand for freedom from the state, democratic institutions increasingly appear as impediments to the logic of the marketplace. The elimination of cumbersome legislative processes, then, removes the obstacles that restrain market forces, generating popular economic independence, and restoring common-sense. This inverts the logic of democracy, making it appear as though executive rule is necessary to protect the interests of “the People” from Friedman’s “iron triangle.”

The anti-parliamentarism at the core of the neoliberal theoretical outlook has increasingly transformed into a populist program that mobilizes a general dissatisfaction with politicians against democratic institutions as such. Neoliberal politicians, such as Milei, use this reasoning to manufacture the conditions for the ongoing use of emergency powers and the concentration of authority in the executive branch.

The global elite, sensing “the smell of a big privatization wave coming,” are said to be “infatuated” with his take-no-prisoners approach to Congress. Thus, although not a new phenomenon, Milei’s brand of “instant democracy,” which conceives of speed and flexibility as the essence of legislative governance, has the support of both the financial elite as well as a growing populist dimension, giving it the hallmarks of a burgeoning political movement of the most regressive kind.

As the institutional forbearance that restrained most neoliberal governments to stay within the confines of liberal democratic constitutional structures continues to give way to a logic that sees the legislature as subordinate to the market, it is likely that we will continue to see the erosion of democratic standards.

Tom McDowell is a Lecturer in the Department of Politics and Public Administration at Toronto Metropolitan University. He is the author of Neoliberal Parliamentarism: The Decline of Parliament at the Ontario Legislature (University of Toronto Press, 2021).

These measures are intended to achieve a fiscal surplus—the first since 2008—which Milei touts as a foundation for future prosperity .

What issue did Milei want to address without printing money?

The austerity program also includes halting 90% of public works projects and slashing state transfers to regional governments by nearly 75% .

Title:

Content: Overview:

Argentina's latest presidential election offers plenty of sensational fodder for the presses. But there's a deeper issue here, a politics of desperation, that we would do well to watch as it rises in the world.

Reading Time: 6 minutes

On November 19, Argentina elected Javier Milei as its next president, to take office this December. His politics have been compared to those of Donald Trump (in his showmanship) and Jair Bolsonaro (in his rightwing extremism and denialism), but his ideas go further than both. Milei calls himself an anarcho-capitalist (a form of libertarian), whose stated aims are “blowing up” the central bank, changing the Argentinian peso for the dollar, permitting the private sale of human organs, and closing ministries for education, health, women, and culture while slashing welfare payments.

Milei has also been called a “minarchist” for his minimal-government belief that the state’s only purpose is to protect citizens’ rights to free action. To this end, proposed bans on abortion and loosened gun laws run in lockstep with his acceptance of trans identities and desire to legalize more drugs. He denies the scale of Argentina’s brutal history of state terror in 1976 to 1983, and when he first rose in the polls, there was a panicked rush among citizens to change their pesos for dollars, fearing economic disaster.

So why did he win?

And not just by a hair, but with 56% of the vote against his runoff opponent, Sergei Massa?

The historical underpinnings run deep, but human behavior in response to the current economic moment is also not complex. Urban poverty hit 40.1% in 2023, as inflation reached 50.7% earlier this year. When the official exchange rate was devalued by 22% the day after the primaries (in which Milei’s popularity caused panic), it caused a 12.4% inflation spike. This is in an enconomy where some 48.1% are informally or self-employed, and thus without salaried protections against the greatest financial hits.

An outsider expecting rational economic actors might assume that if Milei’s presence in the polls only destabilized an already precarious situation, surely humans would avoid voting for him again. But the logic of longstanding financial stress runs deeper than traditional economic configurations of the “rational actor”: when there is no confidence in existing state structures, perhaps it is best to pull off the bandaid quickly. The immediate pain will be hard, but maybe, just maybe, the destruction of the old order will bring about something new.

This is the politics of desperation and disillusionment.

The world would do well to pay attention to its rise.

Argentinian histories of low confidence in the state

There’s a famous, apocryphal, and above all cruel expression in economics: “There have only been four types of economies in the world: advanced, developing, Japan, and Argentina.” The point driven at here is that Japan seemed to rise from the ashes, with everything working against it, after World War II and even now with an aging workforce. Meanwhile Argentina, a country with a natural bounty, seemed to destroy confidence in itself at every turn.

This is a cruel expression for a few reasons: one being that Argentina is not alone even in South America, as a country with great internal resources that has struggled to turn its holdings into wealth for its citizens. Another reason is the why. While Japan recovered from WWII by growing a commercial empire through top-down industrial relationships with surrounding countries, Argentina under labor-nationalist Juan Domingo Perón had the audacity in the 1950s to try to nationalize its British-owned railways. This choice met with swift reprisal from Western powers, thereafter unwilling to invest. Before World War II, Argentina had relied heavily on military rule. After inflation spiked and labor strikes surged as global investors pulled out, it was back to decades of fraught authoritarianism.

One of the worst coups started with a 600 percent inflation surge in 1976. That seven-year period yielded up to 30,000 disappeared human beings during the state’s “Dirty War” against leftists, and ended only after the military attempted to take the Falkland Islands from the British. This failure would yield the modern democratic state, but with a low opinion of both the military and the bureaucracy. In 1989, ahead of a massive inflation crisis of up to 4,900 percent, only 30,000 out of 30 million citizens were paying income taxes.

Now, inflation can address domestic debt, but Argentina’s massive fiscal deficit was informed centrally by external debt, in dollars to the rest of the world. During the banking crisis of 1990, banks forced client deposits into bonds under the BONEX Plan, essentially taking citizens’ savings from them with a promise that their investment in the future of the country would pay off. Citizens were not happy about this, of course.

The government then introduced the Convertibility Plan in 1991, which tried to peg the Argentinian peso to the US dollar at a 1:1 rate. This process involved Argentina embracing US neoliberal state policies: relaxing labor protections, massively privatizing industries, and otherwise bringing the world back into Argentinian markets. Did the plan reduce inflation? Yes. It also raised unemployment, reduced wages, and stratified class outcomes. And it led to more austerity measures over time, because the government’s debt kept rising, forcing more of the annual budget into “debt servicing” to other countries.

Being open to world markets also meant being more vulnerable to their downturns, such as a major wobble in 2001, which sparked labor collapse and food riots in Argentina despite its local wealth of grain and beef. The peso was unpegged in 2002, after the government had restricted bank withdrawals to keep citizens from “financial flight” into other currencies and markets. Once the peso was floating freely, though, people panicked anyway. After years of seeing the dollar as the more valuable and stable currency, they rushed to exchange their holdings (which were now all in pesos) back into US dollars by other means. That rush caused another inflationary spike.

Argentina underwent two major debt restructuring deals in that decade, but they just created more problems. A deal in 2001 allowed Argentina to pay interest only to those who had opted in to the restructuring plan, and the exclusion of “holdouts” was reasserted after 2010, when the debt plan was agreed upon by 93% of bondholders. The remaining 7% weren’t having this, though: a few hedge fund creditors sued the Argentinian government for breach of a principle of equal treatment for bondholders, pari passu. The South District Court of New York agreed with them, and even though Argentina tried to continue paying its “holdin” creditors, as per the debt restructuring plan, those payments were not permitted until Argentina paid the holdouts, too, in compliance with the court’s rulings.

Argentina was forced into a massive default in 2014. And again in 2020. And this year, analysts believe it’s on track for another soon.

Why? Because Argentina’s banking system isn’t an independent force. It is yoked to a highly litigious set of international players, and vulnerable to every global market crash as well.

Seen this way, why wouldn’t the average Argentinian want to bring it down?

Dollarization and other flawed promises

The complex problem for Argentinians voting out of desperation is twofold:

For one, as much as they might associate the days of the dollar with a period of relative stability, it was never a simple matter of pegging one currency to another. The arrangement expressly came with Argentina’s willingness to embrace neoliberal policies that yielded stark divides in civilian life and other market outcomes. For Milei to “dollarize” the country now would require a similar willingness to play ball with international institutions and their policy demands. The moment the peso is eliminated, by being exchanged in its entirety for dollars, Argentina cedes a great deal of financial policy to external players.

And yet, that is precisely the issue currently plaguing Argentina’s banks.

But also, not just Argentina, despite the glibness of the apocryphal economics saying.

The problems of our global financial system are serious enough that they will require a much more holistic reckoning with the consequences of fifty years of neoliberal policy. In July, a UN joint commission released “Soaring Debt Threatens Global Prosperity”, a report that highlights the staggering rates of debt servicing endured by 40% of the developing world. If these debts were simply between states, that would be one matter, more easily resolved; but the hyper-privatized yet undertaxed nature of our global economy has the vast majority of these countries forced into austerity measures to pay off complex debts to groups like the hedge fund creditors who pushed Argentina into default in 2014.

In other words, this will keep happening until we develop policies that can offset the private-investment predation currently facing many countries in precarity.

The second problem is one that Colombia also experienced this past year, when many on both the left (with excitement) and the right (with trepidation) expected the first leftist president to bring about dramatic reforms: Milei is just one person in his government. Just as Gustavo Petro found himself embroiled in parliamentary quarrels between competing groups, so too does Milei’s victory not come with the resounding legislative presence needed to steamroll all his grand plans into operation. He, too, is going to have to negotiate.

In practice, this means that Argentinians currently thrilled by the possibility of change are again going to meet with disillusionment. Either Milei will pull off his dollarization, and they will learn that this move makes the country no less vulnerable to global shocks and creditors, or he won’t, and amid his interim achievement of “easier” goals (e.g., the demolition of whole ministries), Argentinians will experience socioeconomic shocks that again bring them to the streets in protest… or else to live, having nowhere else to go.

GLOBAL HUMANIST SHOPTALK M L Clark is a Canadian writer by birth, now based in Medellín, Colombia, who publishes speculative fiction and humanist essays with a focus on imagining a more just world.

Privatization and deregulation are central to Milei’s market-oriented approach.

Privatization and deregulation are central to Milei’s market-oriented approach.

Privatization and deregulation are central to Milei’s market-oriented approach.

His administration has introduced a "mega-decree" to repeal over 300 laws and regulations, facilitating the privatization of state-owned enterprises and the removal of rent controls and labor protections .

How will Milei's reforms impact workers?

What industries were affected by Milei's deregulations?

How will Milei's reforms impact workers?

What industries were affected by Milei's deregulations?

These reforms are designed to attract foreign investment, stimulate economic growth, and reduce what Milei views as bureaucratic inefficiencies and obstacles to market freedom .

Title:

Content: BUENOS AIRES, Argentina — President Javier Milei of Argentina kicked off a visit Wednesday to the United States, where he'll meet with tech billionaire Elon Musk, as his government seeks an infusion of cash to overhaul Argentina's embattled economy.

The populist president started his four-day trip in Miami, home to one of the largest populations of Argentines in the U.S., where he received an honor from the Jewish community Wednesday at an Orthodox synagogue. Milei will meet with Musk on Friday in Texas, his spokesperson said, where he will also tour a factory for Tesla, Musk's electric car company.

