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Content: Proactive news headlines including Adyton Resources, Essex Minerals, Shuhini Exploration, Snowline Gold, Cypress Development and Wellteq Digital Health

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New York, Oct. 13, 2021 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE) -- Proactive, provider of real-time news and video interviews on growth companies listed in the US and Canada, has covered the following companies:

  • Adyton Resources says its maiden drilling program at Feni Island returns significant gold intersections click here
  • Deepspatial says Sheela Foam has chosen the company to provide its AI-driven solutions to assist in market expansion and business growth click here
  • Essex Minerals reports promising drill results from initial six-hole program at Drummer Fault project click here
  • LeanLife Health says its Iron Energy beverage product line will be available at all Speedee Mart locations across the Las Vegas Valley metropolitan area click here
  • Clean Seed Capital finalizes SMART Seeder sales following busy demonstration season click here
  • Altiplano confirms continuity in Farellon vein system at depth with ongoing exploration drill program click here
  • Stuhini Exploration releases update on its 2021 exploration at Ruby Creek click here
  • NEO Battery secures silicon anode materials transfer agreements click here
  • Snowline Gold intersects high-grade gold at its Einarson project in the Yukon click here
  • Esports Entertainment Group says its ggCircuit application has mined over $1 million in crypto since May launch click here
  • Amarillo Gold says latest drill results from Pastinho deposit bode well for potential mine at Mara Rosa in Brazil click here
  • Victory Square Technologies says portfolio company GameOn partners with NBA player backed NFT project Chibi Dinos for gamification click here
  • LQwD Fintech to provide BIGG Digital Assets with Bitcoin Lightning Network capability click here
  • Heritage Cannabis amends non-revolving loan agreement with BJK Holdings click here
  • KWESST announces early availability for Battlefield Laser Defence System following NATO interest at defense show click here
  • PlantX Life says to host grand opening of its XMarket store in British Columbia click here
  • Tartisan Nickel posts encouraging latest assays from Kenbridge nickel project, Ontario click here
  • Hawkmoon gains positive gold results from the summer drill program on its Wilson project in Québec click here
  • Nextech AR says City of London picks its spatial mapping technology for Metaverse launch click here
  • BioHarvest Sciences increases its forecast of 2021 annual sales orders for VINIA in Israel click here
  • ISC appoints Shawn Peters as president and CEO click here
  • Vicinity Motor and Electrovaya announce strategic supply agreement for lithium battery systems click here
  • Psyence Group says shares to start trading today on the OTCQB Venture Market in the US click here
  • TRACON Pharmaceuticals names Carol Lam, formerly at Qualcomm Inc, as new directoe click here
  • Golden Tag Resources kicks off an expanded drill program at its San Diego project in Mexico click here
  • Cypress Development completes assembly of pilot plant at Clayton Valley click here
  • Else Nutrition successfully completes first production trial run of its novel plant-based infant formula click here
  • Wellteq Digital Health strikes 3-year contract extension with its largest client, Australia-based nib health funds click here
  • Valeo Pharma says awarded multi-year listing agreements by two of Canada’s largest Group Purchasing Organizations for Redesca click here
  • HighGold Mining hails results from infill hole at JT project in Alaska, which underscores mineralized system click here
  • Algernon files meeting request with MHRA for use of DMT in Phase 1/2a human stroke study click here
  • FOBI AI completes acquisition of online coupon platform Qples click here
  • Silvercorp Metals unveils positive exploration results from its DCG mine at the Ying project click here
  • Plurilock Security is rewarding investors while offering strong AI-driven protection against cyber threats click here

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Content: NEWS
9 / 9 / 2021 08: 45 AM
In Tyumen will discuss the transition to "green" energy and the problems of the fuel and energy complex
Is there much more oil in the bowels and how best to dispose of it in the coming years?
What strategy and tactics should be chosen by the state and business in order not to weaken the domestic economy, following the course of decarbonization?
When will “deserted ” intelligent drilling rigs work and how will the defense industry be able to accelerate the technological revolution of the fuel and energy sector?
These and other issues will be discussed at the Tyumen Oil and Gas Forum (TNF).
Of course, this platform is not only for discussing problems of national or global importance.
Here, equipment manufacturers, mining and service companies, research organizations, IT specialists, environmentalists, and government representatives discuss ways to solve local, intra-industry, and corporate problems.
The number and variety of forms of communication between them offline online TNF, according to the participants, pleasantly surprises.
So what, in the joking expression of the vice president of one of the vertically integrated companies (VINK), with "our happiness and curse - oil"?
Can the oil industry provide the treasury with former foreign exchange earnings?
In Ugra, as is known, raw material reserves are melting, production has been inexorably declining for a decade, and then the curve went down sharply - this is a consequence of the pandemic and restrictions under the agreement with OPEC.
Is the region able to increase production?
In a favorable market environment, yes.
Almost no one doubts this, and even more so in maximizing the use of the available raw materials reserves of the whole country.
Recently, the Norwegian consulting company Rystad Energy predicted that Russia will reach a new record level next summer, and in 2023 it will reach a peak: about 600 million tons of oil and gas condensate.
Earlier, the maximum indicator - 568 million tons - was fixed in 2019.
However, while the statistics on liquid hydrocarbons do not talk about a new take-off: in seven months, much less was produced than in the same period of 2020.
On the other hand, coal, the "spawn of the hell of carbon energy," gained 7 percent, and gas, an acute shortage of which was felt by a number of developed countries, 13 percent.
Given that hard-to-recover reserves predominate, requiring significant expenditures, the key goal is to reduce the cost of work
The question is, why boost production when, it seems, the whole world is turning towards carbon-free energy?
And is it not better, on the basis of the meager increase in geological reserves, to "leave something for posterity", which some oil scientists from Tyumen, Moscow, Novosibirsk called for some time ago.
Today, subsoil users are guided by the following logic.
In the medium term, demand for oil will be very high, at least from developing countries, without it, their economies will wither.
States with the largest reserves will try to put on the market, while it is hot, maximum volumes.
After all, when oil for certain reasons will become not just a cheap product, but will be recognized as definitely dangerous for the climatic health of the planet, it will be lost sense to invest in the industry.
In the meantime, investments in it are recognized as absolutely justified.
Given the fact that reserves are now dominated by hard-to-recover, with complex geology, requiring significant expenditures, the key goal is to reduce the cost of work.
The surest way to this is automation and digitalization of production operations with minimization of the share of human participation.
In principle, it can be arbitrarily far from the field.
So, the progress of the drilling, located in one and a half thousand kilometers from Tyumen, on the Gydan Peninsula, is monitored and, if necessary, corrected by specialists of the corporate center for managing technological processes.
Since the year before last, drilling with elements of artificial intelligence has been creating, and now Gazprom Neft is testing in Yamal and Ugra in partnership with two other companies.
It is clear that pioneers in this matter bear serious costs.
When will the know-how pay off?
According to Igor Bogachev, CEO of the group of companies "Zyfra", one of the speakers of TNF, although the costs are impressive, for VINKs they are still not gigantic - they make up tenths of a percent of revenue.
With the right approach, large-scale digitalization programs pay off in a few years.
The pace of the industry ’ s transition to new technological rails is also of concern to the federal government.
As in 2020, the chairman of the organizing committee of the forum, Deputy Prime Minister Yuri Borisov, will fly to Tyumen.
He will share with the participants his thoughts on the prospects of the industry and hold a special meeting on the interaction of enterprises of the military-industrial and fuel and energy complexes in the replacement of foreign equipment and technologies.
IT developments will be given priority.
The TNF Organizing Committee accepted an unprecedented number of project applications for participation in technology days - 588, almost twice as many as a year earlier.
More than 180 of them passed the initial selection and were sent for examination to the organizers of the events - Gazprom Neft, Surgutneftegaz, LUKOIL, NOVATEK.
Innovative developments are presented in almost all areas of the fuel and energy sector, many are tied to digitalization and artificial intelligence.
Along the way, the authors of the applications could sign up for participation in the Gazprom Neft acceleration program in one click.
Its specialists will select 60 most promising projects during a detailed examination, and in January they will launch an accelerator.
Tyumen, where the headquarters, representative offices, research centers of almost all leading oil and gas companies are located, where the concentration of industry science and education continues, has secured the right to hold one of the most important economic forums for the country.
Moreover, his work is not limited to the days of arrival in the regional capital of a huge number of professionals and their participation in events.
The forum operates, consider, continuously.
Only this year, under the auspices of TNF, a dozen business meetings of various orientations were held.
In contact with each other, usually virtual, were hundreds of people - representatives of business and authorities.
Incidentally
The twelfth TNF, organized by the governments of the Russian Federation and the region, will be held on September 14-16 at the West Siberian Innovation Center.
Next to it, an exhibition will be held on an area of 1.6 thousand square meters, where the best samples of equipment and technologies from 66 exhibitors will be presented.
Key discussions will be broadcast on the forum ’ s website.
In the regions Branches of the Ural and Western Siberia Ural Federal District Tyumen Region Tyumen


