The India-Russia relationship has been a long and storied one, with a strong strategic undertone, and has stood the test of time despite ongoing rough relations between China and India.

India has historically depended on Russia for defense supplies and spare parts, and Russia has provided long-standing support to India on vital issues like Kashmir and border tensions with China and Pakistan.

The relationship between India and Russia has been strengthened under Prime Minister Modi and President Putin, with the two countries cooperating on common concerns, including the Taliban and Afghanistan.

However, the India-China rivalry has had an impact on the India-Russia strategic partnership, with Russia growing closer to China in recent years, united in their opposition to the US-led international order.

India has been strengthening its ties with the US, joining the Quad alliance with Japan and Australia, and improving security ties with Vietnam, in an effort to counter a more assertive China.

Despite this, India has maintained its old ties with Russia, which has good connections with China, and the two countries have agreed to cooperate on common concerns, including the export of terror after the Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan.

The US views India as a bulwark preventing China from spreading its influence in the Indo-Pacific region and wants to expand cooperation with India, but the US has also raised concerns about India's ties with Russia and alleged human rights abuses.

India has decided to continue with its defense dealings with Russia, including the purchase of the S-400 missile system and a joint deal for the production of AK-203 rifles, despite potential sanctions from the US.

The India-Russia relationship is likely to continue to evolve in the coming years, with a focus on cooperation in defense, space, and energy, and India's dependence on Russia for military equipment is likely to remain a concern for both the US and Russia.

India and Russia have set a bilateral investment target of $50 billion and a bilateral trade target of $30 billion by 2025, and have agreed to reduce non-tariff barriers, reduce trade imbalances in Russia's favor, improve connectivity, and increase trade in agricultural goods.

The two countries aim to boost trade to $100 billion by 2030, and have agreed to cooperate on common concerns, including the development of the Russian Far East and the Eurasian space.

India and Russia have also agreed to develop the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), the Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor, and the Northern Sea Route (NSR), which will enhance trade and logistics cooperation between the two countries.

The India-Russia relationship has been affected by the Ukraine war, with India maintaining a neutral stance and continuing to purchase Russian oil, despite Western sanctions.

Russia has become India's largest supplier of oil, with deliveries increasing twelvefold in 2022 to 24 million tons, and the trade relationship between the two countries has grown since the start of the Ukraine war.

The US has raised concerns about India's relationship with Russia, and India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in Europe.

However, India sees its relationship with Russia as a way to balance China's influence in the region and maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland.

The India-Russia relationship is expected to continue to play a critical role in shaping regional security, defense cooperation, and global power dynamics, especially amidst shifting alliances and growing tensions between major powers.

The Indian government has given a green signal for mutual settlements with Russia in rupees and rubles, and the Reserve Bank of India will follow the government's decisions.

India and Russia are working on a rupee-rouble payment mechanism to bypass Western sanctions, which will use Russia's messaging system, SPFS, as an alternative to SWIFT.

The implementation of the rupee-rouble payment mechanism is expected to impact bilateral trade between India and Russia, and will facilitate trade and get around Western sanctions on Russian banks.

The India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) is a maritime and rail logistics corridor aimed at ensuring better connections between Indian and Western markets, and is seen as a potential counter to China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

IMEC is expected to enable the transportation of goods and services from India to the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Israel, and Europe, and back, increasing trade between India and Europe by 40%.

The corridor presents India with transformative opportunities to boost economic growth and trade connectivity with key regions, and is expected to create more jobs, reduce travel times, and increase transportation potential.

However, the realization of IMEC hinges on factors such as political stability, regional cooperation, financial viability, and technological advancements, and the project confronts economic risks, including potential disruptions to global trade, energy price fluctuations, and evolving technology impacting infrastructure demand.

The India-Russia relationship is likely to continue to evolve in the coming years, with a focus on cooperation in defense, space, and energy, and India's dependence on Russia for military equipment is likely to remain a concern for both the US and Russia.