Milei's third trip to the U.S. in merely four months as president comes as he reshapes Argentine foreign policy in line with Washington. Standing beside Gen. Laura Richardson, head of the U.S. Southern Command, at the southernmost tip of South America last week, Milei vowed to boost the nations' ''strategic alliance'' — underscoring how he sees U.S. support as vital to the economic overhaul on which he has staked his presidency.

''We took advantage to present a new foreign doctrine for Argentina,'' Milei wrote Wednesday on social media platform X of his meeting with Richardson. In the same post, apparently directed at Musk — a self-declared free speech absolutist — Milei said he promoted ''true freedom of expression'' and slammed journalists critical of his administration as trying to ''stop us from speaking."

''We are not going to remain silent in the face of slander, insult or defamation,'' he wrote.

Milei's plan to drastically cut public spending has inflicted economic pain and encountered resistance in a nation where annual inflation tops 276%. On Wednesday, police forcibly dispersed anti-government protestors blocking a main Buenos Aires artery.

Not only is the U.S. the biggest investor in Argentina, it also has the most influence over the International Monetary Fund, to which Argentina owes $42 billion. The IMF has endorsed Milei's shock therapy for Argentina, agreeing to disburse $4.7 billion from a bailout package the country took out six years ago.

The State Department's investment climate statement last year noted ''capital controls, trade restrictions, and price controls'' as factors hampering investors in Argentina. Milei has vowed to roll back those interventionist policies with market-oriented changes favored by business leaders, like Musk, one of the world's richest men who leads rocket company SpaceX, social media platform X and Tesla.

Milei and Musk — who both share a brash personality-driven style and distaste for government overreach — have expressed mutual admiration. Ahead of his inauguration last December, Milei praised Musk as an ''icon of freedom in the world." Musk gushed over Milei's speech lambasting socialism at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, commenting ''So hot'' with a meme of a couple having sex while watching Milei speak.

With its vast lithium reserves, Argentina has much to offer Musk, a dominant player in the electric auto industry who has dubbed the metal, an indispensable ingredient in electric car batteries, "the new oil."

Milei's free-market policies have raised hopes in the U.S. that the metal and other badly needed raw materials can be extracted closer to the U.S., breaking China's dominance of the battery supply chain. The Biden administration said it was exploring investment opportunities in Argentine lithium earlier this year.

**Political and Institutional Reforms:** Milei’s political strategy is marked by a combative anti-establishment rhetoric, positioning himself as an outsider fighting against a "political caste" he accuses of causing Argentina’s decline .

Title:

Content: Young Argentinians want change. Many see Javier Milei as their best option

Milei, one of two candidates in Sunday’s run-off election, has whipped up a devoted following among young male voters.

Buenos Aires, Argentina – David Urbani was 15 years old, barely in high school, when he first encountered the future far-right presidential candidate Javier Milei.

Now an economics student at the National University of Mar del Plata, Urbani remembers surfing on YouTube when he stumbled on a series of educational videos that Milei had put together, as part of his work as an economist and professor in Buenos Aires at the time.

“I think what moved me the most was the simple way he explained concepts,” Urbani, 20, said, holding up an introductory economics book with Milei’s autograph in it. “The guy is an academic, not a politician.”

A relative newcomer to Argentina’s politics, Milei has nevertheless catapulted to international fame as the dark horse candidate in this year’s presidential elections.

This Sunday, he faces centre-left Economy Minister Sergio Massa in a run-off race so tight that polls show the two candidates in a dead heat.

Part of the fuel behind Milei’s sudden political rise has been the devoted following he has whipped up among young, largely male voters like Urbani. Some are devoted libertarians. Others are merely curious and feeling disaffected with the political establishment.

But while pundits and opposition politicians lambaste Milei for his radical right-wing policy proposals, this young generation of “mileistas” say they’re all in.

“I believe we have to try, and that’s it,” Ramiro Gómez, a 21-year-old information technology (IT) technician from the province of Rosario, said of his decision to back Milei.

Elected to the lower chamber of Argentina’s congress in 2021, Milei was still in his freshman term when he launched his long-shot presidential bid in this year’s race.

But he quickly scored an upset. In August’s open primary, he rocketed to the top spot, earning more votes than establishment figures like Massa and former Security Minister Patricia Bullrich.

Milei has remained a frontrunner ever since. In October’s general elections, he finished in second place behind Massa, earning one of two slots in the run-off race.

Many experts credit Milei’s sudden popularity to the dire straits of Argentina’s economy. The country faces a long-running economic crisis, and inflation has topped 140 percent, driving down the value of Argentina’s national currency, the peso.

To address the crisis, Milei has promised to slash key government ministries, charge fees for Argentina’s public healthcare system, shutter the central bank, and adopt the United States dollar as Argentina’s national currency.

He has also adopted an eyebrow-raising mixture of libertarian and conservative social stances, offering support for banning abortion and legalising organ sales. Popular targets for his sharply worded broadsides include women, the LGBTQ community and even Pope Francis, an Argentinian himself.

Yet, while other right-wing populists like former US President Donald Trump and Brazil’s Jair Bolsonaro have struggled to win over younger generations, Milei has consistently led polls of voters between the ages of 16 and 35.

Mark P Jones, a professor in Latin American studies at Rice University, credits the difference to the deep-seated frustration with Argentina’s crisis and Milei’s image as a political outsider.

“When younger voters look at Milei, they see someone who’s fighting against the system and a rebel,” Jones said. “And I think one thing Milei has been able to do is effectively dissociate himself with younger voters from his more conservative policies.”

A ‘chainsaw’ to the status quo

Milei’s most ardent supporters often connect through WhatsApp groups and on social media, where fan accounts feature silhouettes of the candidate’s signature sideburns and memes depict him locked in epic anime battles.

Milei’s eccentricity is central to his brand: He once was the frontman of a Rolling Stones cover band, and he currently owns five cloned dogs, each named after right-wing economists.

Videos have also gone viral during the election showing Milei tearing down Post-It notes with the names of the government ministries he intends to cut and shouting his catchphrase, “Long live f***ing liberty!”

Jones described Milei’s base as motivated less by ideology and more by desperation and exasperation with the traditional political establishment.

His bloc of supporters, Jones explained, is largely composed of middle- and working-class voters in their late teens and 20s who are frustrated with struggling to maintain gainful employment.

“Milei is their vehicle to effectively take a chainsaw to the status quo, but also to perhaps try something different,” Jones said, referencing Milei’s embrace of the chainsaw as a campaign symbol.

Alan Quiroga, 28, who lives in a working-class suburb of Buenos Aires and drives for Uber on his motorcycle, said he was first drawn to Milei when he saw the libertarian on television, speaking passionately about Argentina’s “golden age” in the early 20th century.

“What he wants to implement is what they do in the United States, in Spain, in normal countries,” Quiroga said. “What we are experiencing here is going towards Venezuela, Cuba.”

Though popular with many of his supporters, Milei’s proposal to adopt the US dollar faces steep opposition from the broader public. A September poll showed nearly 70 percent of Argentinians disapproved of the idea.

That month, 170 Argentinian economists also published an open letter predicting that a currency switch would lead to further inflation, mass unemployment and “absurd” increases in Argentina’s $400bn public debt.

‘A good crazy person’

But Milei’s appeal among young voters goes beyond his radical economic plan. The candidate has sought to position himself as a critic of corruption among the political elite, whom he calls “the caste”.

High-ranking members of Argentina’s main political parties have recently faced corruption charges. Last year, for instance, outgoing Vice President Cristina Fernandez was sentenced to six years in jail for fraud.

“The Javier Milei I like the most is the effusive Javier Milei, the honest Javier Milei,” Urbani said. “It’s the Javier Milei who gets mad when he’s faced with lies, faced with dishonest people.”

Milei has a penchant for the dramatic, at times appearing overcome with emotion during his public speeches.

“A good crazy person — that’s how I would describe him,” Quiroga said. “It comes from his heart. He can’t control it.”

Yet, even some of Milei’s longstanding supporters have their doubts about his ability to maintain his credentials as a corruption fighter, especially as he broadens his coalition to include the kinds of establishment figures he frequently criticizes.

Former President Mauricio Macri has offered Milei his backing, as has Bullrich, his former conservative rival in the presidential race.

“When he became involved in politics, without wanting to, he became part of the caste,” said Lucas González, a 28-year-old bookstore owner who said he still supports Milei.

Though Milei has built a strong movement, whether or not it survives will depend on the results of Sunday’s election and how the economy fares in the coming months, said Noam Lupu, a professor of political science at Vanderbilt University who researches Argentina.

“There will always be this kind of libertarian, pro-business vote in Argentina,” Lupu said. “But the sort of anti-establishment, anti-status quo, pro-disruption only succeeds if it continues to feel threatened by the status quo and the political class.”

Urbani disagrees. He believes that Milei has triggered a significant political shift among Argentinian youth that will persist regardless of Sunday’s election results.

“The majority of the youth are Milei voters, and especially boys,” Urbani said. “What is coming for Argentina is very good, because a lot of kids have started to reckon with capitalist ideas, with economic concepts in their heads that they were not talking about before.”

Source: Al Jazeera

His coalition, La Libertad Avanza, holds a minority in Congress, which has led to political isolation and significant challenges in passing his ambitious reform agenda .

Title:

Content: Streets of Argentina Ablaze with Dissent as Milei’s Controversial Reforms Ignite Outrage

In a stunning turn of events, Argentina has become a battleground for public discontent following President Javier Milei’s introduction of a series of controversial proposals. Thousands of Argentinians have taken to the streets, enraged by the president’s push for drastic cuts to public spending.

Milei’s latest measures, unveiled on Wednesday evening, aim to revolutionize Argentina’s struggling economy through a variety of initiatives. These include deregulating the government and opening up state-run industries for privatization in order to spur both exports and investment.

However, the people’s outrage has manifested in widespread protests, often met with a heavy police presence. Gathering in front of the Argentine Congress, hundreds of demonstrators made their opposition to Milei’s proposals known.

Undeterred by the dissent, Milei appeared on national television to defend his agenda and offer reassurances of a prosperous future. He asserted, “Our objective is to rebuild our nation, restore individual freedom and autonomy, and dismantle the myriad of regulations that have impeded our economic growth for far too long.”

Acknowledging the mounting protests, Milei’s security minister, Patricia Bullrich, announced new measures aimed at maintaining public order. These measures grant federal forces the power to disperse protesters blocking streets without requiring a judicial order, and authorize the police to use video or digital evidence to identify and hold accountable those obstructing public thoroughfares. Moreover, the legislation empowers the state to apportion the costs of mobilizing security forces to the protesters themselves.

Milei’s presidential victory was built upon a campaign centered around reducing public spending. Since assuming office, he has already made significant changes to the country’s financial landscape. The value of the Argentinian currency has been adjusted, contracts of public employees with less than one year of service have been terminated, and the prices of basic services and public transportation have seen notable increases.

FAQ:

Q: What are President Milei’s proposals?

A: President Milei’s proposals include deregulating the government and allowing the privatization of state-run industries to boost exports and investment.

Q: Why are Argentinians protesting?

A: Thousands of Argentinians are protesting against Milei’s proposals due to their belief that the drastic cuts to public spending will adversely impact their lives.