# The Evolving India-Russia Relationship Under Modi and Putin

## Executive Summary

The India-Russia relationship has undergone significant evolution during the tenures of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin, characterized by a delicate balancing act amid shifting global dynamics.

While maintaining their historically strong defense partnership, both nations have navigated challenges posed by India's growing strategic alignment with the United States, the Ukraine conflict, and particularly India's intensifying rivalry with China.

This report examines how this critical bilateral relationship has adapted to these pressures and what it means for regional security and global power dynamics.

## Historical Defense Foundations

India's defense relationship with Russia represents one of the most enduring aspects of their bilateral ties.

According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), approximately two-thirds of India's military equipment has originated from Russia since 1992.

The Stimson Center estimates that Russian weapons may account for as much as 85% of India's major weapons systems, including critical platforms such as fighter jets, nuclear-powered submarines, aircraft carriers, tanks, and missile systems.

This deep defense dependency originated during the Cold War and persisted even after the Soviet Union's collapse, driven primarily by India's security concerns regarding Pakistan and its growing strategic competition with China.

The relationship provided India with reliable access to sophisticated military technology that was often unavailable from other sources.

## Defense Diversification and Continuing Dependence

Under Modi's leadership, India has actively pursued defense diversification to reduce its historical dependence on Russian equipment.

Over the past decade, India has significantly increased defense purchases from alternative suppliers, notably France, Israel, and the United States.

SIPRI data indicates that France,

# The Evolving India-Russia Relationship Under Modi and Putin

## Executive Summary

The India-Russia relationship has undergone significant evolution during the tenures of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin, characterized by a delicate balancing act amid shifting global dynamics.

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Modi visits Russia, meets Putin, and the US is in a bad mood.
Related LINKS http: / / www.CRNT.com 2024-07-10 11: 18: 03
Photo: Putin drives an electric vehicle similar to a golf cart to drive Modi around the presidential palace on the 8th.\ AFP
Beijing, July 10 (Xinhua) -- Russian President Vladimir Putin held talks with visiting Indian Prime Minister Modi at the Kremlin on the 9th, according to a Bloomberg / Agence France-Presse report.
This was Modi's first visit to Russia since the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.
Modi said that in today's global context, the partnership between India and Russia has taken on new significance and the two countries will further strengthen cooperation. Bloomberg said that Modi's visit to Russia proves to the United States that trying to isolate Russia is becoming increasingly difficult.
In a speech during his visit to Moscow, Modi said that peace is “vital, war cannot solve problems, and the path to peace needs to be found through dialogue ” and that India is willing to provide any assistance to achieve peace in Ukraine.
Putin thanked Modi for his efforts to find a peaceful way to mediate the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.
After the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, India increased its purchases of Russian oil and did not join Western sanctions against Russia.
Russia sees India as an important potential diplomatic and economic ally as Western isolation and blockade intensifies, but Western countries are also pressuring India to keep its distance from Russia.
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Content: PM Narendra Modi, Vladimir Putin to meet today; spotlight on India-Russia 'Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership'

This will be the first face-to-face meeting between the two leaders after their rendezvous on the sidelines of the BRICS Summit in Brasilia in 2019.

File Photo

New Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Monday (December 6, 2021) will host Russian President Vladimir Putin for the 21st India-Russia Annual Summit in New Delhi.

This is the first face-to-face meeting between the two leaders after their rendezvous on the side-lines of the BRICS Summit in Brasilia in November 2019.

During the meeting which is likely to take place at 5:30 pm at the Hyderabad House in the national capital, the two leaders will review the state and prospects of bilateral relations and discuss ways to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries.

The Summit is also likely to see Modi and Putin exchange views on regional, multilateral and international issues of mutual interest.

"The visit is in continuation of the tradition of Annual Summits alternately in India and Russia. The visit will provide further impetus to the India-Russia Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership," New Delhi had said while officially announcing Putin's visit to the country.