The relationship between India and Russia is built on mutual respect and not subject to political fluctuations, and India has withstood pressure to alter its relationship with Russia, making its own evaluation of the importance of this relationship.

India's relations with the United States have drawn closer in recent years, with the US seen as a key force in the fight against China, and the Quad Security Dialogue (Quad) has been established by the United States with India, Japan, and Australia to counter China's rise.

The India-Russia military-technical cooperation agreement has been extended until 2031, and the two countries have signed 28 MoUs, including a program of cooperation in the field of defense for the next 10 years (2021-2031).

India has reduced its defense procurement from Russia from over 65% to nearly 49% in the last decade and has increased procurement from the US, Israel, and France.

The Sino-Russian embrace is largely due to economic compulsions and a common adversary in the US, rather than a strategic partnership, and Russia has not made any commitment to back China's misadventures in the South China Sea or the Himalayas.

India remains heavily dependent on Russian technology, maintenance, procurement of hardware, and spares despite efforts for Atmanirbhar Bharat in defense manufacturing, and Russia has been collaborating with India in its indigenous manufacturing programs and has been amenable to transfer of technology.

The US may be amenable to a waiver on CAATSA for the S-400 deal in view of the common China challenge, but further deals may create new friction points in strengthening Indo-US relations.

The India-Russia relationship has been a long and storied one, with a strong strategic undertone, and has stood the test of time despite ongoing rough relations between China and India.

Title:

Content: Top

Old friends

X

On Monday, PM Modi spoke over the phone with Russian President Vladimir Putin. The phone call reportedly was a follow-up on many of the issues raised during Putin's recent India visit on December 6. According to a statement by the PMO, the two leaders have agreed to remain in regular touch with each other on a range of issues covered under the India-Russia Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership. Insofar as visits from foreign dignitaries and leaders go, Putin's visit to India earlier this month was arguably the most consequential development for India in the field of foreign affairs for quite some time. India, as may be known, has a long and storied relationship with Russia and its precursor, the Soviet Union. From the earliest days, the friendship between the two nations had a strong strategic undertone with both sides supporting each other on the world stage whenever necessary. Indeed, the Soviet Union was undeniably India's greatest ally in the 20th century against the machinations of the western powers like the US that did not take kindly to India announcing itself to be a 'socialist' nation. From Kashmir to the Bangladesh Liberation War, Russia has stood by India in defence of its strategic interests. As a proof of the relationship, a majority of military equipment India currently possesses was either directly supplied by Moscow or is otherwise of Russian origin. In recent years, with the fall of the Soviet Union and India's move towards liberalising its economy, India has ventured out into the world to make a new set of friends. This time around, it is India and the US that are getting along like a house on fire. India has deliberately sought to widen its field diplomatically and militarily in order to not be tied down to a single nation with the rather pragmatic understanding that there are no permanent relationships in international politics. In more recent times, Russia and India have somewhat drifted further apart as Russia bands together with India's rival China to take on the hegemony of the western world that is held up by the US. While India has no interest in joining the US in its power games against Russia, it is very much interested in leveraging its relationship with the west in its struggle to contain a belligerent China. It is here that India has had to perform a tremendous tight-rope walk, particularly following the 2014 annexation of Crimea by Russia. On the one hand, you have America that wishes to limit or even extinguish India's strategic relationship with Russia. On the other, you have Russia that is increasingly concerned and agitated by India drawing ever closer to the US's sphere of influence as it joins America in endeavours like the Quad grouping. Of particular concern to both sides is India's continuing dependence on Russia for military equipment. The US, already having sanctioned Turkey for the same, looks on menacingly as it threatens India with sanctions for buying the S-400 missile system. Russia, of course, is not only interested in keeping its old defence ties but even expanding them, as it has been recently teasing India with the possibility of being the first nation in the world to buy the improved S-500 missile system. In this regard, Putin's visit to India could be termed as symbolic. Since the beginning of the pandemic, Putin has only ventured out twice from his country, with the second trip being the one to India. His tone and body language during the meeting with PM Modi spoke volumes of the importance he attaches to maintaining the ties with India. Aside from underscoring the good working relationship he has with India's PM, the visit also highlighted that despite the recent turns of history, the two nations still have much to share and collectively work towards. Common concern in regards to the Taliban and Afghanistan is one such area that the two sides are looking to cooperate on in the near future. Another is strengthening existing defence ties between the two nations. Underscoring its strategic independence, India has decided to continue with its defence dealings with Russia, discussing the purchase of the S-400 missile system while also finalising a long-pending Rs 5,000 crore deal for the production of over five lakh AK-203 rifles in a joint Indo-Russian deal. But all said and done, the future of India's relationship with Russia still has some shades of uncertainty. Primary amongst them is the ongoing escalation between Moscow and NATO in regards to Ukraine and eastern Europe. If Russia should choose to brave threats of western sanctions to take action in Ukraine, where does this leave India? Can India still continue its balancing game between east and west at a time when geopolitics are heating up to a boiling point? That remains to be seen.

