# India-Russia Relations Under Modi and Putin: Evolution and Strategic Dynamics

## Executive Summary

The India-Russia relationship under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin has evolved into a complex strategic partnership that balances traditional ties with emerging geopolitical realities.

Despite global pressures and shifting alliances, particularly in the context of India's rivalry with China, the relationship has maintained its fundamental character while adapting to new challenges.

## Historical Continuity and Modern Adaptation

The India-Russia partnership represents one of the world's most enduring strategic relationships, built on decades of cooperation dating back to the Soviet era.

Under Modi and Putin's leadership, this relationship has been characterized by:

- **Continued High-Level Engagement**: Regular annual summits alternating between India and Russia, with Putin's visits marking significant diplomatic priorities even during the pandemic
- **Strategic Partnership Reinforcement**: The relationship has been consistently described as a "Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership"
- **Multilateral Cooperation**: Both nations coordinate on regional and international issues

# India-Russia Relations Under Modi and Putin: Evolution and Strategic Dynamics

## Executive Summary

The India-Russia relationship under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin has evolved into a complex strategic partnership that balances traditional ties with emerging geopolitical realities.

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Content: TEHRAN, Dec. 07 (MNA) – In a joint statement, Russian President Vladimir Putin and the Indian Prime Minister called for closer cooperation in support of JCPOA talks in Vienna and full implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 2231.

Heading a delegation, Russian President Vladimir Putin has traveled to the Indian capital, New Delhi to discuss bilateral relations with this Asian country.

During this visit, Vladimir Putin met Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Monday and they issued a joint statement following their bilateral meeting.

In the joint statement, the Indian and Russian leaders called for closer cooperation in support of the ongoing JCPOA talks in Vienna.

Narendra Modi and Vladimir Putin also called for the full implementation of UN Security Council Resolution 2231.

According to the statement, New Delhi and Moscow expressed their support for reaching a bilateral agreement in Vienna.

They also stressed the development of bilateral cooperation in various fields of defense and space programs.