The last India-Russia Annual Summit was held in September 2019 during the visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Vladivostok (Russia). The Annual Summit in 2020 could not take place due to the COVID-19 pandemic situation.

Putin's trip to India will mark his second international trip after the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic and comes amid the emergence of a new Omicron variant which has affected the schedule of several bilateral and international summits.

Meanwhile, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov arrived in New Delhi on Sunday ahead of the inaugural meeting of the 2 + 2 dialogue mechanism at the level of the foreign and defence ministers.

India's Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) spokesperson Arindam Bagchi had confirmed last month that the agenda for the dialogue will cover political and defence issues of mutual interest.

"The establishment of this new mechanism of two plus two dialogue is expected to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries," he had said.

(With agency inputs)

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Content: Opinion

Treading a fine line

Ajit Doval’s high-stake visits to Russia and the US are reflective of India’s consistent efforts to balance ties with the rival superpowers; writes Vinay Kumar

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India’s security and strategic interests on important global platforms have been in focus over the last month as National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval made hectic trips to the US and Russia.

Doval headed to the United States in late January and held a meeting with his US counterpart, Jake Sullivan. Earlier this month, he paid a visit to Russia where he joined top security officials from China, Iran and a number of Central Asian states to participate in a multilateral meeting on Afghanistan.

NSA’s recent visits to the world’s most important political capitals underlined the importance that India attaches to striking a delicate balance in its relations with both the countries at a time when global security and geopolitical environment appear uncertain. His visits to Washington DC and Moscow show India’s priorities in forging vital initiatives.

In Washington, the two NSAs agreed upon a number of important arrangements under the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) which was launched in 2022 and has the potential to have a transformative impact on India’s partnership with the US in areas like military, science & technology and key high-tech fields.

Considering the fact that Russia and the US have been at loggerheads, more so in the wake of the Ukraine War which has completed one year, Doval’s trip assumes significance. The icing on the cake was that the NSA also had one-on-one meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a rare instance of President Putin meeting a top-ranking official from India. His meeting with Doval also pointed towards the continued importance which both sides accord to each other in taking forward their engagement. At a time when Russia continues to face confrontation with the West over the war in Ukraine, Doval’s meeting with President Putin carries a special context. India, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has lent its voice to the peace-making efforts in Ukraine, stressing that today’s era is not an era of war. In his telephonic conversation with President Putin last September, PM Modi voiced his concern, stressing upon the need to take the path of diplomacy and dialogue, a stance often reiterated at various global forums at the highest level.

While India, having to put up with the Chinese threat, has warmed up to the US, it has also taken pains to maintain its relationship with Russia; though Moscow, facing increased isolation in the global community over the war in Ukraine, does not appear to be too pleased with the initiatives surrounding the Indo-Pacific, with the active involvement of the US and further deepening of strategic defence and technological ties between New Delhi and Washington. India has also stressed upon furthering its cooperation with Russia in sectors such as trade, energy and defence.

With the US, under the iCET initiative, India is poised to forge closer cooperation in the areas of Artificial Intelligence (AI), 6G, quantum technologies etc. Other focus areas include defence innovation, technology cooperation and semiconductor supply chains. Doval stressed upon the need to pin down the deliverables in these key focus areas to ensure that no slip-ups or laxity creeps in. Co-production and technology development have left much to be desired, though India is now billed as a major defence partner of the US

The NSA’s discussions in Washington DC and Moscow also point towards India’s keen desire to safeguard its key interests, make advances in high-tech areas and, at the same time, be ready to hold on to its independent position and avoid landing in confrontationist stance, so far as the two rival powers are concerned, as new dynamics is emerging rather rapidly in the geopolitical arena.

Views expressed are personal

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Content: India's strategic autonomy is paying dividends

New Delhi is keeping its distance from the principles of Cold War 2.0 and seeking advantage from diverse relationships

Photo: Reuters

By Sushanta Mallick and Brigitte Granville

Published: Sun 14 Aug 2022, 9:41 PM

Last updated: Sun 14 Aug 2022, 9:50 PM

If there was a prize for the most quotable comment on international relations so far in 2022, Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar would be in the running. Responding to criticism of his country’s neutral stance on the Russia-Ukraine war at a security forum in Slovakia in June, Jaishankar said that “Europe has to grow out of the mindset that Europe’s problems are the world’s problems, but the world’s problems are not Europe’s problems.”

Like most major crises, the war is shedding stark light on our era, and India’s response to it is particularly illuminating. India’s current foreign policy does more than just exemplify how the conflict has intensified deglobalization trends. It also highlights the paradox inherent in the country’s increasing emphasis on “strategic autonomy” as the world fragments into rival power centers: the United States and its alliance system versus China and Russia. The essence of this paradox is that India’s quest for self-reliance – keeping its distance from the principles of Cold War 2.0 and seeking advantage from diverse relationships – entails multidimensional international engagement.

For example, European politicians painfully weaning their countries off imported Russian energy have criticized India for buying more Russian oil – after Western sanctions reduced its price by about a third relative to the world market price. Indian purchases of Russian crude increased to 1.1 million barrels per day (mbpd) by late July and now account for over one-fifth of Indian oil consumption, compared to just 2% last year.

The standard official Indian response is that, despite Europe’s extensive sanctions, the continent’s energy trade with Russia still dwarfs India’s. More tellingly, however, India’s purchases of discounted Russian oil are not only cushioning the blow to itself as an energy-importing country, but also helping to prevent even more economic pain for Europe. If the 4.3 mbpd of crude oil that Russia sold to the West last year (or six mbpd including oil products) had no alternative markets like India, the world oil price would be even higher.

Recognizing the importance of keeping Russian oil on the market, the G7 has now come up with an alternative sanctions strategy that could present India with its next big test. The West’s Plan A was to combine, by the end of 2022, a partial embargo on direct imports of Russian oil with an attempt to choke off Russian oil exports to third countries by leveraging Western (and especially British) dominance of the global marine insurance market.

Plan B is the so-called “price cap” mechanism. This would allow Russia to continue exporting oil but set a maximum price just sufficient to cover its production costs, thereby depriving the Russian state of any war-financing rent.

When the price cap scheme was first officially aired at the G7 summit in June, several leaders, notably German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, publicly questioned its viability – especially regarding compliance by third-party buyers of Russian oil. Even if Russia agreed to the cap, who would get access to its deeply discounted oil, and who would pay the full market rate? Russia would be much more likely simply to reduce output, hoping to offset its losses with the resulting further price surge for whatever residual oil exports evaded the Western insurance net.