Next Story

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India has historically depended on Russia for defense supplies and spare parts, and Russia has provided long-standing support to India on vital issues like Kashmir and border tensions with China and Pakistan.

Title:

Content: India’s Long Infatuation with Russia Must End

Seven months after China and Russia announced their "no limits" partnership, the two countries seem closer than ever. In the face of growing Chinese belligerence, this augurs ill for India, which should urgently reconsider its long-standing diplomatic and strategic dependence on a weakening Russia.

NEW DELHI – During a parliamentary debate in April, I expressed my concerns about India’s relationship with Russia. My words were met with grim-faced silence. But the events of the last five months have only strengthened my case.

The debate was on the Ukraine war. While deploring India’s reluctance to call a Russian shovel a spade, I acknowledged that India has historically depended on the Kremlin for defense supplies and spare parts, and appreciated Russia’s long-standing support on vital issues like Kashmir and border tensions with China and Pakistan. But the Ukraine war and Western sanctions had weakened Russia considerably, I noted. The ban on semiconductor chips, for example, had significantly eroded its ability to produce advanced electronics and defense goods that form the basis of India’s dependence.

Worse still, I argued, the war had highlighted and reinforced Russia’s reliance on China as its principal global partner – a relationship that would intensify as Russia grew weaker. India could then scarcely depend on the Kremlin to counter Chinese aggression, exemplified by the People’s Liberation Army’s territorial encroachments and killing of 20 Indian soldiers in June 2020.

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The relationship between India and Russia has been strengthened under Prime Minister Modi and President Putin, with the two countries cooperating on common concerns, including the Taliban and Afghanistan.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

However, the India-China rivalry has had an impact on the India-Russia strategic partnership, with Russia growing closer to China in recent years, united in their opposition to the US-led international order.

Title:

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13: 32 What is known about the new President of Iran Masoud Peseshkian
Nazarbayev ’ s Big Friend Sold Assets in Kazakhstan 21 Times Cheaper
13: 00 Middle East: Israel is trying on the role of an energy hub
12: 56 Why India is walking on a tightrope between the US and Russia
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12: 42 Aktau seaport to receive international status
10: 09 Why does Russia continue to sell uranium to the United States?
It is difficult to explain to Sevastopol children...
10: 05 Tokayev arrives in Azerbaijan on working visit
10: 02 The US is getting closer to Central Asia: why did the “corridor ” from across the ocean arrive in Baku, - SP
09: 28 Bishkek.
MP Azhibayev fought with the security guard of the shopping center
09: 19 Russia is ready to save Assange.
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09: 18 "The Third Force" of the Global South, - Vl.Mozhegov
09: 17 Foreign political parties banned in Uzbekistan
09: 14 Erdogan does not lose hope: what cat ran between Russia and Turkey, - Kamran Hasanov
09: 13 In Tajikistan, fines for smoking increased threefold
09: 09 "The fate of the battle for Donbass is being decided."
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Why India is walking the tightrope between the US and Russia
12: 56 7 / 6 / 2024
Why India is walking the tightrope between the US and Russia
05.07.2024
After the Cold War, which began in the 1950s, split the world into two camps, the newly independent India became the founder of the Non-Aligned Movement, a group of countries that did not side with either Washington or Moscow.
Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India retained some elements of this policy unchanged, while abandoning others.
In particular, Modi has strengthened ties with the United States, in which he sees a partner in the confrontation with a more assertive China.
At the same time, he continued to develop his country ’ s long-standing ties with Russia.
As a sign of Russia ’ s important role for India, Modi will meet with President Vladimir Putin on July 8 during his first foreign visit to a fellow leader after being elected for a third term.
But these relations are becoming increasingly complex as Russia strengthens ties with China, seeking its broader support.
China and India are not allies.
1.
Is India an ally of the United States?
India and the United States have been strategic partners for at least two decades, which means they can build relationships and cooperate militarily, but are not official treaty bound allies.
Although they have much in common – both countries are large and diverse democracies – New Delhi pursues its own interests in ways that sometimes conflict with US interests.
For example, India has refused to condemn Russia in the conflict with Ukraine, while an alleged plot of assassins in the United States has triggered a criminal investigation in which senior Indian officials are implicated, according to prosecutors.
The basis of relations remains the transformation of China into an assertive regional power.
China and India are long-time rivals with a bitter border dispute, and the US is seeking to draw India as a counterweight to Beijing ’ s rise.
India is part of the Quartet, a regional security dialogue with the United States, Japan and Australia.
A group of senior U.S. officials recently visited India to discuss cooperation in technology, security and foreign investment.
2.
What is India ’ s relationship with Russia?
Although India openly declared its non-alignment during the Cold War, it maintained warm relations with Moscow and was wary of the United States, which was closer to India ’ s main rival, Pakistan.
India and Russia maintain strong ties to this day.
The basis of this relationship is India ’ s status as a reliable buyer of Russian arms and crude oil.
Today, Russia remains India ’ s largest arms supplier, although, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, shipments have declined from about two-thirds of India ’ s arms imports more than a decade ago to just over one-third today as India seeks to diversify its sources of arms supplies.
Russia also remains India ’ s largest oil supplier, although sanctions imposed on Russian oil exports have affected Russian oil imports to India.
India also stands out among the leading democracies for its unwillingness to criticize Russia and abstained from voting at the United Nations, which condemned Russia for the conflict in Ukraine.
3.
What is India ’ s relationship with China?
Relations have been tense for years.
The source of tension was a territorial dispute along their common border that lasted decades and over which the two countries fought a war in 1962.
The dispute flared up again in 2020, culminating in a series of deadly skirmishes and prompting New Delhi to ban Chinese smartphone apps and limit Chinese investment in India.
Recently, there have been rumors of a relaxation of tension.
In May, Beijing appointed its first ambassador to India in 18 months.
After his arrival, he expressed a desire to improve relations between the two countries.
China also congratulated Modi on winning the election in June, and a Chinese official said the countries were on a "healthy and stable path."
The two countries agreed on further negotiations to resolve the border dispute.
4.
How are relations between Russia and China changing?
Russia and China have been rivals since the Sino-Soviet split during the Cold War (a rivalry that also brought Russia and India closer together).
But relations have noticeably warmed as both countries united in their opposition to the US-led international order.
The Russian president made his first foreign trip to Beijing after he was re-elected for a third presidential term in March.
At the July summit on security in Kazakhstan, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin said that relations between them are “the best in history, ” and both sides vowed to jointly defend“ calm and stability in the region. ”
China has become another major buyer of Russian oil, gas and coal, helping Russia counter Western sanctions.
5.
How does the United States view relations between India and Russia?
Washington still views India as a bulwark preventing China from spreading its influence in the Indo-Pacific region.
While he has occasionally criticized India for alleged human rights abuses and the treatment of minorities, India ’ s ties with Moscow have come at minimal political cost.
Following a recent visit by senior US officials, Deputy Secretary of State Kurt Campbell said the US side had raised the issue of India ’ s ties with Russia, as well as accusations of India ’ s involvement in a plot to murder for hire.
But he also said that the United States is confident in its relations with India and wants to expand cooperation between the two countries.
According to some analysts, the US sees India as an important ally in its quest to contain China, so it does not want to risk antagonizing officials in New Delhi.
Prepared by ProFinance.Ru based on Bloomberg materials.
Source - ProFinance.Ru
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What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