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Content: Modi flies to Moscow for first time since the outbreak of the Russo-Ukrainian War
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Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrived in Russia for a visit, which is Modi's first visit to Russia since the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian war.
Modi arrived in Moscow on Monday (July 8) for his first visit to Russia since 2019.
It was also his first trip since he began his third premiership in June.
"I look forward to reviewing various aspects of bilateral cooperation with my friend President Putin and exchanging views on various regional and global issues," Modi said in a statement.
"We seek to play a supportive role for a peaceful and stable region," he added.
Russia remains India ’ s main supplier of cheap oil and weapons, but Moscow ’ s isolation from the West and friendly relations with Beijing have affected its long-standing partnership with New Delhi.
At the same time, Western powers have cultivated relations with India in recent years to counter China and its growing influence in the Asia-Pacific region, while forcing India to distance itself from Russia.
Modi ’ s last visit to Russia was in 2019. A few weeks before Russia ’ s all-out military campaign against Ukraine in 2022, Modi hosted visiting Putin in New Delhi.
Indian state media confirmed on Monday afternoon that Modi had arrived in Russia for an official visit.
India has avoided explicitly condemning Russia during the war and abstained from voting on a UN resolution condemning Moscow.
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Content: India, Russia
Indian Foreign Minister's Visit to Moscow Concerned Over Continued Russo-Ukrainian Conflict
Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar arrived in Moscow on Monday for a meeting with his Russian counterpart Sergei Lavrov.
Indian Foreign Ministry said that during the two-day visit, Sujson will hold discussions on all bilateral issues and exchange views on regional and international situations.
In the context of the ongoing war between Ukraine and Russia, the visit of the Indian foreign minister is of vital importance to Russia, which seeks to maintain a special relationship with New Delhi.
Over the past week, Russian President Vladimir Putin has repeatedly praised India and its leaders.
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According to the Bangalore-based journalist Côte Bastin, the purpose of Sujason ’ s visit was to reaffirm the close relationship between India and Russia, which has been tested in the context of the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian conflict, and India ’ s refusal to face Russia ’ s invasion of Ukraine at the United Nations, mainly on the basis that New Delhi does not want to offend its traditional partners, while Russia is India ’ s main arms supplier.
But Moody's tone changed when he spoke with Putin on the sidelines of the SCO summit in Samarkand on Sept. 16.
At the time, Modi told Putin that "the present is no longer an era of war, but an era of dialogue."
India also demanded assurances from Russia that it would not be the first to use nuclear weapons.
In the past 10 days, Russian President Vladimir Putin has publicly praised India on various occasions, saying that "the future belongs to India - the world's largest democracy led by patriot Modi" and "Indians are talented and determined."
Russian media also generally echo Putin, emphasizing India's role as a multi-polar power.
For India, the primary purpose of the visit is to discuss strategic business agreements between the two sides, including Russian gas.
The Indian Foreign Ministry declined to comment on the specifics of the talks, but India is likely to reiterate its desire for a peaceful resolution of the Russian-Ukrainian crisis.
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Content: Russia-India coordination, balance, US-India approach?
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Source: Global Times
Author: Wang Shida
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke by telephone with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the 20th to further develop the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
At the beginning of this month, Russia and India held an annual leaders' summit, launched the first "2 + 2" dialogue between foreign ministers and defense ministers, and agreed to strengthen cooperation and coordination on bilateral and multilateral issues, and signed up to 28 cooperation agreements.
In just two weeks, the summit had two interactions, which sent a signal that Russian-Indian relations were more special than before.
From the interaction on the 6th, Putin led a strong delegation to visit India and held the annual Russian-Indian leaders' summit.
This is Putin's second overseas visit since the outbreak of the COVID-19 epidemic, highlighting the importance he attaches to the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
During the visit, Russia and India held their first "2 + 2" meeting, which will help deepen mutual understanding and strengthen the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two countries.
The most important of the 28 cooperation agreements signed by Russia and India is the Agreement on Military Technical Cooperation 2021-2031.
The document will provide guidance for Russian-Indian military cooperation in the next 10 years, especially to promote joint development and production of weapons and equipment.
It can be said that the foundation for the next stage of military interaction between Russia and India has been laid.
In addition, Russia and India are also actively discussing the signing of a military logistics agreement similar to the memorandum of understanding on logistics exchange between the two countries to facilitate the use of each other's military bases.
Once signed in the future, the Russian-Indian military relations will take another step forward.
The two leaders discussed how to implement the agreement reached at the December 6 meeting, agreed to maintain regular contact on all aspects covered by the Russian-Indian “special and privileged strategic partnership ”, continue to deepen bilateral cooperation and consultation and coordination in multilateral forums, and exchange views on international stability and security issues, including the situation in the Asia-Pacific region.
Since taking office as US president at the beginning of the year, Biden has inherited and strengthened the Indo-Pacific strategy of his predecessor, Trump, and has courted India as the key to its success.
To this end, Biden has made efforts to promote the upgrading and implementation of the four-nation mechanism.
In March this year, the four-nation mechanism held its first video summit, issued a joint declaration, and established three working groups to implement the summit consensus.
In September, the four-nation mechanism held its first offline summit, reiterating the implementation of cooperation in the fields of vaccines and high-quality infrastructure, and proposing to jointly train scientific and technological talents to create a "closed loop of scientific and technological talents of the four countries".
For example, the United States has continued to deepen the "comprehensive global strategic cooperative partnership" between the United States and India.
On March 19, U.S. Defense Secretary William Austin visited India, calling the U.S.-India relationship "a key pillar of a free and open Indo-Pacific."
Under the continued cozying up of the Biden administration, India's attitude of strategic autonomy has become blurred, and it has clearly moved closer to and tilted toward the United States in implementing its foreign policy of "multi-faceted alliance."
During his visit to the United States in September, Modi said that "the relationship between the United States and India has entered a critical transition period".
In the face of the continuous promotion of the "Indo-Pacific Strategy" by the United States and the drift and deviation of India in the two strategic directions of the Indo-Pacific Ocean and the Eurasian continent, Russia is certainly alert.
As early as the Cold War, Russia and India established a relatively special strategic cooperative partnership, even reaching the level of quasi-allies.
At the end of the Cold War, Russia pushed India to join strategic designs such as the "trilateral dialogue between China, Russia and India" in an attempt to promote the establishment of a fair and multipolar world order.
Russia also sees India as an important partner in the Indian Ocean region and an important contributor to the effects of radiation in the Indian Ocean region.
To this end, Russia has taken a series of actions, Foreign Minister Lavrov and other high-level leaders directly expressed opposition to the United States using the "Indo-Pacific strategy" as a tool to contain China and Russia and create regional division.
This round of Russian-Indian strategic coordination is also the proper meaning of Russia's anti-Indo-Pacific strategy.
In particular, Russia and India signed a major defense cooperation order, began the delivery of S-400 air defense system, and will soon sign a military logistics agreement, which is conducive to consolidating defense and military cooperation between the two countries, hedging the penetration and erosion of the traditional Russian arms market by the United States in the past 10 years, and preventing India from falling into the "Indo-Pacific camp" because of increased dependence on weapons and equipment.
Therefore, Russian-Indian interaction is conducive to maintaining the relative balance between the two camps of the Eurasian continent and the Indo-Pacific Ocean, as well as to global strategic stability and peace.
(The writer is deputy director of the South Asia Institute of the Chinese Institute of Modern International Relations)
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Content: Russia, India Call For UN Security Council Reform To Reflect Contemporary Global Realities

(@ChaudhryMAli88)

Russia and India call for a comprehensive reform of the UN Security Council to reflect contemporary global realities, according to a joint statement by Russian President Vladimir Putin and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi following the 21st Russian-Indian summit

MOSCOW (UrduPoint News / Sputnik - 06th December, 2021) Russia and India call for a comprehensive reform of the UN Security Council to reflect contemporary global realities, according to a joint statement by Russian President Vladimir Putin and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi following the 21st Russian-Indian summit.