Q: How is the government responding to the protests?

A: In response to the protests, the government has announced new measures to maintain public order, empowering federal forces to disperse protesters without a judicial order and enabling the identification of those obstructing public thoroughfares through video or digital means.

Q: What changes has Milei already implemented?

A: Since taking office, Milei has adjusted the value of the Argentinian currency, terminated contracts of public employees with less than one year of service, and increased the prices of basic services and public transportation.

(Sources: Information gathered from local news outlets)

To circumvent legislative obstacles, Milei has adopted a "turbo-politics" approach, issuing emergency decrees and omnibus bills that bundle major reforms into single legislative packages, often bypassing traditional debate and scrutiny .

For example, his Necessity and Urgency Decree (NDU) repealed over 300 laws, expediting privatization and deregulation efforts .

How will Milei's reforms impact workers?

What does Milei promote in terms of healthcare and education?

Institutional restructuring is a hallmark of Milei’s governance.

Institutional restructuring is a hallmark of Milei’s governance.

Institutional restructuring is a hallmark of Milei’s governance.

In addition to dissolving ministries, he has proposed the shutdown of the National Scientific and Technical Research Council (CONICET), a move that threatens Argentina’s scientific research capacity and signals a prioritization of private investment over state support for science and culture .

Title:

Content: Skip to content Skip to footer

Argentines Take Feminist Strike to the Streets on International Women’s Day

Activists demand an end to austerity measures, growing poverty and worsening food insecurity under President Milei.

Argentinian women from all walks of life will take to the streets nationwide on 8 March, International Women’s Day, as part of a feminist strike calling for an end to the country’s growing poverty, which already affects 57% of the population of 46 million.

The protesters’ “most important demand” is a solution to Argentina’s “food emergency”, said María Claudia Albornoz, an activist from La Poderosa, a group that defends the rights of the five million people living in the country’s 6,500 slums, or villas miseria (misery villages).

Three months after right-wing libertarian president Javier Milei took office, Argentina’s ever-increasing food inflation has reached 56%, according to the latest analysis from La Poderosa. Government data shows the country’s annual inflation rate is 254%.

Real-terms wages and pensions are deteriorating, and people go to supermarkets not knowing whether the money in their pockets will be enough to buy foods they could afford just a few days ago.

Shoppers have one certainty, though: what were once basic goods such as shampoo are now luxury items. The small local grocery stores that allow their customers to pay on an informal trust-based credit system now keep track of only the items and quantities purchased, no longer bothering to note down the prices that are constantly rising.

The spiralling cost of living has been worsened still by Milei’s cuts to ‘ollas populares’, community kitchens run by social, civil and religious organisations, which are a last resort for the most impoverished families.

There are around 44,000 of these kitchens across Argentina, which were able to produce around 10 million meals a day last year.

Since then, Milei’s administration has stopped the government packages of non-perishable food staples, such as pasta, rice and yerba mate (a traditional herbal drink) being sent to these kitchens, arguing that it must conduct an audit on how they use these resources.

The cuts have led to “a very desperate situation”, said Albornoz, whose group La Poderosa runs 158 kitchens nationwide.

“Without these basic food staples, we cannot cook,” she said. “This causes us enormous distress, sadness and pain, because we can’t feed our families, a role that is very much attached to women and gender non-conforming people.”

Protesters have taken to the streets nationwide to demand the cuts are reversed, but the government has doubled down.

Ministers claim the kitchens’ volunteers — many of whom are part of larger groups of organised unemployed, informal workers and leftist activists known as ‘picketers’ — are committing “extortion” by using food to lure people to their protests. They say they made the cuts to end this practice, advising people to enrol in the government’s food support program rather than relying on the community kitchens.

The minister of human capital, Sandra Pettovello, even mocked protesters as they gathered outside the ministry, saying: “Boys, are you hungry? Come one by one and I’ll write down your ID number, your name, where you’re from and you’ll receive help individually.”

But four days later, as more than 10,000 people lined up to meet her, Pettovello signed a $210,000 food assistance agreement with the Christian Alliance of Evangelical Churches of Argentina. “No longer will the picketing organisations be in charge of distributing food and social plans paid for by the national state with the money contributed by working Argentines,” she said.

Shifting Priorities

It is primarily the austerity measures, growing poverty and worsening food insecurity that the 8M feminist strike will denounce this week.

For the first time since feminists began holding open decision-making assemblies in 2015, participants have agreed to make tackling hunger the demonstration’s priority.

Organisers have drafted a manifesto to read out during the demonstration, which includes statements aiming to challenge ‘libertarian’ ideas advocated by Milei, such as: “With hunger and without rights, there is no freedom” and “Enough of austerity and repression”.

Assemblies allow any civil society group or individual to present their concerns to be discussed. They have achieved something that no other social movement in Argentina has managed to: working together to tackle issues of reproduction of domestic and community life, as well as formal and informal work.

But in previous years, the assemblies’ middle-class feminists, who are more likely to be educated, have sought to give priority to protests on issues such as access to abortion, femicides and gender-based violence.

Now, as the country’s economic situation has worsened, their goals have shifted. They are now in agreement with working-class feminists, who have long argued that food security must be their top concern.

“What seems to me to have changed this year is that we are a priority,” Albornoz said. “Feminists were able to begin to reach a consensus on issues that we, the slum dwellers — the people who cannot cover the basic food basket — consider a priority.”

The food basket Albornoz referred to are the essential food items required to sustain an adult for a month. These cost $110 when converted from pesos at the official exchange rate, more than half the average monthly earnings of a person living in an urban area ($218).

The assemblies allow villeras (women who live in slums), feminist academics, trade unionists and LGBTIQ people to share their lived experiences and political thinking, which has enabled the feminists to agree on strategies of resistance.

This is more important than ever, as the misogynist discourse Milei regularly touted during his election campaign has in recent months materialised as an avalanche of regressive measures stripping away the rights of women and LGBTIQ people.

The president has scrapped the Ministry of Women, Gender and Diversity, replacing the entire department with an undersecretariat for protection against gender violence in the newly created Ministry of Human Capital.

His government has also ended two support programmes for victims of gender violence — one that sought to strengthen their economic independence, and another that provided psycho-social and legal help — and fired many of the public employees who worked on the hotline for counselling and assisting victims.

It also closed the National Institute against Discrimination, Xenophobia and Racism, and banned the use of language that is inclusive and gender-neutral in public offices or documents. Defending the move, presidential spokesman Manuel Adorni said inclusive language was being weaponised as “a political business”.

The government has further plans to weaken or dismantle legislation that feminists fought for, such as the 2019 Micaela Law, which introduced mandatory training in gender and gender violence for all public servants and the Law on the Voluntary Interruption of Pregnancy, which legalised abortion in 2020.

Ministers claim these closures and austerity cuts are needed to fix the ailing economy, but the main attacks on women and LGBTIQ people have come from the president himself.

In his speech at the World Economic Forum in Davos in mid-January, Milei spoke of “the cruelty of the bloody agenda of abortion”, said gender inequality no longer exists and branded feminism “a ridiculous and unnatural fight between men and women”.

Feminists fear the president’s misogyny, combined with his cuts, mean Argentina is “heading towards a scenario of worsening violence in general and gender violence”, according to Raquel Vivanco, who founded the Observatorio Ahora Que Sí Nos Ven (the Now That They See Us Observatory), which tracks femicides in the country.

“These structural conditions of extreme poverty and unemployment, as they increase inequalities, create more violence that can in turn increase numbers of femicide statistics,” said Vivanco.

There were 42 femicides in Argentina in January and February of this year. The observatory recorded the highest-ever number of femicides (297) in 2019, which was rightist president Mauricio Macri’s last year in office and was characterised by austerity policies that were harsh but not as extreme as those being introduced by Milei.

“Left With Absolutely No Rights

Though widespread hunger and attacks on women’s rights are the protesters’ main priorities, they also want Milei to address his measures of ‘economic terror’ and his denials that gender inequalities exist in Argentina.

Lucía Cavallero, a sociologist and researcher at the University of Buenos Aires and a member of Ni Una Menos (Not One Less), a group that fights gender violence, told openDemocracy about the dire economic situation in Argentina.

“There is an unprecedented devaluation of the peso, a deliberate freezing of wages and social subsidies, so inflation is brutal, and a perverse discourse of warning that it could be worse,” she said. “Added to all this is the deregulation of the economy in almost all areas.”

The government’s own data shows that one million people fell into poverty every month for the past three months. Albornoz believes these figures are an underestimate, though, telling openDemocracy that La Poderosa’s analysis indicates an increase of six million impoverished people in the past two months.

Argentina’s school year recently started, forcing many families to try to find creative solutions to not being able to afford school supplies, which cost an average of $150, or uniforms.

The best case scenario saw children reuse items from previous years or pick up supplies from the donation drives that took place across the country. At worst, though, “mothers said they would have to choose which children to send to school because they don’t have the school supplies or the smocks to send them all,” said Cavallero.

The effects of this economic and political turmoil are also being seen in housing, particularly since the government repealed the law regulating the rental market on 29 December.

“It left us tenants with absolutely no rights,” said Tamara Lescano, an activist from the social movement Inquilinas Agrupadas (Tenants United). “The lack of a legal framework enables real estate abuse”.

Rental contracts now have no minimum period and are able to be terminated at landlords’ discretion, without a need to consult the tenants or give a reason for the eviction — which was previously illegal. Landlords can also include unreasonable clauses in the tenancy agreements.

Lescano said the private rental sector in Argentina, which already encompasses some 10 million people, is growing — yet fewer and fewer landlords own more properties than ever.

Inquilinas Agrupadas receives an average of between 40 and 50 requests for advice every day, mainly from women with dependent children, pressured by their mostly male landlords.

“They Are Coming For Us”

The 8M strike faces a fresh challenge this year. Four days after Milei took office, his government outlawed any public protest involving the blocking of roads with a new ‘anti-picketing’ protocol that contains specific clauses allowing the police to criminalise, persecute and stigmatise protesters.

“They identify you in the marches, they take pictures of you, they film you. When we mobilise, the police, who are very violent, quickly repress us,” said Albornoz.

“This has already happened at various times,” she added, referring to hundreds of protests against Milei’s austerity measures that have been organised by different social organisations across the country in recent months.

The protocol also allows the government to issue protest organisers with hefty fines, deprive demonstrators of social aid, and punish parents or guardians who take minors to the marches.

These measures are attempts to intimidate the poorest, many of whom are women, said Gabriela De la Rosa, a member of the Polo Obrero, a social organisation affiliated to Argentina’s Trotskyist Workers’ Party, which runs 3,000 community kitchens nationwide.

“The movement of the unemployed is made up mostly of women comrades, who mobilise with their entire families because they have no one to leave their children with in order to demand food for their children,” De la Rosa told openDemocracy. “On the picket lines, in the encampments, in the mobilisations, the families often have a pot to eat, and at home, they don’t.”

As well as the risk of harsh policing, Argentinian feminists worry their protest could turn violent — fearing Milei’s repeated attacks, coupled with food insecurity and the general uncertainty caused by inflation and low wages, have set the stage for social unrest.