Either way, India will be in a pivotal position. While Russia’s opaque oil sales to China will continue regardless, India can look forward to various arbitrage opportunities. It will continue importing substantial quantities of Russian oil at ever cheaper prices. And in the event that such imports weakened Western measures to squeeze Russia’s oil rents, the US would be unlikely to threaten – much less impose – secondary sanctions on India.

After all, successive US administrations – under Presidents Donald Trump and Joe Biden – have refrained from using their legal powers under existing legislation to place secondary sanctions on India for continuing to buy Russian weapons. The reason for this is clear: A closer security partnership with India has become a vital part of America’s China policy. Specifically, the Quad – an informal security grouping comprising the US, Japan, Australia, and India – has emerged as a cornerstone of US Indo-Pacific strategy, and would not survive the US sanctioning one of its members.

Of course, the US-India security relationship is mutual, given tensions with China on the Himalayan Line of Actual Control – as the deadly June 2020 border skirmish showed. India has an interest in keeping Russia close and not allowing a monolithic and estranged Russia-China Eurasian axis to loom over the Indian subcontinent.

India is playing this multifaceted game adroitly. In defense procurement, it has acquired advanced Russian S-400 air-defense systems and agreed to extend until 2031 the licensed local production of Russian weapons. But it has also increased arms purchases from NATO members, notably France.

Moreover, India has ample options for managing broader US sensitivities vis-à-vis Russia. For example, Russia urgently needs to replace industrial inputs that it previously imported from the West. This could provide further opportunities for Indian exports, which are already a third higher than their pre-pandemic level, owing in part to the government’s Atmanirbhar Bharat (“self-reliant India”) stimulus program for manufacturing. Increased Indian pharmaceutical and automotive exports to Russia need not involve military support of the kind that has already led the US to sanction various Chinese electronics manufacturers, as announced on June 28.

India’s relations with Russia are part of its nuanced and multidimensional foreign policy. This approach means that the upcoming 75th anniversary of Indian independence will coincide with the country achieving significant – and advantageous – geopolitical autonomy.

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Content: The strong embrace of Modi and Putin sends a clear message that despite US efforts, India will maintain close ties with Russia
The first visit of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Russia since the beginning of the Ukrainian conflict sent a clear signal that New Delhi, despite all the efforts of the United States, is going to maintain close ties in Moscow, writes The Washington Post.
The visit also demonstrated that Vladimir Putin is not as isolated as the White House had hoped.
The firm embrace of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian leader Vladimir Putin was a demonstration of the close ties between the two countries, writes The Washington Post.
Modi was previously received by US President Joe Biden at a state dinner and showered with praise from White House officials who described relations with India as "one of the most important" for the United States.
This week, however, Modi reminded the world that he still had a “friend Vladimir Putin. ”
The Indian prime minister ’ s first visit to Russia since the beginning of the Ukrainian conflict and the strong embrace of the leaders of the two countries send a clear signal that the South Asian giant will maintain deep ties with Moscow, despite the Biden administration ’ s attempts to lure Modi to its side.
The visit also showed that Putin is not as isolated as the White House had hoped.
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While maintaining their historically strong defense partnership, both nations have navigated challenges posed by India's growing strategic alignment with the United States, the Ukraine conflict, and particularly India's intensifying rivalry with China.