"The parties called for a comprehensive reform of the UN Security Council to reflect contemporary global realities and make it more representative, effective and efficient in addressing issues of international peace and security," the statement says.

Putin congratulated India on the successful chairmanship of the council in August and confirmed his support for India's candidacy for permanent members of the reformed and expanded UN Security Council. It is noted that Modi thanked Putin for participating in the high-level debate on maritime security, which he chaired on August 9 as part of India's chairmanship of the UN Security Council.

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Content:   • News
  • India News
  • US calls on India to use ties with Russia, urge Putin to end 'illegal war' in Ukraine

US calls on India to use ties with Russia, urge Putin to end 'illegal war' in Ukraine

NEW DELHI: The United States has once again called upon India to leverage its long-standing ties with Russia to persuade Russian President Putin to cease his "illegal war" in Ukraine.
During a press briefing, US state department spokesperson Matthew Miller said, "India has a longstanding relationship with Russia, that is well known. Speaking for the United States, we have encouraged India to use that longstanding relationship with Russia and the unique position they have to urge President Putin to end his illegal war and to find a just peace, lasting peace to this conflict, to tell Vladimir Putin to respect the UN Charter and Ukraine's territorial integrity and sovereignty."
Miller further acknowledged India as an important partner for the United States when it comes to dealing with Russia.

This statement comes in the wake of Prime Minister Narendra Modi's recent two-day visit to Moscow, marking his first trip to Russia since the country's invasion of Ukraine more than two years ago.
During his meeting with President Putin, PM Modi expressed concerns about the impact of the conflict on the Global South and conveyed his hope for peace, inspired by Putin's "frank" views on the matter. PM Modi also assured both Russia and the international community of India's unwavering support for any peace effort.
Prior to the talks between Modi and Putin, the United States had communicated its concerns to India regarding the Russia-India relationship and expressed its desire for PM Modi to urge Putin to respect Ukraine's sovereignty and territorial integrity.
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The TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most."

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Content: Putin Expresses Hope To Expand Cooperation With India In Republic Day Greetings

MOSCOW (UrduPoint News / Sputnik - 26th January, 2023) Russian President Vladimir Putin sent India Republic Day greetings to Indian President Droupadi Murmu and Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Thursday, voicing his confidence that Moscow and New Delhi's bilateral cooperation would expand in different areas.

India celebrates the Republic Day on January 26 to honor the adoption of its constitution 73 years ago.

"We set a high value on the relations of privileged strategic partnership between our states. I am confident that by working together we can ensure the continued growth of mutually beneficial bilateral cooperation in all areas.

This undoubtedly meets the fundamental interests of the friendly peoples of Russia and India," Putin said in a congratulatory telegram, published by the Kremlin.

The Russian president also outlined India's achievements reached in economic, social, research and technology and other areas, saying that India is making "substantial contribution" to ensuring international stability and security as well as addressing "vital" regional and international issues.

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Content: PM Narendra Modi, Vladimir Putin to meet today; spotlight on India-Russia 'Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership'

This will be the first face-to-face meeting between the two leaders after their rendezvous on the sidelines of the BRICS Summit in Brasilia in 2019.

File Photo

New Delhi: Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Monday (December 6, 2021) will host Russian President Vladimir Putin for the 21st India-Russia Annual Summit in New Delhi.

This is the first face-to-face meeting between the two leaders after their rendezvous on the side-lines of the BRICS Summit in Brasilia in November 2019.

During the meeting which is likely to take place at 5:30 pm at the Hyderabad House in the national capital, the two leaders will review the state and prospects of bilateral relations and discuss ways to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries.

The Summit is also likely to see Modi and Putin exchange views on regional, multilateral and international issues of mutual interest.

"The visit is in continuation of the tradition of Annual Summits alternately in India and Russia. The visit will provide further impetus to the India-Russia Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership," New Delhi had said while officially announcing Putin's visit to the country.

The last India-Russia Annual Summit was held in September 2019 during the visit of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Vladivostok (Russia). The Annual Summit in 2020 could not take place due to the COVID-19 pandemic situation.

Putin's trip to India will mark his second international trip after the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic and comes amid the emergence of a new Omicron variant which has affected the schedule of several bilateral and international summits.

Meanwhile, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov arrived in New Delhi on Sunday ahead of the inaugural meeting of the 2 + 2 dialogue mechanism at the level of the foreign and defence ministers.