India has been strengthening its ties with the US, joining the Quad alliance with Japan and Australia, and improving security ties with Vietnam, in an effort to counter a more assertive China.

Title:

Content: The December 9 skirmish on the China-India border, which caused injuries to some 40 Indian and Chinese soldiers, could trigger a sea change in India’s attitude toward dealing with China.

It comes two years after a similar border clash without firearms that left 20 Indians and four Chinese dead, and proves that more than 24 months of diplomacy didn’t turn the situation around.

Moreover, the latest skirmish occurred while the first US-India joint military exercises were underway.

The clash occurred in the Tawang sector, in India’s northeastern territory of Arunachal Pradesh, a region bordering southwest China. China and India together have some 40% of the global population, and both have nuclear arsenals.

In recent years, India has been inching closer to the US, joining the Quad, a four-party alliance with Japan and Australia, and improving security ties with Vietnam, historically hostile to China.

Still, New Delhi so far has never given up its old ties with Moscow, which in turn had good connections with Beijing. This triangular relationship and the Indian effort to forge its own diplomacy kept many doors open with China and stopped short of full-fledged cooperation with America.

India has been downplaying the recent loss of disputed land at the border, reportedly accounting for some 900 square kilometers.

China has been reportedly occupying and fortifying some disputed areas, which previously were routinely peacefully patrolled by both countries.

It appears to be a sign China is expecting and preparing for an escalation of border tensions and thus wants to secure the best positions.

Moreover, China has developed roads and railways linking the disputed area’s logistics to its industrial heartland, and it has upgraded tanks and trucks to operate at high altitudes. India is lagging behind on both fronts. India has much weaker logistics lines to the frontline and little to no high-altitude mechanized gear.

Russia’s ill-fated invasion of Ukraine weakened the trilateral relationship, as Russia appears no longer as strong as a year ago; the new skirmish could bring further damage.

The Indians also feel surrounded by the Chinese at sea. Beijing has built, or is building, naval facilities in Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and Djibouti.

By 2027, it is planning on having seven aircraft carrier groups, with the apparent aim of securing the shipping routes from Africa to China through the Indian Ocean and the Bay of Bengal. New Delhi considers that its area of influence.

The US is suggesting India develop a new submarine fleet that could disrupt future Chinese sea lanes across its waters.

Plus, there are China’s old ties with Pakistan, which fought five wars with India and has an open controversy on Kashmir. There is also Chinese intervention in Sri Lanka and Myanmar’s politics, both formerly part of the English Indian empire and with close ties to New Delhi.

Finally, India is not happy with bilateral trade. It complains China is interested only in Indian raw materials and doesn’t import India’s sophisticated software or medical supplies to suppress India’s industrial development in those areas and boost China’s.

At a recent conference, Vijay Gokhale, India’s ex-national security advisor and a great expert on China, argued that India “should be more transparent and credible in its political signaling, that it needs to pursue risk management at a higher politico-strategic level to prevent an escalation of tension, and that it must find common ground for a discussion of respective interests and concerns in the context of the Indo-Pacific region, which is becoming crucial to both countries.”

But Gokhale also stressed that “China might need to revisit its assumption that an Indian response to its military coercion will remain indefinitely low.”