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Content: Putin and Xi Jinping published articles before the talks: the main thing
Putin and Xi Jinping published articles on relations between Russia and China
Photo, video: www.globallookpress.com / Ju Peng; 5-tv.ru
The President of the PRC will pay a state visit to Russia on March 20-22.
During this time, he will hold talks with the Russian president.
What will they talk about?
How do leaders see the relationship between the two countries?
In the next few hours, the main political event of recent months will begin in Moscow - President Xi Jinping will fly to our country on a state visit.
In Russia, he will spend three days, during which time he will have talks and a face-to-face meeting with Vladimir Putin.
It is symbolic that this is Xi Jinping ’ s first international trip since his re-election.
What can become the main topic of negotiations, the correspondent of “Izvestia ” Georgy Grivenny found out.
Exchange of program articles on the eve of the most important meeting: Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping send signals not only to the peoples of Russia and China, but also to the whole world.
And at the very beginning, the motive of personal friendship sounds – the leaders of the countries have known each other for 13 years, and the first state visit of the Chinese leader to Moscow took place exactly 10 years ago, on the same dates.
In total, they met about 40 times, and very often it was informal communication.
Putin calls his colleague simply a friend, and even a brother.
“I know that China attaches great importance to friendship and human relations.
It is no coincidence that the sage Confucius said, “Isn ’ t it joy when a friend comes from afar! ”
We in Russia also highly appreciate these qualities, for us a real friend – like a brother.
In this our peoples are very similar, ” said Vladimir Putin.
“China and Russia adhere to the concept of eternal friendship and mutually beneficial cooperation.
Bilateral relations are based on the principles of non-alignment, non-confrontation and non-targeting against third parties, ” Xi wrote.
“Of course, the fact that Xi Jinping first goes to Russia after his re-election to the post of President of the PRC is a good sign; a good sign not only for Russia, but also for determining who is the main partner of China.
It is obvious that Xi Jinping and China in general see Russia as their political partner, ” said Alexei Maslov, a political scientist and specialist in Russian-Chinese relations.
From friendship lyrics to specific numbers of mutually beneficial trade.
And they are impressive: the same 10 years ago, the trade turnover of $200 billion and the transition to settlements in national currencies was even impossible to imagine, but now it is a reality.
The Power of Siberia gas pipeline, which sends Russian blue fuel to China, Putin calls the deal of the century.
“Moscow will be the only major ally, Beijing, which will give it a shoulder, firstly, hydrocarbon and energy cooperation, and secondly, cooperation in the field of defense, agriculture, science and so on, ” said Nikolai Vavilov, a political scientist and specialist in Russian-Chinese relations.
The alliance between Moscow and Beijing is developing and acquiring new features in the current very difficult geopolitical situation: the world of hegemony of the collective West is steadily collapsing.
It should be replaced by a multipolar world, with different centers and mutual respect for each other ’ s interests.
“We see that the external geopolitical landscape is undergoing radical changes.
The “collective West ” is increasingly clinging to archaic dogmas, to its elusive dominance, putting at stake the fate of entire states and peoples.
The US policy of double containment of Russia and China, as well as all those who do not succumb to American dictates, is becoming more acute and assertive.
The architecture of international security and cooperation is being dismantled.
Russia has been declared an “immediate threat ” and China a“ strategic competitor, ” Putin said.
“The international community is well aware that no country in the world is superior to all others.
There is no universal model of governance and there is no world order where the decisive word belongs to a single country, ” Xi wrote.
Of key importance is the outcome of the current special military operation of Russia to protect the Donbass and the general conflict confrontation, sometimes artificially heated from Washington.
Vladimir Putin directly warns against nuclear blackmail and declares Russia ’ s readiness to peacefully resolve military conflicts.
“We are deeply concerned about irresponsible and simply dangerous actions that could undermine global nuclear security.
Illegal unilateral sanctions that should be lifted are unacceptable.
Russia is open to a political and diplomatic settlement of the Ukrainian crisis.
However, back in April 2022, the peace talks were not terminated by us, ” Putin said.
The recently published “China ’ s position on the political settlement of the Ukrainian crisis ” will no doubt be one of the important topics at the talks in the Kremlin this week.
“Complex problems don ’ t have simple solutions.
We are convinced that a rational way out of the Ukrainian crisis and a path to lasting peace and universal security in the world will be found if all are guided by the concept of common, comprehensive, joint and sustainable security, continue dialogue and consultations in an equal, prudent and pragmatic manner, ” Xi wrote.
At the same time, Putin warns that NATO will not stop in Ukraine, the next goal is to penetrate the Asia-Pacific region, an attempt to divide all states there, dictating their will.
The old “divide and conquer ” position still works in the selfish interests of the West.
“Some forces are persistently seeking to divide the Eurasian space into a network of ‘ exclusive clubs ’ and military blocs aimed at curbing the development of our countries and curtailing their interests.
However, no one will be able to achieve this.
It is Russian-Chinese relations that are actually the cornerstone of regional and global stability, stimulate economic growth, and serve as a guarantor of a positive agenda in international affairs, ” Putin said.
Of course, during the upcoming talks between Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping, the range of topics discussed will be much wider, but the leaders of the countries have already outlined the main milestones in their cross-articles.
Chinese President Xi Jinping will visit Russia as part of a state visit on March 20-22 at the invitation of Russian President Vladimir Putin.
A number of important documents are planned to be signed during the negotiations.
The visit will be the first overseas trip of the Chinese leader after his re-election to the post of head of state for a third term.
It is worth noting that the visit of the Chinese President to Moscow will take place against the background of the Russian special operation in Ukraine.
At the same time, Xi Jinping ’ s trip to Russia has already caused deep concern in the West.
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Content: Links for simplified access
Reuters: India is gradually abandoning weapons from Russia
India, after the start of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, is seeking to distance itself from its largest arms supplier, Moscow, and is slowly turning towards the West, Reuters reported on Sunday, citing sources in Delhi.
At the same time, the publication mentions Moscow ’ s limited ability to supply ammunition and equipment due to the war, and the fact that the United States is now trying to strengthen its ties in the Indo-Pacific region, hoping to contain the growing China and at the same time reduce India ’ s traditional dependence on Russia.
Last year, Delhi and Washington signed an agreement that would allow General Electric to produce jet engines for Indian fighter jets in India.
The two countries plan to accelerate technological cooperation and joint production in areas ranging from air combat capabilities to reconnaissance.
But the further development of their ties is worrying because of China, as the Indian and Chinese armies are embroiled in a confrontation on the border in the Himalayas.
India should also act cautiously so as not to push Moscow to further rapprochement with Beijing.
According to the Stockholm Peace Research Institute, over the past two decades, Russia has provided 65% of India ’ s arms purchases worth more than $60 billion.
But the war in Ukraine has given an additional impetus to the diversification of the Indian military segment.
“We are unlikely to sign any major military deal with Moscow, ” Nandan Unnikrishnan, an expert on Russia at the Observer Research Foundation in Delhi, told Reuters.
The expert called such a deal a “red line for Washington ”.
“Trade with Russia in energy and other areas will help keep Russia as far away from China as possible, ” the analyst added.
Since 2022, India is considered one of the largest importers of Russian oil, Reuters notes.
Russia has publicly urged India to step up defense ties, but Prime Minister Narendra Modi has focused on domestic production using Western technology, experts and officials cited by Reuters said.
In particular, four anonymous sources in the Indian government reported that Russia offered to supply Sukhoi and MiG fighters with the possibility of joint production in India.
Reuters writes that the foreign and defense ministries of India and Russia did not respond to requests for comments from the agency.
• India belongs to the group of countries that take a neutral position in the war of Russia against Ukraine.
Delhi avoids condemning Russian actions by declaring its support for the end of the war by means of diplomacy and dialogue.
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Content: Global Express | India and the world: 2024 - Doomsday or reason for hope?

Published: 28th December 2023 06:41 PM  |   Last Updated: 28th December 2023 06:46 PM

As the world celebrates the start of a new year, there is a counter-narrative that points to a growing disquiet as 2024 dawns.

The Hamas-Israel conflict has set off tremors across the world, and it is far more divisive going forward than the Ukraine conflict that has divided Europe. There’s widespread anger on the streets in half the countries on our planet.

And the triggers range from political to economic, from Palestine to the plight of women in Iran and Afghanistan to the Baloch people and the oppressed.

The arc of instability runs through our immediate neighbourhood too, where India’s hold over South Asia is weakening as our neighbourhood first policy unravels.

India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi may have had two major foreign policy successes: he was feted as a special guest to the White House by the Biden Administration, followed by a remarkable hosting of the G20 summit in Delhi, which was seen as a high point, even if it was boycotted by Chinese President Xi Jinping.

And, by every reckoning, the India-US relationship should be seen as something of a success. India is seen as a non-NATO ally and a major defence partner to counter the rise of China. We’ve been roped into Quad, to AUkUS, to I2U2.

But India will not downgrade ties with Russia, so we have one foot in Moscow and another in the West. Is Russia yesterday's news? And the US—the new crutch?

Are we going in with our eyes wide shut, aware of the pitfalls if we get sucked into the big power rivalry? And by all accounts, prepare the ground to give up our much-vaunted multi-polarity?

There’s little question that our message to China couldn’t be clearer. Its presence, not just on our land border along the Himalayas but in our southern tip, where China’s naval prowess is a challenge to India’s Neighbourhood First policy—in the Maldives, in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh—makes it an ever-present danger. Clearly, every move we have made in strengthening military alliances has been done with one eye on Beijing.