India's Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) spokesperson Arindam Bagchi had confirmed last month that the agenda for the dialogue will cover political and defence issues of mutual interest.

"The establishment of this new mechanism of two plus two dialogue is expected to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries," he had said.

(With agency inputs)

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Content: China / Russia
Xi Jinping said: willing to gallop internationally with Putin as a strong country
Chinese President Xi Jinping assured his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin in Uzbekistan on Thursday that China is willing to play the international game with its neighbor, Russia, as a great power.
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Chinese President Xi Jinping today assured Putin in Uzbekistan that China is ready to join Russia in playing the role of a "great power" internationally.
"China is willing to work with Russia to assume the responsibilities of a great power and play a leading role in injecting stability and positive energy into this chaotic world," Xi said on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit, according to AFP.
It was Xi ’ s first meeting with Putin since Russia began its invasion of Ukraine.
This is also Xi ’ s first foreign visit since the start of the coronavirus pandemic.
The SCO acts as a counterweight to Western influence, including China, Russia, four Central Asian countries (Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan), as well as India and Pakistan.
Relations between Beijing and Moscow were tumultuous during the Cold War, but in recent decades the two countries have greatly strengthened, forming a common front against American influence.
Since Russia launched its war of aggression against Ukraine on February 24, China has consistently refused to use the term "invasion" to blame Moscow for its aggressive actions in Ukraine.
The Chinese government has never condemned the Russian invasion and blamed the Ukraine war conflict on the United States and NATO, AFP said.
Three weeks before the start of the war, the Chinese president hosted Putin in Beijing on the occasion of the opening of the 2022 Winter Olympics.
They declared “unlimited friendship ” between China and Russia and signed many agreements, especially in the field of natural gas.
China is Russia ’ s main economic partner.
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Content: India's strategic autonomy is paying dividends

New Delhi is keeping its distance from the principles of Cold War 2.0 and seeking advantage from diverse relationships

Photo: Reuters

By Sushanta Mallick and Brigitte Granville

Published: Sun 14 Aug 2022, 9:41 PM

Last updated: Sun 14 Aug 2022, 9:50 PM

If there was a prize for the most quotable comment on international relations so far in 2022, Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar would be in the running. Responding to criticism of his country’s neutral stance on the Russia-Ukraine war at a security forum in Slovakia in June, Jaishankar said that “Europe has to grow out of the mindset that Europe’s problems are the world’s problems, but the world’s problems are not Europe’s problems.”

Like most major crises, the war is shedding stark light on our era, and India’s response to it is particularly illuminating. India’s current foreign policy does more than just exemplify how the conflict has intensified deglobalization trends. It also highlights the paradox inherent in the country’s increasing emphasis on “strategic autonomy” as the world fragments into rival power centers: the United States and its alliance system versus China and Russia. The essence of this paradox is that India’s quest for self-reliance – keeping its distance from the principles of Cold War 2.0 and seeking advantage from diverse relationships – entails multidimensional international engagement.

For example, European politicians painfully weaning their countries off imported Russian energy have criticized India for buying more Russian oil – after Western sanctions reduced its price by about a third relative to the world market price. Indian purchases of Russian crude increased to 1.1 million barrels per day (mbpd) by late July and now account for over one-fifth of Indian oil consumption, compared to just 2% last year.

The standard official Indian response is that, despite Europe’s extensive sanctions, the continent’s energy trade with Russia still dwarfs India’s. More tellingly, however, India’s purchases of discounted Russian oil are not only cushioning the blow to itself as an energy-importing country, but also helping to prevent even more economic pain for Europe. If the 4.3 mbpd of crude oil that Russia sold to the West last year (or six mbpd including oil products) had no alternative markets like India, the world oil price would be even higher.

Recognizing the importance of keeping Russian oil on the market, the G7 has now come up with an alternative sanctions strategy that could present India with its next big test. The West’s Plan A was to combine, by the end of 2022, a partial embargo on direct imports of Russian oil with an attempt to choke off Russian oil exports to third countries by leveraging Western (and especially British) dominance of the global marine insurance market.

Plan B is the so-called “price cap” mechanism. This would allow Russia to continue exporting oil but set a maximum price just sufficient to cover its production costs, thereby depriving the Russian state of any war-financing rent.

When the price cap scheme was first officially aired at the G7 summit in June, several leaders, notably German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, publicly questioned its viability – especially regarding compliance by third-party buyers of Russian oil. Even if Russia agreed to the cap, who would get access to its deeply discounted oil, and who would pay the full market rate? Russia would be much more likely simply to reduce output, hoping to offset its losses with the resulting further price surge for whatever residual oil exports evaded the Western insurance net.

Either way, India will be in a pivotal position. While Russia’s opaque oil sales to China will continue regardless, India can look forward to various arbitrage opportunities. It will continue importing substantial quantities of Russian oil at ever cheaper prices. And in the event that such imports weakened Western measures to squeeze Russia’s oil rents, the US would be unlikely to threaten – much less impose – secondary sanctions on India.