“There is fear of what might happen in the 8 March demonstration,” Albornoz acknowledged. “We have been holding assemblies to dispel this fear and to make the women understand that if we don’t take to the streets and defend our rights, we are going to lose much more than we have already lost.”

The feminists “will take all possible precautions” to avoid violence in the 8 March demonstration, said economist Candelaria Botto, the director of Economía Feminista, which seeks to expose gender inequalities in the world of work and business.

“But we know that we have to be there, on the streets, because they are coming for us.”

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These institutional changes reflect Milei’s commitment to reducing the size and influence of the state in all sectors .

What does Milei promote in terms of healthcare and education?

Individuals to pay for their own services

suspended 366 decrees to ease economic controls and reduce spending.

What does Milei promote in terms of healthcare and education?

Individuals to pay for their own services

suspended 366 decrees to ease economic controls and reduce spending.

**Social and Cultural Policies:** Milei’s social agenda is a blend of libertarian economics and cultural conservatism.

**Social and Cultural Policies:** Milei’s social agenda is a blend of libertarian economics and cultural conservatism.

He has taken hardline stances on issues such as abortion, labeling it "aggravated murder" and proposing to repeal the law that legalized it in Argentina .

Title:

Content: Updated 21 mins ago - Economy

Argentine President Milei's plan to remake the economy with a wrecking ball

If your economy is broken, you can try to fix it — or you can essentially just throw it in the trash and try to build something new from scratch.

Why it matters: The latter is, broadly, the plan of anarcho-capitalist Argentine president Javier Milei, while the former is the plan of Zambian president Hakainde Hichilema.

Where it stands: Milei came in like a wrecking ball after he took office in December. He slashed the official value of the currency in half, introduced a "mega-decree" scrapping 366 separate rules, and laid off 5,000 government employees.

  • Alejandro Werner, the former head of the International Monetary Fund's Western Hemisphere department, explains that this course of "shock therapy" carries enormous risks, both to the upside and the downside.
  • The devaluation, at least for the next few months, increases the Argentine inflation rate, which was over 200% in 2023. Milei's budget cuts will also cause a plunge in household income, as well as a deep recession.
  • The economic pain will embolden Milei's opposition — including in the courts, which have already suspended many of his early decrees. A general strike is planned for Wednesday.

What we're watching: Werner is hopeful that Congress will be at least minimally cooperative, that a good agricultural harvest will help replenish foreign reserves, and that inflation will fall to an annualized rate of 50% by the end of the year.

  • Argentina being Argentina, however, Werner notes, it's entirely possible that Milei's opponents in Congress will block most of his policies and devastating hyperinflation will result.

Reality check: Argentina's action stands in stark contrast to the zugzwang in Zambia, which is trying to restructure the old-fashioned way. There, creditors find themselves in a standoff without any obvious resolution — and where even the IMF seems powerless to move things forward.

Between the lines: Milei was quite the toast of the Davos elite this week, notwithstanding the fact that he's on the record calling climate change "a socialist lie."

  • "The Argentine economy is in such bad shape that it has to be shaken up. President Milei and his team are doing exactly that," said IMF chief Kristalina Georgieva in a CNN interview.
  • Milei returned the favor, saying that the CEOs assembled for his speech were "social benefactors" and "heroes."
  • "Let no one tell you that your ambition is immoral," he added.

The bottom line: For the time being, Milei seems to be able to draw on a wellspring of support and goodwill from the international community.

  • The IMF has restarted its program in the country, which means $4.7 billion in international funds have been unlocked and default isn't imminent.
  • All the same, Argentina's bonds are still trading at roughly the same level as those of Spirit Airlines. Some kind of default remains more likely than not — just pitched as part of a bold recovery plan, rather than being draped in anti-creditor rhetoric.
Go deeper

He has also advocated for controversial measures like legalizing the sale of human organs and has expressed skepticism about climate change, dismissing it as a "socialist lie" .

Title:

Content: Argentine government announces first quarterly surplus since 2008

Javier Milei celebrated the accomplishment, which achieved via a substantial reduction in government spending, including reductions in public works and redistribution to regional governments.

The Argentine government, led by President Javier Milei, announced Monday that it closed the first quarter with a fiscal surplus for the first time since 2008.

Milei broke the news on national television with marked joy. This fiscal surplus of 0.2% of GDP occurs after the first three months under the Libertarian president and his "chainsaw" method against public spending. Since coming to power, as he promised during the campaign, Milei has carried out a policy of heavy cuts to state infrastructure.

“This economic miracle of achieving a quarterly financial surplus after almost 20 years, having inherited the situation that we did, responds to what those who want the failure of this government usually say, to an enormous extent to what we called a 'chainsaw' during the campaign, and not as some say to the liquefaction of public funds, a method that has historically been used in our country," celebrated Milei from the Casa Rosada in Buenos Aires, the president's official residence. “The fiscal surplus is the cornerstone from which we will build Argentina's new era of prosperity,” he added, standing alongside several members of his government.

The fiscal surplus of 0.2% for Argentina represents about $300,000. The accomplishment comes after cuts of almost 75% of state transfers to regional governments in Argentina, as well as halting 90% of public works, and the popular policy of reducing the number of public ministries from 18, as under the previous government, to only nine. Argentine bonds increased in value shortly after the president's announcement.

For Milei, the reduction of public spending and of the large deficit was an obligatory step in his objective of restructuring the Argentine state. The president assured that public deficits cause inflation, his arch nemesis, which in 2023 in Argentina was the highest in the Americas, reaching 211.4% at the end of Alberto Fernández's presidency.

These positions have sparked significant public debate and mobilization among activist groups, contributing to societal polarization .

Title:

Content: Argentine government announces first quarterly surplus since 2008

Javier Milei celebrated the accomplishment, which achieved via a substantial reduction in government spending, including reductions in public works and redistribution to regional governments.

The Argentine government, led by President Javier Milei, announced Monday that it closed the first quarter with a fiscal surplus for the first time since 2008.

Milei broke the news on national television with marked joy. This fiscal surplus of 0.2% of GDP occurs after the first three months under the Libertarian president and his "chainsaw" method against public spending. Since coming to power, as he promised during the campaign, Milei has carried out a policy of heavy cuts to state infrastructure.

“This economic miracle of achieving a quarterly financial surplus after almost 20 years, having inherited the situation that we did, responds to what those who want the failure of this government usually say, to an enormous extent to what we called a 'chainsaw' during the campaign, and not as some say to the liquefaction of public funds, a method that has historically been used in our country," celebrated Milei from the Casa Rosada in Buenos Aires, the president's official residence. “The fiscal surplus is the cornerstone from which we will build Argentina's new era of prosperity,” he added, standing alongside several members of his government.

The fiscal surplus of 0.2% for Argentina represents about $300,000. The accomplishment comes after cuts of almost 75% of state transfers to regional governments in Argentina, as well as halting 90% of public works, and the popular policy of reducing the number of public ministries from 18, as under the previous government, to only nine. Argentine bonds increased in value shortly after the president's announcement.

For Milei, the reduction of public spending and of the large deficit was an obligatory step in his objective of restructuring the Argentine state. The president assured that public deficits cause inflation, his arch nemesis, which in 2023 in Argentina was the highest in the Americas, reaching 211.4% at the end of Alberto Fernández's presidency.

Who has opposed Milei's proposed layoff order?

Who has opposed Milei's proposed layoff order?

**Impact on Institutions and Governance:** Milei’s use of emergency powers and legislative bypassing has raised concerns about the erosion of democratic norms and the concentration of power in the executive branch .

Title:

Content: 'No obstacle' to Argentina mega reform bill in Congress, government says

By Walter Bianchi

BUENOS AIRES (Reuters) - Argentina's government said on Tuesday that it was confident its sprawling economic reform bill, known as the "omnibus bill", would gain approval in Congress after it made concessions removing some divisive sections from the legislation.

The bill is a central plank in libertarian President Javier Milei's aims to overhaul the South American country's economy that is buckling under high debt loads, inflation running at over 200% and myriad capital controls to protect the peso.

"There should now be no obstacle for the law to be approved," presidential spokesman Manuel Adorni said in a daily press conference on Tuesday. "As we understand it is going to get approved, with the first half of that this week."

Milei took office in December after a divisive campaign in which he pledged a "chainsaw" plan to slash back the size of the state and cut spending with an austerity drive he argues is necessary to put the country's finances back on a firm footing.

That has gone down well with markets and investors, including major creditor the International Monetary Fund (IMF), though he has warned of tough months ahead for regular Argentines with a likely economic contraction this year.

The omnibus bill - a major part of Milei's reform plan - is expected to be debated in the lower house of Congress on Wednesday after the government yanked the key fiscal section following opposition to tax hikes and pension reforms.

While marking a significant concession by the government -- which still intends to push those fiscal plans separately -- the move was seen as likely to help avoid the bill failing in Congress where Milei only has minority support.

That helped the S&P Merval stock index edge up 1% on Tuesday, with sovereign bonds very slightly up on average.

The government still faces a major challenge to meet pledges for a zero deficit this year, while turning around an expected economic contraction estimated by the IMF at 2.8%.

"As soon as reality and the situation allows it, of course we are going to reverse this drop," Adorni added.

In popular parallel currency markets, used to get around strict capital controls and where people pay a large premium for dollars, the exchange rate was over 1,200 pesos per dollar on Tuesday, well away from the 826 peso controlled official rate.

In futures markets dollars were trading at 1,273 pesos by the end of June, reflecting expectations of a sharp slide.

(Reporting by Walter Bianchi; Editing by Adam Jourdan and Alison Williams)

Advertisement

The elimination of ministries and proposed shutdowns of scientific and cultural institutions have alarmed various sectors, including the scientific community, which fears a brain drain and diminished research capacity .

Critics argue that these developments could undermine democratic institutions, weaken the legislative branch, and set a precedent for authoritarian governance .

**Economic and Social Impact:** The immediate effects of Milei’s reforms have been profound.

**Economic and Social Impact:** The immediate effects of Milei’s reforms have been profound.

**Economic and Social Impact:** The immediate effects of Milei’s reforms have been profound.

While his administration achieved a fiscal surplus, this has come at the cost of increased poverty and social unrest.

While his administration achieved a fiscal surplus, this has come at the cost of increased poverty and social unrest.

While his administration achieved a fiscal surplus, this has come at the cost of increased poverty and social unrest.

Poverty rates have surged, with estimates suggesting that up to 57% of the population now live in poverty, a sharp increase attributed to high inflation and cuts to social programs .

Title:

Content: International News

Who Is Javier Milei?

Alex Paszkowicz

Brandishing a chainsaw throughout his electoral campaign, the libertarian and self-proclaimed ‘anarcho-capitalist’ Javier Milei won the Argentine general election on 19th November 2023. Milei’s policies and personality cause controversy, so who is the television pundit turned politician?

Beating his rival Sergio Massa with 14.4 million votes to Massa’s 11.5 million, Milei will begin his 4-year mandate starting on 10th of December. After winning a majority of just 4 out of the twenty-four Argentine provinces, Massa conceded defeat at the Unión por la Patria‘s campaign house before the results were officially published.