China is allegedly trying to de-escalate the incident, and no major flare-up should be expected in the near future. But the consistent accumulation of elements of tension plus the weakening of the Russian side of the triangle could create an ominous momentum between the two.

Here either China redresses all its policies about India, India accepts being one of China’s junior partners, or tensions will start to flare in one area or another.

This essay first appeared on Settimana News and is republished with permission. The original article can be read here.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Despite this, India has maintained its old ties with Russia, which has good connections with China, and the two countries have agreed to cooperate on common concerns, including the export of terror after the Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan.

Title:

Content: Follow Us:

Putin visiting India: Is it strategic balancing?

By Major General S.B. Asthana
With heated exchanges between the US and Russia due to heavy concentration of troops in Ukraine border scheduled for talks between both, Russias growing dependency on China due to sanctions from West, and Indian tilt towards the US with inclusion in Quad, the visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to India on December 6, appears to be viewed differently by different world players. Even in domestic debates, the public anger due to Chinese intrusion in Ladakh and growing partnership of Russia and China, indicates that the visit is sensitive in context of international geopolitical scenario; hence will require a delicate strategic balancing including text of joint statement, if issued at the end of the visit. Notwithstanding the above, the visit is a scheduled 21st India-Russia Annual Summit, which couldnt take place earlier due to coronavirus pandemic, there are many justified reasons to continue with 'Indo-Soviet Friendship Treaty (1971)' matured into 'Strategic Partnership (2000)', which has stood the test of time till date, even during ongoing rough relations between China and India.

Why Russia Matters to India Despite Chinese Embrace?

Despite Indian effort for Atmanirbhar Bharat in defence manufacturing and SIPRI indicating significant 33 per cent decrease in import of military hardware by India in recent years, it remains heavily dependent on Russian technology, maintenance, procurement of hardware and spares. For many decades Russians have been collaborating with India in its indigenous manufacturing programs and were amenable to transfer of technology, which India was finding difficult to get from others. It includes some major systems like nuclear-powered submarines, warships/frigates, nuclear reactors, space programmes and flagship projects like Brahmos.

The impending visit, besides deal to commence indigenous manufacturing of AK 203 Kalashnikov rifles, may see some forward movement in collaboration in manufacturing (including transfer of technology of very short range air defence missile systems (VSHORADS), twin engine helicopters to replace Cheetah and Chetak, upgradation of inventory of MIG-29 and Sukhoi aircrafts. S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile system which India had signed in 2018 for $5.43 billion is a done deal, and the threat of CAATSA is unlikely to have any impact on delivery schedule. It was chosen because it was most suitable to Indian requirement at that point of time. There are also speculations of approximately ten agreements to be signed between the two countries, which could include reciprocal exchange of logistics Agreement and 10-year military technical agreement, besides Two plus Two dialogue to strengthen existing strategic partnership. While the US may be amenable to a waiver on CAATSA for S-400, in view of common China challenge, but further deals may create some new friction points in strengthening of Indo-US relations.

On strategic context, Russia continues to be a favourable P5 member in UN and continues to support India in various multilateral organisations like the UN, SCO, BRICS on crucial issues. It's a technological powerhouse, with one of the largest producer of military hardware, producing rugged equipment suited for variety of terrain, where Indian forces operate. While its nearness to China, its discomfort with Indian embrace to Quad, growing Indo-US partnership, and hardware sale to Pakistan, forces some of the opinion makers in India to suggest divorcing Russia in favour of US, but such opinions are marred by impracticality, ignorance of Indian hardware dependency on Russia and its track record of reliability of its partnership with India. In its revised Military Strategy document Russia continues to name India as its partner along with China, and has not delayed/defaulted on any hardware support to India, even during standoff with China. The interest of both countries also coincide regarding concerns on export of terror after Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan and resultant humanitarian crisis, which will certainly be a subject of discussion and may find some mention in joint statement.