After all, successive US administrations – under Presidents Donald Trump and Joe Biden – have refrained from using their legal powers under existing legislation to place secondary sanctions on India for continuing to buy Russian weapons. The reason for this is clear: A closer security partnership with India has become a vital part of America’s China policy. Specifically, the Quad – an informal security grouping comprising the US, Japan, Australia, and India – has emerged as a cornerstone of US Indo-Pacific strategy, and would not survive the US sanctioning one of its members.

Of course, the US-India security relationship is mutual, given tensions with China on the Himalayan Line of Actual Control – as the deadly June 2020 border skirmish showed. India has an interest in keeping Russia close and not allowing a monolithic and estranged Russia-China Eurasian axis to loom over the Indian subcontinent.

India is playing this multifaceted game adroitly. In defense procurement, it has acquired advanced Russian S-400 air-defense systems and agreed to extend until 2031 the licensed local production of Russian weapons. But it has also increased arms purchases from NATO members, notably France.

Moreover, India has ample options for managing broader US sensitivities vis-à-vis Russia. For example, Russia urgently needs to replace industrial inputs that it previously imported from the West. This could provide further opportunities for Indian exports, which are already a third higher than their pre-pandemic level, owing in part to the government’s Atmanirbhar Bharat (“self-reliant India”) stimulus program for manufacturing. Increased Indian pharmaceutical and automotive exports to Russia need not involve military support of the kind that has already led the US to sanction various Chinese electronics manufacturers, as announced on June 28.

India’s relations with Russia are part of its nuanced and multidimensional foreign policy. This approach means that the upcoming 75th anniversary of Indian independence will coincide with the country achieving significant – and advantageous – geopolitical autonomy.

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Content: Russian President Vladimir Putin to visit India on December 6, Know Key Details

The visit of Russian President Putin coincides with the delivery of the first batch of the S400 air defence systems to India. Know key agendas during Putin’s visit to India.

Created On: Nov 15, 2021 10:25 IST
PM Modi, Russian President Putin, Source: Reuters

Putin visit to India 2021: Russian President Vladimir Putin is expected to visit India on December 6, 2021, for the Annual Summit with PM Narendra Modi. During Putin’s visit to India, a number of pacts in the field of economy, defence, science and technology, trade are expected to be signed. The visit of Russian President Putin coincides with the delivery of the first batch of the S400 air defence systems to India by the end of 2021. Putin’s visit will be preceded by the first 2+2 dialogue of the foreign and defence ministers meeting and a joint military commission.

Russian President Vladimir Putin’s visit to India on December 6: Key Agendas

During Putin’s visit to India on December 6, 2021, a number of pacts in the field of economy, defence, science and technology, trade are expected to be signed. The Summit will also witness the renewal of a framework for military-technical cooperation for the next decade (2021-31). A joint commission on technology and science is also likely to be announced.

India and Russia are at the stage of finalizing negotiations for the Reciprocal Exchange of Logistics Agreement (RELOS) which is likely to be signed during the Summit or the first 2+2 dialogue of the foreign and defence ministers meeting.

The situation and developments in Afghanistan since the Taliban take over are also expected to be taken up during 2+2 ministerial dialogue and the Summit. In August 2021, PM Modi and Russian President Putin had announced to create a permanent channel between India’s National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and Russian counterpart Nikolay Patrushev for discussions relating to Afghanistan.

The visit of the Russian President coincides with the delivery of the first batch of the S400 air defence systems to India by the end of 2021. India and Russia had signed the contract for S400 air defence systems in October 2018.

Besides strategic areas of discussion, the COVID-19 crisis and overall health sector will also be discussed. India is a major production hub for Russian Sputnik V COVID-19 vaccine.

Also read: India likely to be first buyer of Russia’s S-500 anti-aircraft missile system

Russian President Vladimir Putin last visit to India

Last, Russian President Putin visited India in 2018 for the Annual Summit during which the contract for S400 system was signed between India and Russia. The last edition of the Summit between India-Russia in 2020 was postponed due to COVID-19.

List of international presidential trips made by Vladimir Putin in 2021

Since the outbreak of COVID-19, the visit to India on December 6 will be Putin’s second foreign visit in 2021.

The first foreign visit of Putin in 2021 was to Geneva for a summit-level meeting with US President Joe Biden. Putin had joined the G20 Summit virtually amid COVID-19 crisis in Russia.

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Toward the end of March, an unusual sequence of diplomatic visitors passed through India’s capital.

First came Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, Austrian Foreign Minister Alexander Schallenberg and U.S. Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Victoria Nuland. They were followed by Greek Foreign Minister Nikos Dendias, Omani Foreign Minister Sayyid Badr Albusaidi and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi.