But October 7 and the Hamas attack and the Houthis blocking the Red Sea have altered not just India’s but everyone’s foreign policy priorities. Where once Delhi’s one-point focus would have been the Taliban consolidating in Afghanistan, widening its footprint in Pakistan’s North West Frontier, Balochistan, and within Pakistan, staying focused on the Pakistan Army playing political musical chairs.

Now, after the embarrassing fallout with Canada and the US over the Indian national allegedly involved in an alleged assassination plot on US soil, there’s been another shift.

2024 is, after all, the election year where the people will speak. Not just in India, but in the U.S., in Pakistan, where the abrogation of statehood in Jammu and Kashmir will be an issue, in Bangladesh, in Sri Lanka, in the UK and Taiwan.

Taking part in the discussion today with senior journalist Neena Gopal on the major challenges that India faces in 2024 and how we must tackle them are two foreign policy savants, Ambassador TCA Raghavan, former High Commissioner to Pakistan, a prolific author, and an expert on the South Asia region. His book, The People Next Door, is a must-read, and Prof. Amitabh Mattoo, one of India’s sharpest strategic minds., he was on Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh’s advisory team—a task force. He is a visiting professor at a number of universities and think tanks and was the youngest vice chancellor of Jammu and Kashmir University.

* Views expressed by participants are personal and not endorsed by The New Indian Express.

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Toward the end of March, an unusual sequence of diplomatic visitors passed through India’s capital.

First came Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, Austrian Foreign Minister Alexander Schallenberg and U.S. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Victoria Nuland. They were followed by Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias, Omani Foreign Minister Sayyid Badr Albusaidi and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi.

The parade continued. Next to arrive were Gabriele Visentin, the European Union’s special envoy for the Indo-Pacific; Marcelo Ebrard, Mexico’s foreign minister; Jens Plotner, foreign and security policy adviser to German Chancellor Olaf Scholz; and Geoffrey van Leeuwen, foreign affairs and defense adviser to Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte. Last and by no means least were U.S. deputy national security adviser Daleep Singh, U.K. Foreign Secretary Liz Truss and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov. There was also an online Indo-Australian summit.

The Ukraine war has exposed India’s strategic vulnerabilities in a tough neighborhood as arguably nothing else could, raising fundamental questions about the country’s global position and regional security. But, paradoxically — as the slew of recent high-profile visits confirms — the conflict has increased India’s strategic importance and, in the short term, widened its options.

Has Prime Minister Narendra Modi used this room for maneuver well? The West, even as it seeks to line up India on its side vis-a-vis Ukraine, has signaled its understanding of India’s dependence on Russia for vital defense equipment and long history of close diplomatic relations with the Kremlin.

China has been somewhat surprised to find itself on the same page as India regarding the war. Both countries abstained in a series of United Nations votes condemning the Russian invasion and have maintained their communication channels with the Kremlin despite Western sanctions. China has been asking for restoration of “normal” bilateral relations with India, which have been in a deep freeze since violent border clashes in June 2020 killed 20 Indian soldiers. “The world will listen when China and India speak with one voice,” Wang reportedly stated on his recent visit to Delhi.

Russia, no doubt eager to thank India for “understanding” the Kremlin’s position, has offered the country economic incentives — notably, discounted oil and gas and affordable fertilizer — to dissuade it from changing its stance.

While India’s long-standing focus on “strategic autonomy” has kept it out of formal alliances, its broad geopolitical orientation has been veering toward a special partnership with the United States, notably in the Indo-Pacific. India is a member of the U.S.-led “Quad,” an informal grouping also including Japan and Australia that is widely seen as a way to check China’s regional ambitions.

India has also significantly increased its defense purchases from the West in recent years, and, with the U.S., is seeking to modernize its manufacturing base for military equipment. This process is likely to be accelerated by India’s current realization that its dependence on Russian supplies imposes significant constraints, particularly in the event of a future border crisis with China.

Singh, the U.S. deputy national security adviser, pointedly warned of “consequences” should India breach the Western-led sanctions on Russia, and he urged India to recognize the diminishing value of its close relationship with the Kremlin. “The more Russia becomes China’s junior partner, the more leverage China gains over Russia, the less and less favorable that is for India’s strategic posture,” he told an Indian TV channel. “Does anyone think that if China breaches the Line of Actual Control, that Russia would now come to India’s defense? I don’t.”

China has been pushing the BRICS grouping (of which it is a member, along with Brazil, Russia, India and South Africa) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as models of non-Western collaboration that can ensure a multipolar world order. But Chinese blandishments toward India are unlikely to succeed if China’s leaders are not willing to reverse their military gains from unprovoked Himalayan incursions in the spring of 2020. India will accept nothing less than a return to the status quo ante of April 2020 as the price for normalizing bilateral relations. But whether it can leverage China’s overtures to achieve results on the ground remains to be seen.

Russia, meanwhile, is aware that India’s refusal to condemn its assault on Ukraine does not imply support. India has at no stage endorsed the Russian military campaign and its language has notably hardened as the war has dragged on. Indian statements now pointedly refer to the inviolability of borders, respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states and the inadmissibility of resorting to force to resolve political disputes, even while calling on “both sides” to pursue diplomatic negotiations.

India has also been quick to provide humanitarian assistance to Ukraine, sending 90 tons of relief materials. As the destruction has become more intense, its aid is likely to continue. India will gladly purchase essential supplies of fuel and fertilizer from Russia at discounted rates in rubles. But its diplomatic stance and decreasing reliance on Russian defense equipment mean that it is not completely in Russia’s camp.

Still, India’s calls for peace in Ukraine would have been more credible had it taken steps to bring about that outcome. Whereas countries like Turkey and Israel have been actively engaged in peace diplomacy, India has made no effort to play a mediating role, despite at one point sending four cabinet ministers to Europe to supervise the evacuation of Indian citizens from Ukraine. Even Lavrov suggested in Delhi that India could help “support” a mediation process.

India could have used the diplomatic attention it has been getting over Ukraine to carve out a role worthy of its aspirations for a permanent seat on the U.N. Security Council. Sadly, its ambitions seem to have been too modest.

India’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, observed in 1946 that “India, constituted as she is, cannot play a secondary part in the world. She will either count for a great deal or not count at all.” Ukraine is a test case — and the jury remains out. Will today’s India count at all?