The centre-left finance minister admits that “obviously these are not the results we hoped for, and I have spoken to Javier Milei to congratulate him because he’s the president that the majority of Argentines have chosen for the next four years”.

Massa has also hinted that he will retire from front-line politics.

The Peronist political movement has been pushed out of government

Milei’s victory has dismantled the left-wing political establishment, even ending Argentina’s 2-party political system. Created in the 1940s by Juan and Eva Perón, the Peronist political movement has been pushed out of government, despite ruling for sixteen out of the last twenty years. His campaign fell short despite Massa continuously appealing to voters’ fears surrounding Milei’s volatile character and risky economic policies.

Compared with Massa, and judging by the election result, Milei is seen as the lesser of two evils in Argentina, as the previous Peronist government could not provide economic stability.

The third-largest Latin American economy has almost reached inflation of 150%, and 40% of Argentina’s 45 million population is in poverty. Furthermore, the International Monetary Fund has rescued the Argentine state twenty-two times, with the most recent loan of $44 billion in 2018.

Milei used his platform […] to circulate conspiracy theories

Economist Sergio Armella believes, “it is indisputable that a swift change from the failed economic policies of the past is imperative. The accumulated economic imbalances have grown too large and must be addressed promptly”.

Nicknamed ‘El Loco’ and before running for president, Milei used his platform on television to circulate conspiracy theories around election fraud and Argentina’s economic problems.

Combined with his extravagant personality and viral TikTok videos, he targeted a younger audience who had grown up through economic hardship and strict Coronavirus lockdowns. Milei’s camp is also known to question the national consensus, which has lasted four decades, over the crimes of its 1976 to 1983 dictatorship, which killed around 30,000 people.

“The reconstruction of Argentina begins” [Milei]

The man with five cloned dogs, each named after a different right-wing economist, claims that with his new mandate, ‘“the reconstruction of Argentina begins”. Calling the result a “miracle” in his victory speech, he says that the result “marks the end of decadence in Argentina”.

He believes Argentina will return to being a “global power”, while alluding to those conspiracies he supported in his past where previous governments, “shared the state amonpoliticians and their friends”.

Although he abandoned his chainsaw to improve his public image, the symbol refers to his promise to decrease inflation by cutting public spending by 15% and privatising state companies, while reducing fuel and electricity subsidies.

Milei wants to abolish the central bank and adopt the US dollar as its official currency, to stop the country from printing more money like previous governments. If the dollar’s value continues to devalue, then inflation could rise with a risk of hyperinflation, which could return after three decades.

Aims to sever ties with China

Milei has no interest in joining the BRICS alliance, and aims to sever ties with China to help move towards privatising state-led companies like the oil industry.

According to economist Elizabeth Bacigalupo, this includes an estimated $10 billion in annual savings on energy imports through a new gas pipeline in Vaca Muerta. Also, this year, the drought in Argentina reduced its agricultural exports from $39 billion in 2022 to $23 billion. But with next year’s predictions, exports could be up to $40 billion.

The problem Milei faces is how fragmented the Argentine Congress is. The coalition he formed with the conservatives after the first round only has 10% of the Senate and 15% of the lower house, meaning he will have to negotiate with his political rivals to push through his complicated reforms.

Any delay in economic progress could lead to more inflation and social unrest.

Despite insults hurled at Brazil’s President, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, by Milel throughout his campaign, he wished him support on social media, saying “democracy is the voice of the people and must always be respected”.

Donald Trump believes Milei will “Make Argentina Great Again”

Former US president Donald Trump believes Milei will ‘Make Argentina Great Again’. Businessman Elon Musk expressed a similar sentiment and posted, ‘prosperity is ahead for Argentina’.

Reactions from Milei supporters are varied, with voters desperate for change. A supporter named Michelle Chelsea in Buenos Aires says, “economic policies have led us to this situation. Today, more than half of the population has voted for a different option, and I hope that things will change a lot”.

A Food Service Worker, Alejandro Bravo, is hopeful for the future. “It’s an incredible joy. It’s the end of a never-ending decline, so to corrupt politicians, we say, “get lost”‘.

“We’ve had enough corruption, enough insecurity, enough inflation, enough poverty. We were very tired, we wanted something new, we wanted to see new faces”, states supporter Barbara Rubin.

Alex Paszkowicz

Featured image courtesy of Angelica Reyes via Unsplash. Image license found here. No changes were made to this image.

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Content: Argentina election: Javier Milei's radical proposals face test of reality

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Javier Milei, the anti-establishment politician who cruised to victory in the Argentine presidential election last week, has courted intense controversy with radical, provocative policy proposals and statements.

This led many detractors of the self-styled "anarcho-capitalist" to call his candidacy a "leap into the void".

Now, with the mop-haired president-elect only two weeks away from taking over Latin America's third-largest economy, many are asking, how will his policies and positions face the test of reality?

Taming inflation takes time

Javier Milei had proposed to dollarise the economy and eliminate the Argentine Central Bank as a strategy to "kill" hyper-inflation. This meant making the US dollar the national currency in place of the Argentine peso, whose value, Mr Milei said, had been "melting like blocks of ice in the Sahara".

One obstacle is that ditching the Central Bank and making the US dollar legal tender would need approval from the Argentina's Congress and could even require changing the constitution.

Although Mr Milei convincingly won the presidency, his Libertad Avanza (Freedom Advances) movement is barely the third largest political force in Congress. This suggests difficult negotiations might be in store.

Some economists have also questioned whether Mr Milei's plans are feasible, saying they would weaken his government's ability to manage domestic monetary policy.

Having the US dollar as the Argentine currency would effectively leave interest rate policy in the hands of the US Federal Reserve. Argentina's economy would be more vulnerable to external shocks involving the US dollar, for example sudden rises in prices for oil and fuel imports, which could make internal adjustments even more painful inside the country.

Sceptics also point out that Argentina would need to have in hand the US dollars to replace the pesos. Experts believe this could require anywhere between US $35bn to $50bn which indebted Argentina currently does not have and may not be able to borrow easily.

Mr Milei himself has admitted his "shock adjustment" economic stabilisation recipe could actually take up to two years to bring down inflation. "Saying anything else is lying," he said.

A climate sceptic?

Another topic that had made media headlines was Mr Milei's apparent declaration of himself as a climate change "sceptic", that is, someone who denies the role of humans in global warming.

"I do not deny climate change. What I am saying is that there is a temperature cycle in the history of the Earth... Therefore, all those policies that blame humans for climate change are false," Mr Milei said during a presidential debate last month, causing much commentary and criticism.

In his proposed government programme, one of the numerous ministries he had said he planned to axe would be the existing environment ministry.

Such apparent climate scepticism risked putting Mr Milei sharply out of tune with an international majority of governments and leaders who plan to gather at the COP28 climate conference in Dubai soon to seek urgent solutions to the problems of climate change and global warming.

Pragmatism and the Pope

Before he was elected, Mr Milei virulently attacked Argentine Pope Francis, calling him a "Jesuit who promotes communism", and even the "representative of the evil one [the Devil] on Earth".

Such statements caused frictions with the local Catholic Church and the Vatican.

However, this antagonism appeared to miraculously dissipate only days after his election win, when Mr Milei had what he called a "very friendly" phone call with the Pope, whom he addressed as "Your Holiness", inviting him to visit Argentina in 2024.

Asked in a TV interview about this change of heart, Mr Milei conceded that, when one is president, "there are some things that require greater doses of pragmatism".

No break with China and Brazil

Before his election, Milei had signalled he could freeze ties with Brazil and China, Argentina's two top trading partners, on the grounds that he did "not make pacts with communists".

"I am going to be aligned with the United States, Israel, and the free world," he said.

Not surprisingly, this assertion caused consternation in Beijing and Brasilia, as well as in Argentina.

A Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson was quoted as warning that it would be a "huge foreign policy mistake" for Argentina to cut ties with countries such as China and Brazil.

Mr Milei's predecessor, outgoing left-wing President Alberto Fernández, had carefully nurtured ties with Beijing and had welcomed an invitation to join Brics, the China-led group which also comprises Brazil, Russia, India, and South Africa.

Experts questioned the wisdom of dismantling a relationship that clearly brought benefits to Argentina, and not only by China being a top market for Argentina's soybean, meat and grains.

China was also helping to prop up Argentina's financial reserves with a major currency swap deal - significant support for a country already heavily indebted to the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

Days after the election, however, there seemed to be clear signs that no major break in relations was planned. The president-elect received a personal letter of "congratulations and good wishes" from Chinese President Xi Jinping and Mr Milei himself made a point of thanking Xi on social media.

Mr Milei's pick for foreign minister, Diana Mondino, also dismissed as "nonsense" any suggestion that there would be a rupture in "commercial relations" with China or Brazil.

In Brazil, Mr Milei's invitation for former President Jair Bolsonaro to attend his 10 December inauguration was interpreted as "unfriendly" towards Brazil's current left-wing President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

But Milei has since said Lula would be "well-received", if he wanted to come.

Dictatorship denial

Mr Milei and his vice-presidential running-mate Victoria Villarruel also ignited intense controversy during the campaign with their position regarding Argentina's 1976-83 military dictatorship.

Defying traditional positions held by Argentina's government and society for the last 40 years, Mr Milei caused outrage by contesting the generally accepted estimate of those abducted and "disappeared" in the dictatorship - 30,000 - asserting the actual number was closer to 9,000.

The candidate argued that the political violence of the 1970s in Argentina was a two-sided "war" in which "the forces of the state committed excesses but the terrorists [anti-government guerrillas] ... [also] committed crimes against humanity".

This equivalence of presentation of the two sides raised howls of protest from groups like the Plaza de Mayo mothers and grandmothers of disappeared persons.

This was just another striking way in which the Milei-Villarruel duo were trying to shake up the political status quo in Argentina. The next four years will show if they can do it.

The elimination of subsidies and public services has disproportionately affected low-income households, leading to a loss of about 20% of purchasing power for wage earners and worsening food insecurity as community kitchens are dissolved .

How will Milei's reforms impact workers?

How will Milei's reforms impact workers?

Protests and strikes organized by labor unions and social movements have become widespread, reflecting significant public discontent and resistance to austerity measures .

Title:

Content: Argentina sees the light with Maverick Javier Milei – Ivo Vegter

In a surprising turn, libertarian firebrand Javier Milei secured Argentina’s presidency after a second-round victory against his left-wing rival. Vowing to end decades of socialist mismanagement, Milei, an outspoken economist, faces challenges in implementing radical reforms, including abolishing ministries and dollarising the economy. While hailed as the world’s first libertarian president, Milei’s uphill battle involves legislative opposition and managing economic pain amid promises of a freer, market-oriented Argentina. Skepticism remains, awaiting the true impact of his ambitious plans in a nation grappling with deep-rooted economic struggles.

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Argentinians see the light

By Ivo Vegter*

It took a second round of voting, but the libertarian Javier Milei has defeated his Peronist rival to become president of Argentina.

A month ago, Javier Milei unexpectedly lost the first round of the Argentinian general election to his left-wing Peronist rival, Sergio Massa, after the latter had cynically promised zero taxes as a way to bribe voters.