The parade continued. Next to arrive were Gabriele Visentin, the European Union’s special envoy for the Indo-Pacific; Marcelo Ebrard, Mexico’s foreign minister; Jens Plotner, foreign and security policy adviser to German Chancellor Olaf Scholz; and Geoffrey van Leeuwen, foreign affairs and defense adviser to Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte. Last and by no means least were U.S. deputy national security adviser Daleep Singh, U.K. Foreign Secretary Liz Truss and Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov. There was also an online Indo-Australian summit.

The Ukraine war has exposed India’s strategic vulnerabilities in a tough neighborhood as arguably nothing else could, raising fundamental questions about the country’s global position and regional security. But, paradoxically — as the slew of recent high-profile visits confirms — the conflict has increased India’s strategic importance and, in the short term, widened its options.

Has Prime Minister Narendra Modi used this room for maneuver well? The West, even as it seeks to line up India on its side vis-a-vis Ukraine, has signaled its understanding of India’s dependence on Russia for vital defense equipment and long history of close diplomatic relations with the Kremlin.

China has been somewhat surprised to find itself on the same page as India regarding the war. Both countries abstained in a series of United Nations votes condemning the Russian invasion and have maintained their communication channels with the Kremlin despite Western sanctions. China has been asking for restoration of “normal” bilateral relations with India, which have been in a deep freeze since violent border clashes in June 2020 killed 20 Indian soldiers. “The world will listen when China and India speak with one voice,” Wang reportedly stated on his recent visit to Delhi.

Russia, no doubt eager to thank India for “understanding” the Kremlin’s position, has offered the country economic incentives — notably, discounted oil and gas and affordable fertilizer — to dissuade it from changing its stance.

While India’s long-standing focus on “strategic autonomy” has kept it out of formal alliances, its broad geopolitical orientation has been veering toward a special partnership with the United States, notably in the Indo-Pacific. India is a member of the U.S.-led “Quad,” an informal grouping also including Japan and Australia that is widely seen as a way to check China’s regional ambitions.

India has also significantly increased its defense purchases from the West in recent years, and, with the U.S., is seeking to modernize its manufacturing base for military equipment. This process is likely to be accelerated by India’s current realization that its dependence on Russian supplies imposes significant constraints, particularly in the event of a future border crisis with China.

Singh, the U.S. deputy national security adviser, pointedly warned of “consequences” should India breach the Western-led sanctions on Russia, and he urged India to recognize the diminishing value of its close relationship with the Kremlin. “The more Russia becomes China’s junior partner, the more leverage China gains over Russia, the less and less favorable that is for India’s strategic posture,” he told an Indian TV channel. “Does anyone think that if China breaches the Line of Actual Control, that Russia would now come to India’s defense? I don’t.”

China has been pushing the BRICS grouping (of which it is a member, along with Brazil, Russia, India and South Africa) and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization as models of non-Western collaboration that can ensure a multipolar world order. But Chinese blandishments toward India are unlikely to succeed if China’s leaders are not willing to reverse their military gains from unprovoked Himalayan incursions in the spring of 2020. India will accept nothing less than a return to the status quo ante of April 2020 as the price for normalizing bilateral relations. But whether it can leverage China’s overtures to achieve results on the ground remains to be seen.

Russia, meanwhile, is aware that India’s refusal to condemn its assault on Ukraine does not imply support. India has at no stage endorsed the Russian military campaign and its language has notably hardened as the war has dragged on. Indian statements now pointedly refer to the inviolability of borders, respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states and the inadmissibility of resorting to force to resolve political disputes, even while calling on “both sides” to pursue diplomatic negotiations.

India has also been quick to provide humanitarian assistance to Ukraine, sending 90 tons of relief materials. As the destruction has become more intense, its aid is likely to continue. India will gladly purchase essential supplies of fuel and fertilizer from Russia at discounted rates in rubles. But its diplomatic stance and decreasing reliance on Russian defense equipment mean that it is not completely in Russia’s camp.

Still, India’s calls for peace in Ukraine would have been more credible had it taken steps to bring about that outcome. Whereas countries like Turkey and Israel have been actively engaged in peace diplomacy, India has made no effort to play a mediating role, despite at one point sending four cabinet ministers to Europe to supervise the evacuation of Indian citizens from Ukraine. Even Lavrov suggested in Delhi that India could help “support” a mediation process.

India could have used the diplomatic attention it has been getting over Ukraine to carve out a role worthy of its aspirations for a permanent seat on the U.N. Security Council. Sadly, its ambitions seem to have been too modest.

India’s first prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, observed in 1946 that “India, constituted as she is, cannot play a secondary part in the world. She will either count for a great deal or not count at all.” Ukraine is a test case — and the jury remains out. Will today’s India count at all?