Shashi Tharoor, a former U.N. under-secretary-general and former Indian minister of state for external affairs and minister of state for human resource development, is an MP for the Indian National Congress. © Project Syndicate, 2022

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

This report examines how this critical bilateral relationship has adapted to these pressures and what it means for regional security and global power dynamics.

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Content: Wednesday, January 19, 2022

Iranian president arrives in Moscow for talks with Putin

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IFP Editorial Staffhttps://ifpnews.com/ifp-editorial-staff
The IFP Editorial Staff is composed of dozens of skilled journalists, news-writers, and analysts whose works are edited and published by experienced editors specialized in Iran News. The editor of each IFP Service is responsible for the report published by the Iran Front Page (IFP) news website, and can be contacted through the ways mentioned in the "IFP Editorial Staff" section.
Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi has arrived in Moscow for an official visit at the invitation of his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin and for the purpose of expanding economic, political and cultural ties.

Upon his arrival at Moscow’s airport, Raisi was welcomed by Russia’s Minister of Energy Minister Nikolai Shulginov. Raisi is due to meet Putin in a few hours.

He’s accompanied by the Iranian Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Oil and Economic Affairs, Hossein Amir Abdollahian, Javad Ouji and Ehsan Khandouzi.

The visit is in line with the Raisi administration’s policy to prioritize relations with neighbors.

Speaking at Tehran’s Mehrabad International Airport on Wednesday morning, the Iranian president said, “Without any doubt, our relations with all neighbors, especially Russia, are good, and given the political, economic and commercial relations between the two countries, this trip could be a turning point for bolstering our ties with Russia.”

“We have shared interests with Russia and these interactions and common interests will definitely build security in the region and counter unilateralism there,” Raisi said. “Mutual cooperation can be highly effective in the current regional and international circumstances.”
He said both Iran and Russia are powerful and influential in the region and thus dialog between such states can boost regional economic cooperation.

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

## Historical Defense Foundations

India's defense relationship with Russia represents one of the most enduring aspects of their bilateral ties.

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Content: Ukraine war: Can India cut off defence ties with Russia?
Posts Tagged ‘ Shruti Menon ’
• BBC fact-checking team
After the start of the war in Ukraine, India ’ s long-term relationship with Russia also attracted attention, with one focus being India ’ s military relationship with Russia.
During a visit to the United States in April, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman said India wanted to be a “good friend ” to the West.
But she added that India did not want to be weakened and needed to ensure its security.
This means that India will continue to rely on Russian military supplies for a long time.
How dependent is India on Russian weapons?
India is one of the world ’ s largest arms buyers and has had close defense ties with the former Soviet Union for years.
India ’ s antagonism with Pakistan, as well as its growing rivalry with China, meant that Moscow remained Delhi ’ s main partner even after the collapse of the Soviet Union in the 1990s.
About two-thirds of India ’ s military equipment since 1992 has come from Russia, according to the Stockholm Institute for International Peace (Sipri), which tracks global arms transfers and military spending.
The Stimson Center, a U.S.-based research organization, estimates that Russian weapons may account for 85 percent of India ’ s major weapons systems.
This includes fighters, nuclear-powered submarines, aircraft carriers, tanks and missiles.
Is India trying to diversify its arms supply?
Over the past decade, India has become less dependent on Russian weapons and has bought more equipment from other countries.
Notable among them are purchases from France, but also from Israel and the United States, and a smaller amount from the United Kingdom.
According to Sipri, France, the United States and Israel sold twice as much weapons to India in 2021 as they did in 2017, although Russia remains a major supplier.
India purchased Gale jets, Mirage fighters, and Scorpene submarines from France.
During Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s recent visit to France, the two countries said they had agreed to deepen cooperation on advanced defense technology.
Similarly, during Prime Minister Johnson ’ s visit to Delhi in April 2022, the UK and India pledged to deepen their defence and security ties, emphasizing cooperation on advanced jet fighter technology.
India has also turned to Israel for procurement, seeking to meet a number of high-tech defense and security needs, including:
• Drone equipment
• On-board early warning system
• Anti-missile defense
• Precision-guided munitions
India ’ s military relationship with the United States has been growing strongly, with defence trade between India and the United States increasing significantly from 2018 to 2019.
India ’ s major purchases include U.S. long-range maritime patrol aircraft and C-130 transport aircraft, as well as missiles and drones, and a recent Pentagon statement spoke of deepening cooperation with India in space defense and cyber security.
Is India rethinking its reliance on Russian weapons?
Changes in international politics in recent years have meant that India has become closer to countries like France, the United States and Israel.
Nonetheless, India has yet to join the international community in condemning Russia ’ s invasion of Ukraine, and India has made it clear that it does not want to take sides.
Some defense experts believe that given the impact of international sanctions on Russia, India may find it has no choice but to reduce its dependence on Moscow.
Samir Larwani, a defense and security analyst at the Stimson Center, said critical components of Russia ’ s S-400 surface-to-air missile system may now be problematic.
India purchased the system in 2018, and only a portion of it has been delivered.
"There are good reasons to believe... that Russia will not be able to fulfill its contractual commitment to India to deliver all S-400 systems," Mr. Rawani said.
He also argued that Russia ’ s war losses in Ukraine could mean that it might not be able to meet India ’ s needs “because it will be desperate to use all spare parts to replenish its power. ”
He said Indian policymakers may be taking note of some of the problems Russia faces with its equipment on the Ukrainian battlefield.
Without Russia ’ s weapons, would India ’ s defense be able to do so?
At the moment, this seems unlikely.
In October, a U.S. congressional report said the Indian military would not function effectively without Russian equipment and would continue to rely on Russian weapons systems in the near and medium term.
According to the report, Russia offers weapons at a relatively (more) attractive price than the West.
Sanjita Saxena, editor of the Delhi-based magazine Aeronautics and Defense Space, said the Indian army would continue to buy weapons and equipment from Russia.
She said this was not only because its personnel were familiar with their equipment, but also because relations with Russia had stood the test of time.
But she added that India wants to develop its indigenous defence industry, sometimes in joint partnerships with other countries.
Ms Saxena explained that this involved using the most advanced technology abroad to vigorously promote weapons manufacturing under programs such as “Made in India. ”
She explained that India would buy from anyone it felt offered the most suitable or valuable deal, whether it was Russia or another country.

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Content: ‘The relation between India and the US is not at the cost of relation between Russia and India, as long as it is not at the cost of the US.’