In my column on the lessons South Africa could draw from that election, I said: ‘Let’s hope Argentinians see the light before Massa and Milei face off in the run-off election.’

Happily, they did see the light.

After decades of economic malaise under a government that for most of the last 30 years has been socialist, corrupt, wasteful and incompetent, leaving Argentina eighth from last in the Fraser Institute’s Economic Freedom of the World Report 2023, they elected Milei, a libertarian firebrand, in the biggest landslide since Juan Perón’s election in 1973.

Milei becomes the first libertarian president, not only of Argentina, but in the world. The closest precedent that comes to mind is that of Calvin Coolidge, the small-government conservative president during the Roaring Twenties in the US, but Milei is far more radical than that.

‘“oday the reconstruction of Argentina begins’, he said, after winning 56% of the vote in the head-to-head race. That was also his first lie as president-elect, since he doesn’t actually take office until 10 December, but we’ll let that slide.

Radical

To describe Milei as radical would be putting it mildly. He has described the country’s ruling elite as thieves and the government as ‘a criminal organisation’. He has promised to abolish ten of the government’s 18 ministries. He said he would do away with the central bank and dollarise the Argentinian economy.

‘The model of decadence has come to an end’, he told his supporters. ‘There’s no going back. We have monumental problems ahead. Inflation, lack of work, and poverty’.

Milei is an accomplished economist, and largely follows the Austrian School of individualist free-market economics. He has variously described himself as an anarcho-capitalist and a minarchist (an anarchist who accepts the legitimacy of a small government dedicated to protecting life, liberty and property).

He has been extraordinarily outspoken on the evils of socialism and statism, and how they turned Argentina from a once-wealthy world power into an over-indebted, poverty-stricken, underdeveloped basket case.

Mainstream media

The mainstream media, with its largely left-leaning bias, has compared Milei to former presidents Donald Trump of the US and Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil.

‘Argentina set for sharp right turn as Trump-like radical wins presidency’, trumpeted the Washington Post

‘Argentina Elects Javier Milei in Victory for Far Right’ was the headline in the New York Times, which added: ‘Argentina’s next president is a libertarian economist whose brash style and embrace of conspiracy theories has parallels with those of Donald J. Trump.’

The ‘embrace of conspiracy theories’ is a particularly vicious jab. Readers would have to follow a link to find an explanation, and it turns out that the Times only referred to Milei’s allegations of polling irregularities, which have not been tested.

It is entirely plausible that Argentina’s electoral system is less secure than that of the United States, and that the incumbents – who went as far as abolishing taxes in order to engineer a win – might have been involved in some electoral skulduggery.

Allegations of election fraud are very common on all sides of the political spectrum, and do not, in and of themselves, rise to the level of the debunked claims of Trump, and his attempt to derail the orderly election of his rival.

Authoritarians

More importantly, both Bolsonaro and Trump are alt-right populists. They are moral authoritarians – not liberals – and appeal to collectivist – not individualist – principles such as nationalism and protectionism. They have often, rightly, been described as fascist, which is just as antithetical to libertarians as is left-wing socialism.

That both former presidents expressed their support for Milei has a lot more to do with shared anti-socialist positions than any real congruence in their political philosophy.

Milei has himself rejected the right-wing label, and indeed, his classical liberalism (for which ‘libertarian’ in the American sense is a synonym) does not yield to a simplistic left-right analysis. Rather, it falls on the liberal end of an authoritarian-liberal scale, and on the progressive end of a conservative-progressive scale.

Sour-grape-ish

Milei does have some views that are questionable, or traditionally associated with the conservative right, such as his anti-abortion stance and his rejection of climate alarmism.

Neither define him, however, and both are issues on which libertarians can and do disagree.

By similar logic, Milei’s promise not to dismantle Argentina’s extensive social welfare programmes does not make him some sort of left-winger.

In focusing on incidental agreements between Milei and leaders like Trump and Bolsonaro, and ignoring the fundamental philosophical differences between the former’s individualist, free-market, small-government ideas and the authoritarianism, nationalism, populism and protectionism of the latter, the media does both Milei and their readers a great disservice.

That a politician does not perfectly reflect all one’s personal political or moral views is in any case far less of a concern when that very politician proposes as far as possible to keep government out of people’s personal affairs and to leave most of the world’s problems to the private sector.

‘When your response to everything that is wrong with the world is to say, “There ought to be a law,” you are saying that you hold freedom very cheap’, said Thomas Sowell.

Moreover, it seems extraordinarily petty and sour-grape-ish to complain about a few differences of opinion with a candidate who promises radical change in a country that is mired in economic crisis, thanks to the policies of its incumbent rulers.

Music to the ears

Sniping from the mainstream press aside, the rise of a truly libertarian president in one of the world’s most economically unfree countries should be music to a classical liberal’s ears.

Who doesn’t want to radically slash the size of government? Who doesn’t question the inflationary monetary policy of highly indebted countries? Who doesn’t want to see free enterprise flourish, and witness the departure of a government that strangles business with red tape and taxes, and tries to pick winners by throwing subsidies at favoured companies?

On the face of it, this should be an excellent experiment to show whether the libertarian prescriptions for government do, indeed, produce a better outcome than the socialist quagmire in which Argentina has been stuck for so long.

Pain and gain

Practically speaking, however, there are reasons to remain skeptical.

First, we’ve only seen Milei’s talk, and not his walk.

Second, making drastic changes in the structure of a country’s government and economy, as Milei proposes, will be painful.

It is arguable that the short-term pain is justified by the long-term gain, but electorates are rarely forgiving to those who inflict necessary pain. Witness Margaret Thatcher, who saved Britain from the socialist economic malaise of the 1970s, but remains hated to this day by those who bore the brunt of her reforms.

Dollarising an economy does not produce immediate results, for example. It can take years before the stabilising effect of dollarisation filters through to low inflation rates. It can, however, immediately harm people and even increase poverty levels, depending on the exchange rate at which existing deposits are converted.

Drastically reducing the size of government will also face much immediate opposition, especially from civil servants who stand to lose their jobs.

Privatising healthcare, education or other government functions is also fraught with transition difficulties. Much depends on exactly how such privatisation is carried out. It can fail, and even if the eventual outcome is a success, it could cause years of disruptions and dissatisfaction.

Then there are the entrenched patronage networks of the incumbent socialist government, who will be highly upset – and fight back vigorously – when the taps of corrupt fiscal spending get turned off.

Finally, few voters have the patience to wait five or ten years for radical free-market reforms to have a positive impact, and Argentina’s president only serves a four-year term before facing the electorate again.

Legislative opposition

A further obstacle to Milei’s reforms is that he will not be the philosopher-king of every libertarian’s dreams. He will not be a dictator.

He will simply be the head of the executive in a constitutional parliamentary democracy, with strictly circumscribed powers.

And the elections did not result in a similar landslide in the legislature.

Argentina has a 72-seat Senate, or upper house, and a 257-seat Chamber of Deputies, or lower house. Together, they make up the Argentinian National Congress.

In both houses, Milei’s libertarian coalition, Liberty Advances (La Libertad Avanza, or LLA) took more seats from the conservative coalition, Together for Change (Juntos por el Cambio, or JxC), than from the socialist Peronista coalition, Union for the Homeland (Unión por la Patria, or UxP).

In the Senate, this leaves the Peronistas as the largest coalition, with 32 seats. It would need 37 seats to command an outright majority. The conservative coalition, JxC, retains only 27 seats. As the third-largest party in the Senate, Milei’s LLA only has six seats, which even in coalition with the conservatives is not enough for an outright majority.

In the lower house, the picture is similar. UxP has 104 out of 257 seats, JxC has 93, and LLA has 38. The only difference is that here, a JxC and LLA coalition can command a simple majority.

This leaves Milei at the mercy first of the conservatives, who would welcome market-oriented reforms and a departure from socialism, but by their very nature would be reluctant to endorse Milei’s more radical, disruptive proposals. Once Milei has cleared that hurdle, he needs to gather a majority in the upper house, which will be even harder.

Argentina is also heavily indebted, including to the International Monetary Fund, and creditors are likely to have a say in how the country is run. Anything that scares them will raise the cost of credit, which Argentina can ill afford.

Wait and see

Once the initial euphoria of seeing a true libertarian in power has cleared, then, we are left with the sobering realisation that Milei may not be able to achieve anywhere near as much as he has promised.

Turning failing countries around is not for the faint-hearted, and it always comes with social upheaval and economic pain.

Even if Milei gets the good ship Argentina pointed in the right direction again, the prevailing winds and currents may still dash it – and its captain – upon the rocks.

Read also:

*Ivo Vegter is a freelance journalist, columnist and speaker who loves debunking myths and misconceptions, and addresses topics from the perspective of individual liberty and free markets.

This article was first published by Daily Friend and is republished with permission

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Who has opposed Milei's proposed layoff order?

Who has opposed Milei's proposed layoff order?

Who has opposed Milei's proposed layoff order?

**Environmental Policy:** Milei’s administration has pursued extensive deregulation in environmental policy, including the repeal of protections such as the Glacier Protection Law, which now permits mining in ecologically sensitive areas .

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Argentina's President Javier Milei Brands Abortion 'Aggravated Murder', Sparks Nationwide Debate

President Javier Milei's recent comments on abortion have rekindled Argentina's national debate over reproductive rights, highlighting deep societal and political divides.

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On March 6, Argentine President Javier Milei ignited a firestorm of controversy with his remarks at the Cardenal Copello School in Buenos Aires, where he labeled abortion as 'murder aggravated by the bond' and criticized proponents of legal abortion. Milei's stern condemnation of the practice, which has been legal in Argentina since 2020, underscores a significant shift in the country's political discourse regarding reproductive rights.

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Controversial Stance Amid Political Promises

Milei, who has been vocal about his opposition to abortion since his election campaign, reiterated his stance in a speech that not only challenged the current law but also criticized the 'murderers with green neckerchiefs' - a direct reference to activists who championed the law's passage. Despite his strong opposition, Milei's administration has yet to introduce legislation to repeal the law, leaving some to question the priority of this issue in his political agenda. This comes as Milei's vice president, Victoria Villarruel, downplayed the urgency of addressing abortion law repeal given the country's economic challenges.

Legislative Action and Internal Coalition Dynamics

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In February, controversy within Milei's political coalition, La Libertad Avanza, surfaced when congresswoman Rocío Bonacci introduced a bill to repeal the abortion law without the coalition's endorsement or consultation with Milei. This move highlighted the differing opinions within the coalition and raised questions about the unified stance on this contentious issue. Bonacci defended her action by emphasizing her personal commitment to defending life.

Societal and Political Implications

Milei's statements and the subsequent legislative actions have reignited the abortion debate in Argentina, bringing the issue back into the national spotlight. Feminists and LGBT groups are mobilizing in opposition to Milei's policies, marking a resurgence in activism. The president's stance has not only deepened the ideological divide but also prompted a broader discussion on reproductive rights and governmental priorities in Argentina.

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He has proposed dismantling the environmental ministry and shutting down CONICET, further weakening Argentina’s capacity for environmental governance and research .