Shashi Tharoor, a former U.N. under-secretary-general and former Indian minister of state for external affairs and minister of state for human resource development, is an MP for the Indian National Congress. © Project Syndicate, 2022

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Despite global pressures and shifting alliances, particularly in the context of India's rivalry with China, the relationship has maintained its fundamental character while adapting to new challenges.

Title:

Content: Global Express | India and the world: 2024 - Doomsday or reason for hope?

Published: 28th December 2023 06:41 PM  |   Last Updated: 28th December 2023 06:46 PM

As the world celebrates the start of a new year, there is a counter-narrative that points to a growing disquiet as 2024 dawns.

The Hamas-Israel conflict has set off tremors across the world, and it is far more divisive going forward than the Ukraine conflict that has divided Europe. There’s widespread anger on the streets in half the countries on our planet.

And the triggers range from political to economic, from Palestine to the plight of women in Iran and Afghanistan to the Baloch people and the oppressed.

The arc of instability runs through our immediate neighbourhood too, where India’s hold over South Asia is weakening as our neighbourhood first policy unravels.

India’s Prime Minister Narendra Modi may have had two major foreign policy successes: he was feted as a special guest to the White House by the Biden Administration, followed by a remarkable hosting of the G20 summit in Delhi, which was seen as a high point, even if it was boycotted by Chinese President Xi Jinping.

And, by every reckoning, the India-US relationship should be seen as something of a success. India is seen as a non-NATO ally and a major defence partner to counter the rise of China. We’ve been roped into Quad, to AUkUS, to I2U2.

But India will not downgrade ties with Russia, so we have one foot in Moscow and another in the West. Is Russia yesterday's news? And the US—the new crutch?

Are we going in with our eyes wide shut, aware of the pitfalls if we get sucked into the big power rivalry? And by all accounts, prepare the ground to give up our much-vaunted multi-polarity?

There’s little question that our message to China couldn’t be clearer. Its presence, not just on our land border along the Himalayas but in our southern tip, where China’s naval prowess is a challenge to India’s Neighbourhood First policy—in the Maldives, in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh—makes it an ever-present danger. Clearly, every move we have made in strengthening military alliances has been done with one eye on Beijing.

But October 7 and the Hamas attack and the Houthis blocking the Red Sea have altered not just India’s but everyone’s foreign policy priorities. Where once Delhi’s one-point focus would have been the Taliban consolidating in Afghanistan, widening its footprint in Pakistan’s North West Frontier, Balochistan, and within Pakistan, staying focused on the Pakistan Army playing political musical chairs.

Now, after the embarrassing fallout with Canada and the US over the Indian national allegedly involved in an alleged assassination plot on US soil, there’s been another shift.

2024 is, after all, the election year where the people will speak. Not just in India, but in the U.S., in Pakistan, where the abrogation of statehood in Jammu and Kashmir will be an issue, in Bangladesh, in Sri Lanka, in the UK and Taiwan.

Taking part in the discussion today with senior journalist Neena Gopal on the major challenges that India faces in 2024 and how we must tackle them are two foreign policy savants, Ambassador TCA Raghavan, former High Commissioner to Pakistan, a prolific author, and an expert on the South Asia region. His book, The People Next Door, is a must-read, and Prof. Amitabh Mattoo, one of India’s sharpest strategic minds., he was on Prime Minister Dr. Manmohan Singh’s advisory team—a task force. He is a visiting professor at a number of universities and think tanks and was the youngest vice chancellor of Jammu and Kashmir University.

* Views expressed by participants are personal and not endorsed by The New Indian Express.

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## Historical Continuity and Modern Adaptation

The India-Russia partnership represents one of the world's most enduring strategic relationships, built on decades of cooperation dating back to the Soviet era.

Title:

Content: ‘The relation between India and the US is not at the cost of relation between Russia and India, as long as it is not at the cost of the US.’

New Delhi: The annual India-Russia summit in New Delhi on 6 December culminated in new defence deals and more than two dozen pacts in diverse areas. On the sidelines, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov hailed the S-400 air defence missile systems deal with India, and openly accused the United States of undermining India-Russia cooperation and trying to make India “obey American orders”. The Delhi-Moscow bonhomie was closely watched in Washington, with a distinct sense of unease about the impact the S-400 deal may have on India-US relations. In this wide-ranging interview, Dr Mukesh Aghi, President & Chief Executive Officer of the US-India Strategic Partnership Forum, says that the US won’t impose sanctions on India under CAATSA for S-400, as such a step can set India-US partnership back by decades and will only benefit the US’ key adversaries, China and Russia. Mr Aghi also spoke about the likely agenda for the 2+2 dialogue between the foreign and defence partners of India and US and the future trajectory of India-US economic partnership. Excerpts:

Q: From the India-US economic perspective, there is some good news. The meeting between Commerce and Industry Minister Piyush Goyal and US Trade Representative Katherine Tai resulted in the revival of the India-US Trade Policy Forum. To what extent do you think this revival will help reboot the larger economic relationship?