New Delhi: The annual India-Russia summit in New Delhi on 6 December culminated in new defence deals and more than two dozen pacts in diverse areas. On the sidelines, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov hailed the S-400 air defence missile systems deal with India, and openly accused the United States of undermining India-Russia cooperation and trying to make India “obey American orders”. The Delhi-Moscow bonhomie was closely watched in Washington, with a distinct sense of unease about the impact the S-400 deal may have on India-US relations. In this wide-ranging interview, Dr Mukesh Aghi, President & Chief Executive Officer of the US-India Strategic Partnership Forum, says that the US won’t impose sanctions on India under CAATSA for S-400, as such a step can set India-US partnership back by decades and will only benefit the US’ key adversaries, China and Russia. Mr Aghi also spoke about the likely agenda for the 2+2 dialogue between the foreign and defence partners of India and US and the future trajectory of India-US economic partnership. Excerpts:

Q: From the India-US economic perspective, there is some good news. The meeting between Commerce and Industry Minister Piyush Goyal and US Trade Representative Katherine Tai resulted in the revival of the India-US Trade Policy Forum. To what extent do you think this revival will help reboot the larger economic relationship?

A: Well, I think now you have a platform, a platform where you can put up the issues and have a candid discussion. There’s a process now. If you have lawyers and bureaucrats who focus on commas and semi colons in an agreement, then you will not get a trade deal. We’ve been talking between the US and India for the last 20 plus years, and the same issues continue to persist. And we keep on adding more issues like GSP withdrawal. We have to think out of the box to move India-US economic partnership to a higher plateau.

Q: What about prospects of more  American FDI coming into India? Do you think now American businesses are responding better to India’s investment climate?

A: There are three factors at play here. First, China has become a risk factor. Companies are saying, where is my China plus one strategy? Second, India has made a lot of effort in improving the ease of doing business, making India a better investment destination itself. Schemes like Production-linked Incentive (PLI) are encouraging US companies to look at India afresh. Third, there is abundance of capital in the US. The capital cost is almost zero now in the US. The combination of all three things is driving more FDI into India. If you talk to investors in America, the interest in India is extremely high. The Indian economy is growing. They want to be part of this resurgent economy.

Q: What’s the status of India-US FTA negotiations? Do you think that is moving forward?

A: We have started the process. But the question is, do we want to try to boil the ocean? Or do we want to say—let’s take small bites, and leave them chewable and go to the next bite and next bite? To me, that could be a better approach than trying to boil the ocean.

Q: India and the US were planning to have 2+2 dialogue between their Foreign and Defence Ministers. It seems it’s now postponed to January next year. What will be the key issues on the agenda?

A: The 2+2 will focus more on geopolitical issues. It’s going to be strategic. The two sides will definitely talk about China, Afghanistan, terrorism, cybersecurity and defence cooperation between the two countries.

Q: Do you have a wish list for the 2+2 dialogue?

A: Our wish list is we should look at the Quad more. Let’s look at how we basically drive an economic agenda under the Quad umbrella. If you look at the combined GDP of the four Quad countries, it’s over 32 trillion dollars. India needs at least one-and-a-half trillion-dollar worth of infrastructure investment. There is a lot of synergy between the two countries. Japan has the funding and the knowhow. Australia has high-tech environment. If the Quad focuses on its economic agenda, it will bring enormous benefits to the world.

Q: You are here in India at a time when we just had the India-Russia annual summit where India and Russia concluded quite a few defence deals, including one $700 million deal for jointly making assault rifles. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov took a dig at the US and accused it of undermining the S-400 deal.  Do you see the S-400 deal attracting  US sanctions under CAATSA?

A: I think it’s in the interest of Russia that the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) is imposed on India. It is in the interest of China that CAATSA is imposed on India. For (Russian Foreign Minister Sergey) Lavrov to proactively poke at the United States in a summit with India was undiplomatic. The relation between India and the US is not at the cost of relations between Russia and India as long as it is not at the cost of the US. It’s important to understand that India maintains its strategic independence here. Now, if CAATSA is imposed, my position is that India is a sovereign nation. It has the right to decide what equipment it buys and from whom. And at the same time, if we look at S-400 pointed more toward China than anybody else, then it only serves interest of the US. From this perspective, I don’t think the Joe Biden administration will impose CAATSA sanction on India for S-400 purchase. If at all sanctions are applied, it will set the US-India relationship by a few decades.

Q: So, it’s in the larger interest of the US and given the broad bipartisan consensus on sustaining the momentum in relations, it is extremely unlikely that they would contemplate such a move.

A: Absolutely.

Q: Ten months hence, how do you look at the quality of India-US relationship under President Biden. In Donald Trump, we had a mercurial politician who was prone to all kinds of theatrics. Do you think now there is more stability in the partnership?

A: There is more maturity in the India-US relationship; there is more predictability and there is a sense of a consultative process between the two countries. Above all, there is an acceptance that the two sides may have different viewpoints in some areas, and there is respect for that. Now, we don’t have transactional issues like Harley Davidson coming in the way.

Broadly speaking, the Biden administration is taking a much more structured approach to dealing with India than the Trump administration, which was very transactional. So now, they are putting all the bricks together in areas ranging from healthcare to technology. I am very optimistic and see the India-US relationship going further, higher and deeper in every aspect.

Manish Chand is Founder-CEO of India Writes Network, India and the World magazine and Centre for Global India Insights, a think tank focused on global affairs.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
weapons joint production

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
weapons joint production

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
weapons joint production

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
weapons joint production

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
weapons joint production

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
weapons joint production

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
weapons joint production

According to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), approximately two-thirds of India's military equipment has originated from Russia since 1992.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The Stimson Center estimates that Russian weapons may account for as much as 85% of India's major weapons systems, including critical platforms such as fighter jets, nuclear-powered submarines, aircraft carriers, tanks, and missile systems.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

This deep defense dependency originated during the Cold War and persisted even after the Soviet Union's collapse, driven primarily by India's security concerns regarding Pakistan and its growing strategic competition with China.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The relationship provided India with reliable access to sophisticated military technology that was often unavailable from other sources.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
weapons joint production

## Defense Diversification and Continuing Dependence

Under Modi's leadership, India has actively pursued defense diversification to reduce its historical dependence on Russian equipment.

How has Russia/ India arms trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

Over the past decade, India has significantly increased defense purchases from alternative suppliers, notably France, Israel, and the United States.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

SIPRI data indicates that France,