His climate change skepticism and deregulatory agenda have drawn criticism from environmentalists and complicated Argentina’s international relations, particularly with countries prioritizing climate action .

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Content: Argentine Leader Denounces 'satanic' Socialism During Spain Visit

(@ChaudhryMAli88)

Madrid, (APP - UrduPoint / Pakistan Point News - 18th May, 2024) Argentina's President Javier Milei denounced what he called "satanic" socialism in a speech on the first day of his visit to Spain Friday, where he was criticised by a member of Spain's left-wing government.

"Let us not let the dark, black, satanic, atrocious, horrible carcinogenic side that is socialism prevail over us," he said, in a talk about his books on libertarian ideas.

Earlier Friday, Spanish Labour Minister Yolanda Diaz accused Milei of sowing "hatred", weeks after a diplomatic clash between the nations.

"There aren't many who sow hate, but they make a lot of noise and flood everything," Diaz, who is also one of three deputy prime ministers, told a forum at her ministry.

"Milei and other governments of hate are back with their austerity measures and authoritarianism," she added.

Diaz leads the far-left party Sumar, one of Socialist Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez's junior coalition partners.

Milei did not directly respond to her comment, but he did say his policies were putting Argentina back on track "after a decline of more than 100 years".

- Diplomatic row -

A self-declared "anarcho-capitalist", Milei won elections last November vowing to reduce the Argentine deficit to zero.

To that end, he has instituted an austerity programme that has seen the government slash subsidies for transport, fuel and energy, even as wage-earners lost a fifth of their purchasing power.

Milei, who began his visit to Spain on Friday, will not be meeting either Sanchez or King Felipe VI.

On Sunday, he is scheduled to take part at a gathering of Spanish far-right party Vox alongside other hard-right leaders such as France's Marine Le Pen.

His visit comes after Spanish Transport Minister Oscar Puente had to apologise after sparking a row with Buenos Aires by suggesting Milei was on drugs.

"I saw Milei on television" during the campaign, Puente told a Socialist Party conference. "I don't know if it was before or after the consumption... of substances."

Within hours, Milei's office issued an official statement lambasting Sanchez's leftist government, accusing it of putting "the middle class in danger with his socialist policies that bring only poverty and death".

Puente later said he had made a "mistake", saying he was not aware of the repercussions his comments would have, and Buenos Aires said the dispute was "over".

al-jj/rlp

**International Relations:** Milei’s foreign policy marks a shift toward closer alignment with the United States and a distancing from leftist regimes in Latin America .

Title:

Content: Milei Experiment

In the tangled web of Argentine politics and economics, one figure has emerged as both a lightning rod for controversy and a beacon of hope ~ President Javier Milei.

In the tangled web of Argentine politics and economics, one figure has emerged as both a lightning rod for controversy and a beacon of hope ~ President Javier Milei. His first 100 days in office have been marked by a whirlwind of fiscal manoeuvres, bold policy shifts, and commitment to economic reform. But as Argentina teeters on the edge of uncertainty, Mr Milei’s ambitious agenda raises questions even it offers solutions. At the heart of Mr Milei’s strategy lies a radical departure from conventional wisdom.

Brandishing a chainsaw as a symbol of fiscal austerity, he has pledged to slash spending and achieve a budget surplus, a feat unheard of in a country plagued by decades of fiscal mismanagement. His unorthodox approach has garnered both praise and scepticism, as Argentines grapple with the harsh realities of rising poverty and economic contraction. The cornerstone of Mr Milei’s economic vision is the elimination of money-printing and the pursuit of a unified exchange rate. By devaluing the peso and cutting interest rates, he aims to rein in inflation and restore confidence in the economy.

Yet the path to stability is fraught with pitfalls, as the spectre of recession looms large and investors remain wary of the government’s opaque monetary policies. While Mr Milei’s commitment to reform is commendable, his political isolation poses a significant obstacle to meaningful change. With little support in the Argentine Congress and a fragmented coalition, he faces an uphill battle. The recent defeat of a sprawling omnibus bill highlights the challenges ahead, as competing interests and entrenched political factions threaten to derail Mr Milei’s ambitions. Moreover, the uncertainty surrounding Argentina’s future monetary regime adds another layer of complexity to the equation. Will Mr Milei pivot towards dollarization or pursue a more gradual approach to currency reform? The lack of clarity on this front only serves to fuel investor anxieties and exacerbate economic volatility. Amidst these challenges, Mr Milei’s fate hangs in the balance. How much economic pain can Argentines endure before turning on their unconventional leader? And can Mr Milei muster the political support needed to navigate the treacherous waters of Argentine politics?

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In the end, the trajectory of Mr Milei’s presidency hinges on the delicate balance between economic resilience and political manoeuvring. Should he manage to maintain public support and secure crucial alliances, Mr Milei could emerge as a formidable force in next year’s mid-term elections. However, any slip in popularity could spell disaster for his ambitious agenda, opening the door for his adversaries to dismantle his presidency. Whether Mr Milei’s gamble will pay off remains to be seen. But one thing is certain. In a country accustomed to political upheaval and economic turmoil, the journey towards reform is bound to be fraught with uncertainty and adversity. Only time will tell whether Mr Milei’s vision for Argentina’s future will lead to prosperity or further hardship

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Content: The US Government congratulates Miley and calls on them to work together on the economy and environment

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The United States government on Sunday congratulated far-right Javier Miley on his victory in the Argentine presidential election, and called on him to work together on the economy, human rights, democracy and combating the climate crisis.

“Congratulations to Javier Miley and the Argentine people! We look forward to working together on shared priorities that benefit the people of our two countries.”

The diplomat pointed out that potential areas of cooperation are “protecting human rights and democracy, combating climate change, improving the investment climate and investing in the middle class.”

Later, White House National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan joined the congratulations and affirmed the United States' commitment to human rights.

US President Joe Biden's advisor said: “I congratulate Javier Miley on his election as president of Argentina, and I congratulate the people of Argentina on holding free and fair elections.”

He added: “We look forward to continuing to build our strong bilateral relationship based on our shared commitment to human rights, democratic values, and transparency.”

According to an audit by the National Elections Directorate, with 98% of the tables counted, Meli won the elections with 56% of the votes (14,319,272 votes) compared to the current Minister of Economy, Sergio Massa, with 44% (11,384,014 votes).

Given the overwhelming victory that was expected, Massa appeared before the official results were announced to recognize the victory of Miley, who will assume the presidency of Argentina on December 10.

The ultra-liberal has proposed dollarizing the country to solve Argentina's devastated economy. He does not believe in climate change and denies that 30,000 people disappeared during the military dictatorship (1976-1983).

Former US President Donald Trump (2017-2021) congratulated Miley, who admires the Republican, and declared that he was “proud” of his victory.

“Congratulations to Javier Miley on the wonderful election as President of Argentina. The whole world was watching! I am very proud of you,” Trump said on social media.

X (formerly Twitter) mogul Elon Musk also congratulated Miley's victory from the United States and predicted that “Argentina awaits prosperity.”

What are some of the "liberal democracies" that the Milei administration prioritizes partnerships?

What reason did Milei give about not engaging with China, Cuba, and Venezuela?

What are some of the "liberal democracies" that the Milei administration prioritizes partnerships?

What reason did Milei give about not engaging with China, Cuba, and Venezuela?

His administration seeks to attract foreign investment, especially in strategic sectors like lithium, while his initial antagonism toward China and Brazil has given way to a more pragmatic approach post-election .

International financial institutions such as the IMF have expressed cautious optimism about Milei’s reforms, but concerns remain about their feasibility and social impact .

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Action to Protest Fascist Argentina Pres Melei's Attack on Workers Party PO & Polo Obrero

Date:
Wednesday, June 12, 2024
Time:
12:00 PM - 1:00 PM
Event Type:
Protest
Organizer/Author:
United Front Committee For A Labor Party
Location Details:
San Francisco Federal Building
90 7th St.
San Francisco

6/12/24 SF Emergency Action To Protest Fascist Argentina President Milei's Attack On Workers Party PO & Pollo Obrero
Stop The Repression, Privatization & Union Busting By Fascist Melie &
US Support IMF. Support For Melei

Wednesday June 12, 2024 12:00 Noon
San Francisco Federal Building
90 7th St.
San Francisco

The growing world wide fascist movement is part and parcel of what is happening in Argentina today. The fascist Melei government is instituting a massive assault on the working class with privatization of education and public services and also attacking democratic rights of workers and the people of Argentina.

They have also stopped all delivery of food to poor people who face starvation because of massive inflation. Polo Obrero which has organized the distribution of the food is also under attack and the corrupt Milei government on Monday June 3 raided the offices of the Workers Party PO claiming that they have engaged in corruption in the distribution of food which is being done by Polo Obrero.

This is a blatant political attack without any legal basis but it is aimed at shutting down the PO from opposing the fascist policies of the Milei government.

It has also taken place in part because the PO along with the Left Front organized the first public protest against the Milei regime and this front is fighting for a continuing general strike against the fascist Milei government.

The US government and IMF have fully backed Milei and the US military with the support of Milei is setting up a new base. The CIA has also visited Argentina and Milei to begin preparation for a possible military dictatorship. In 1974 the US, CIA in collusion with AFL-CIO helped organize a military coup that killed thousands of workers and people. The fight to hold those responsible for the murders and terror is opposed by Milei and his fascist government who includes family members who were involved in the coup. The US, CIA and AFL-CIO leadership have never been held accountable for the tortures, imprisonment and murders of the US supported military government.

Milei has also linked up with his techno fascist supporters like Elon Musk who was given the rights to Argentina’s lithium. This fascist cabal backed by US imperialism must be challenged globally.

The rise of fascism in the US is connected directly with the developments in Argentina and that is why Milei is coming to Silicon Valley, Florida and the US in his efforts to build a global fascism movement. This is also backed openly by Trump and his supporters.

On June 12 there will be massive actions in Argentina and the action called in San Francisco is part of a global struggle not only against the Milei but against the growing fascist movement in the US and around the world.

Hands Off The PO and Polo Obrero, Drop The Charges

For Workers Actions and General Strikes To Bring Down the Fascist Milei Government

US Get Out Of Argentina and No US Military Base In Argentina

Stop Privatization & Union Busting In Argentina & The US

For A Workers Government In Argentina and US

STOP Fascism and For A United Front Against Fascism

Initiated by
United Front Committee For A Labor Party http://www.ufclp.org
To endorse, support and participate contact:
info [at] ufclp.org

Additional Info:
Argentina: Milei's "shock therapy”, Capitalism, Socialism & The Working Class
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8Rw9oJc6680

Javier Melei, The Class Struggle & The Organization of The Working Class With Guillermo Kane
https://youtu.be/CUOAI_bZmfs

Fascism: San Francisco tech VC applauds fascist Pinochet's helicopter 'death rides'
https://www.thenerdreich.com/san-francisco-tech-vc-applauds-fascist-pinochets-helicopter/
Added to the calendar on Fri, Jun 7, 2024 7:25PM
§Milei Wants To Destroy The Unions & Privatize All Public Services & Education
by United Front Committee For A Labor Party
Milie is launching a massive attack on workers and the poor as well as the unions
§Musk & Milie Thumbs UP
by United Front Committee For A Labor Party
Elon Musk is a big supporter of the fascist Milei
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**Public Reception and Youth Engagement:** Milei’s radical agenda has polarized Argentine society.