A: Well, I think now you have a platform, a platform where you can put up the issues and have a candid discussion. There’s a process now. If you have lawyers and bureaucrats who focus on commas and semi colons in an agreement, then you will not get a trade deal. We’ve been talking between the US and India for the last 20 plus years, and the same issues continue to persist. And we keep on adding more issues like GSP withdrawal. We have to think out of the box to move India-US economic partnership to a higher plateau.

Q: What about prospects of more  American FDI coming into India? Do you think now American businesses are responding better to India’s investment climate?

A: There are three factors at play here. First, China has become a risk factor. Companies are saying, where is my China plus one strategy? Second, India has made a lot of effort in improving the ease of doing business, making India a better investment destination itself. Schemes like Production-linked Incentive (PLI) are encouraging US companies to look at India afresh. Third, there is abundance of capital in the US. The capital cost is almost zero now in the US. The combination of all three things is driving more FDI into India. If you talk to investors in America, the interest in India is extremely high. The Indian economy is growing. They want to be part of this resurgent economy.

Q: What’s the status of India-US FTA negotiations? Do you think that is moving forward?

A: We have started the process. But the question is, do we want to try to boil the ocean? Or do we want to say—let’s take small bites, and leave them chewable and go to the next bite and next bite? To me, that could be a better approach than trying to boil the ocean.

Q: India and the US were planning to have 2+2 dialogue between their Foreign and Defence Ministers. It seems it’s now postponed to January next year. What will be the key issues on the agenda?

A: The 2+2 will focus more on geopolitical issues. It’s going to be strategic. The two sides will definitely talk about China, Afghanistan, terrorism, cybersecurity and defence cooperation between the two countries.

Q: Do you have a wish list for the 2+2 dialogue?

A: Our wish list is we should look at the Quad more. Let’s look at how we basically drive an economic agenda under the Quad umbrella. If you look at the combined GDP of the four Quad countries, it’s over 32 trillion dollars. India needs at least one-and-a-half trillion-dollar worth of infrastructure investment. There is a lot of synergy between the two countries. Japan has the funding and the knowhow. Australia has high-tech environment. If the Quad focuses on its economic agenda, it will bring enormous benefits to the world.

Q: You are here in India at a time when we just had the India-Russia annual summit where India and Russia concluded quite a few defence deals, including one $700 million deal for jointly making assault rifles. Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov took a dig at the US and accused it of undermining the S-400 deal.  Do you see the S-400 deal attracting  US sanctions under CAATSA?

A: I think it’s in the interest of Russia that the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) is imposed on India. It is in the interest of China that CAATSA is imposed on India. For (Russian Foreign Minister Sergey) Lavrov to proactively poke at the United States in a summit with India was undiplomatic. The relation between India and the US is not at the cost of relations between Russia and India as long as it is not at the cost of the US. It’s important to understand that India maintains its strategic independence here. Now, if CAATSA is imposed, my position is that India is a sovereign nation. It has the right to decide what equipment it buys and from whom. And at the same time, if we look at S-400 pointed more toward China than anybody else, then it only serves interest of the US. From this perspective, I don’t think the Joe Biden administration will impose CAATSA sanction on India for S-400 purchase. If at all sanctions are applied, it will set the US-India relationship by a few decades.

Q: So, it’s in the larger interest of the US and given the broad bipartisan consensus on sustaining the momentum in relations, it is extremely unlikely that they would contemplate such a move.

A: Absolutely.

Q: Ten months hence, how do you look at the quality of India-US relationship under President Biden. In Donald Trump, we had a mercurial politician who was prone to all kinds of theatrics. Do you think now there is more stability in the partnership?

A: There is more maturity in the India-US relationship; there is more predictability and there is a sense of a consultative process between the two countries. Above all, there is an acceptance that the two sides may have different viewpoints in some areas, and there is respect for that. Now, we don’t have transactional issues like Harley Davidson coming in the way.

Broadly speaking, the Biden administration is taking a much more structured approach to dealing with India than the Trump administration, which was very transactional. So now, they are putting all the bricks together in areas ranging from healthcare to technology. I am very optimistic and see the India-US relationship going further, higher and deeper in every aspect.

Manish Chand is Founder-CEO of India Writes Network, India and the World magazine and Centre for Global India Insights, a think tank focused on global affairs.

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Under Modi and Putin's leadership, this relationship has been characterized by:

- **Continued High-Level Engagement**: Regular annual summits alternating between India and Russia, with Putin's visits marking significant diplomatic priorities even during the pandemic
- **Strategic Partnership Reinforcement**: The relationship has been consistently described as a "Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership"
- **Multilateral Cooperation**: Both nations coordinate on regional and international issues

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?