**Public Reception and Youth Engagement:** Milei’s radical agenda has polarized Argentine society.

**Public Reception and Youth Engagement:** Milei’s radical agenda has polarized Argentine society.

He enjoys significant support among younger voters, who are drawn to his anti-establishment rhetoric and promises of economic freedom .

Title:

Content: Argentine president begins unusual visit to Spain, snubbing officials and courting the far-right

BUENOS AIRES, Argentina (AP) - Even before kicking off a three-day visit to Madrid on Friday, Argentina's libertarian President Javier Milei stirred controversy, accusing the socialist government of bringing "poverty and death" to Spain and weighing in on corruption allegations against the prime minister's wife.

In such circumstances, a typical visiting head of state may strive to mend fences with diplomacy.

Not Milei. The brash economist has no plans to meet Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez during his three days in the Spanish capital - nor the Spanish king, nor any other government official. Instead, he'll attend a far-right summit Sunday hosted by Sánchez's fiercest political opponent, the Vox party.

The unorthodox visit was business as usual for Milei, a darling of the global far right who has bonded with tech billionaire Elon Musk and praised former U.S. President Donald Trump. Earlier this year on a trip to the United States, steered clear of the White House and took the stage at the Conservative Political Action Conference, or CPAC, where he railed against abortion and socialism and shared a bear hug with Trump.

Milei presented his 2022 book, "The Way of the Libertarian," in Madrid Friday at a literary event organized by La Razón, a conservative Spanish newspaper.

The book - withdrawn from circulation in Spain earlier this month because the back-flap biography erroneously said Milei had earned a doctorate - traces his meteoric rise in politics from eccentric TV personality to national lawmaker and outlines his radical free-market economic ideas.

Argentina's President Javier Milei gestures as he presents his book "El camino del libertario" in Madrid, Spain, Friday, May 17, 2024. (AP Photo/Manu Fernandez)

To thunderous applause, Milei condemned socialism as "an intellectual fraud and a horror in human terms."

"The good thing is that the spotlight is shining on us everywhere and we are making the reds (leftists) uncomfortable all over the world," Milei said.

He took the opportunity to promote the results of his harsh austerity campaign in Argentina, celebrating a decline in monthly inflation in April though making no mention of the Buenos Aires subway fares that more than tripled overnight.

Repeating a campaign pledge to eliminate Argentina´s central bank - without giving further details - Milei promised to make Argentina "the country with the most economic freedom in the world."

At the event Milei gave a huge hug to his ideological ally Santiago Abascal, the leader of the hard-right Vox party and the only politician with whom Milei has actual plans to meet in Madrid.

The Vox summit Sunday seeks to bring together far-right figures from across Europe in a bid to rally the party's base ahead of European parliamentary elections in June. Milei described his attendance a "moral imperative." He also has plans to meet Spanish business executives Saturday.

Tensions between Milei and Sánchez have simmered since the moment the Spanish prime minister declined to congratulate the libertarian economist on his shock election victory last November.

But hostility exploded earlier this month when one of Sánchez´s ministers suggested Milei had taken narcotics. The Argentine presidency responded with an unusually harsh official statement accusing Sánchez´s government of "endangering the middle class with its socialist policies that bring nothing but poverty and death."

The lengthy government statement also accused Sánchez of having "more important problems to deal with, such as the corruption accusations against his wife."

The allegations of influence peddling and corruption brought by a right-wing group against Sánchez´s wife, Begoña Gómez, had prompted Sánchez, one of Europe´s longest serving Socialist leaders, to consider stepping down.

___

Associated Press writer Débora Rey contributed to this report.

Argentina's President Javier Milei gestures as he presents his book "El camino del libertario" in Madrid, Spain, Friday, May 17, 2024. (AP Photo/Manu Fernandez)

Argentina's President Javier Milei gestures as he presents his book "El camino del libertario" in Madrid, Spain, Friday, May 17, 2024. (AP Photo/Manu Fernandez)

His effective use of social media and direct communication has fostered a grassroots movement among youth frustrated with traditional politics .

However, his policies have also provoked fierce opposition from labor unions, social movements, and other sectors, leading to widespread protests and highlighting deep societal divisions .

Title:

Content: Argentine government announces first quarterly surplus since 2008

Javier Milei celebrated the accomplishment, which achieved via a substantial reduction in government spending, including reductions in public works and redistribution to regional governments.

The Argentine government, led by President Javier Milei, announced Monday that it closed the first quarter with a fiscal surplus for the first time since 2008.

Milei broke the news on national television with marked joy. This fiscal surplus of 0.2% of GDP occurs after the first three months under the Libertarian president and his "chainsaw" method against public spending. Since coming to power, as he promised during the campaign, Milei has carried out a policy of heavy cuts to state infrastructure.

“This economic miracle of achieving a quarterly financial surplus after almost 20 years, having inherited the situation that we did, responds to what those who want the failure of this government usually say, to an enormous extent to what we called a 'chainsaw' during the campaign, and not as some say to the liquefaction of public funds, a method that has historically been used in our country," celebrated Milei from the Casa Rosada in Buenos Aires, the president's official residence. “The fiscal surplus is the cornerstone from which we will build Argentina's new era of prosperity,” he added, standing alongside several members of his government.

The fiscal surplus of 0.2% for Argentina represents about $300,000. The accomplishment comes after cuts of almost 75% of state transfers to regional governments in Argentina, as well as halting 90% of public works, and the popular policy of reducing the number of public ministries from 18, as under the previous government, to only nine. Argentine bonds increased in value shortly after the president's announcement.

For Milei, the reduction of public spending and of the large deficit was an obligatory step in his objective of restructuring the Argentine state. The president assured that public deficits cause inflation, his arch nemesis, which in 2023 in Argentina was the highest in the Americas, reaching 211.4% at the end of Alberto Fernández's presidency.

Title:

Content: Advertisment

Argentina's President Javier Milei Brands Abortion 'Aggravated Murder', Sparks Nationwide Debate

President Javier Milei's recent comments on abortion have rekindled Argentina's national debate over reproductive rights, highlighting deep societal and political divides.

Waqas Arain
Updated On
New Update

On March 6, Argentine President Javier Milei ignited a firestorm of controversy with his remarks at the Cardenal Copello School in Buenos Aires, where he labeled abortion as 'murder aggravated by the bond' and criticized proponents of legal abortion. Milei's stern condemnation of the practice, which has been legal in Argentina since 2020, underscores a significant shift in the country's political discourse regarding reproductive rights.

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Controversial Stance Amid Political Promises

Milei, who has been vocal about his opposition to abortion since his election campaign, reiterated his stance in a speech that not only challenged the current law but also criticized the 'murderers with green neckerchiefs' - a direct reference to activists who championed the law's passage. Despite his strong opposition, Milei's administration has yet to introduce legislation to repeal the law, leaving some to question the priority of this issue in his political agenda. This comes as Milei's vice president, Victoria Villarruel, downplayed the urgency of addressing abortion law repeal given the country's economic challenges.

Legislative Action and Internal Coalition Dynamics

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In February, controversy within Milei's political coalition, La Libertad Avanza, surfaced when congresswoman Rocío Bonacci introduced a bill to repeal the abortion law without the coalition's endorsement or consultation with Milei. This move highlighted the differing opinions within the coalition and raised questions about the unified stance on this contentious issue. Bonacci defended her action by emphasizing her personal commitment to defending life.

Societal and Political Implications

Milei's statements and the subsequent legislative actions have reignited the abortion debate in Argentina, bringing the issue back into the national spotlight. Feminists and LGBT groups are mobilizing in opposition to Milei's policies, marking a resurgence in activism. The president's stance has not only deepened the ideological divide but also prompted a broader discussion on reproductive rights and governmental priorities in Argentina.

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How will Milei's reforms impact workers?

Who has opposed Milei's proposed layoff order?

How will Milei's reforms impact workers?

Who has opposed Milei's proposed layoff order?

**Implications for Argentina’s Future:** Javier Milei’s policy agenda represents a profound transformation of Argentina’s governance, economy, and society.

**Implications for Argentina’s Future:** Javier Milei’s policy agenda represents a profound transformation of Argentina’s governance, economy, and society.

**Implications for Argentina’s Future:** Javier Milei’s policy agenda represents a profound transformation of Argentina’s governance, economy, and society.

His libertarian and market-oriented strategies have achieved some fiscal milestones but have also led to increased poverty, social unrest, and concerns about democratic backsliding and institutional erosion .

The long-term success of his reforms depends on his ability to navigate a fragmented Congress, manage social tensions, and balance radical change with democratic norms and social cohesion.

The long-term success of his reforms depends on his ability to navigate a fragmented Congress, manage social tensions, and balance radical change with democratic norms and social cohesion.

The long-term success of his reforms depends on his ability to navigate a fragmented Congress, manage social tensions, and balance radical change with democratic norms and social cohesion.

The future trajectory of Argentina under Milei’s leadership remains uncertain, with the potential for both economic stabilization and deepening societal challenges [13168c

Title:

Content: Advertisment

Argentina's President Javier Milei Brands Abortion 'Aggravated Murder', Sparks Nationwide Debate

President Javier Milei's recent comments on abortion have rekindled Argentina's national debate over reproductive rights, highlighting deep societal and political divides.

Waqas Arain
Updated On
New Update

On March 6, Argentine President Javier Milei ignited a firestorm of controversy with his remarks at the Cardenal Copello School in Buenos Aires, where he labeled abortion as 'murder aggravated by the bond' and criticized proponents of legal abortion. Milei's stern condemnation of the practice, which has been legal in Argentina since 2020, underscores a significant shift in the country's political discourse regarding reproductive rights.

Advertisment

Controversial Stance Amid Political Promises

Milei, who has been vocal about his opposition to abortion since his election campaign, reiterated his stance in a speech that not only challenged the current law but also criticized the 'murderers with green neckerchiefs' - a direct reference to activists who championed the law's passage. Despite his strong opposition, Milei's administration has yet to introduce legislation to repeal the law, leaving some to question the priority of this issue in his political agenda. This comes as Milei's vice president, Victoria Villarruel, downplayed the urgency of addressing abortion law repeal given the country's economic challenges.

Legislative Action and Internal Coalition Dynamics

Advertisment

In February, controversy within Milei's political coalition, La Libertad Avanza, surfaced when congresswoman Rocío Bonacci introduced a bill to repeal the abortion law without the coalition's endorsement or consultation with Milei. This move highlighted the differing opinions within the coalition and raised questions about the unified stance on this contentious issue. Bonacci defended her action by emphasizing her personal commitment to defending life.

Societal and Political Implications

Milei's statements and the subsequent legislative actions have reignited the abortion debate in Argentina, bringing the issue back into the national spotlight. Feminists and LGBT groups are mobilizing in opposition to Milei's policies, marking a resurgence in activism. The president's stance has not only deepened the ideological divide but also prompted a broader discussion on reproductive rights and governmental priorities in Argentina.

Advertisment
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