Reality of Sino-Russian Embrace

The much publicised Sino-Russian embrace by Chinese media and Russian acceptance to go along has been due to economic compulsions due to increasing sanctions from West, common adversary US branding both as competitors in security strategy documents. Objectively an expansionist, aggressive China seeking Sino-centric world order does suit Russia as well, which is looking for multilateral world order. Chinese BRI has already side-lined Eurasian dream, its technological theft like alleged hypersonic technology proliferation and increasing border claims in previously settled border with Tajikistan are not to Russian liking. Russia has made no commitment to back China's misadventure in South China Sea/Himalayas and China has also not made any commitment on Ukraine borders. Reiterating India as a strategic partner may be Moscow's message to US and Beijing both. It is however, impractical to expect Russia criticising China or Pakistan or India discussing Ukraine issue during this visit, due to peculiar geo-political equations, and Russians need for strategic and economic balancing.

Strategic Balancing by India

India and US have commonality of Interest in most issues including tackling China, which has pushed India to become an important global strategic partner of US, by its aggressive designs. There is congruence of interests in most global issues between US and India in the current geo-strategic equation. India stands with US and Quad in context of Indo-Pacific and facing China challenge. India continues to do its best to respond to sensitivities and concerns of the US, at times risking some of its old relationships like Iran. To accommodate US interest India reduced import of oil from Iran, bearing a cost disadvantage, as Iran oil was being imported in Rupee terms, in crude form and attuned to existing refineries in India. India doesn't seem to be repeating the same mistake with Russians, who haven't done anything bilaterally which demands a divorce in mutual relationship. Moreover, military capacity building of India also adds to collective strength of Quad, which is in collective interest.

Lately India is trying to be self-reliant, as well as diversifying procurement from various countries to include US, France, Israel. In last decade the defence procurement from Russia has gradually reduced from over 65 percent approximately to nearly 49 percent and correspondingly increased in favour of the US, Israel and France. There is a noticeable upward trend in purchase of US military hardware, as the year 2020 alone saw a purchase $3.4 billion worth of US military equipment, indicating enough accommodation by India. In a buyers' market US has competitors to include Russia, Israel and France, and every country will make sovereign choice to pick the best deal including India. India has also made modest beginning in exporting Rs 38,000 crore worth of military equipment, as a step towards self-reliance, seeking support of all the partners.

(Major General S.B.Asthana is a strategic and security analyst, a veteran Infantry General. He is the Chief Instructor, United Service Institution of India. The views expressed are personal)

--IANS
asthana/ksk/

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

The US views India as a bulwark preventing China from spreading its influence in the Indo-Pacific region and wants to expand cooperation with India, but the US has also raised concerns about India's ties with Russia and alleged human rights abuses.

India has decided to continue with its defense dealings with Russia, including the purchase of the S-400 missile system and a joint deal for the production of AK-203 rifles, despite potential sanctions from the US.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
weapons supply
security & military

The India-Russia relationship is likely to continue to evolve in the coming years, with a focus on cooperation in defense, space, and energy, and India's dependence on Russia for military equipment is likely to remain a concern for both the US and Russia.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons supply
security & military
energy

India and Russia have set a bilateral investment target of $50 billion and a bilateral trade target of $30 billion by 2025, and have agreed to reduce non-tariff barriers, reduce trade imbalances in Russia's favor, improve connectivity, and increase trade in agricultural goods.

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'India great power and a time-tested friend', says Russia's Vladimir Putin

India, Russia hold 21st summit, and first 2+2 dialogue; sign 28 agreements

Topics
indian government | India-Russia ties | Narendra Modi

Ajai Shukla  |  New Delhi

Prime Minister Narendra Modi receives Russian President Vladimir Putin at Hyderabad House in New Delhi, on Monday (Photo: PTI)

New Delhi and Moscow on Monday issued to the world a high-visibility reminder about their “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership”, as Prime Minister and Russian President held the 21st India-Russia Summit, an annual ritual missed only in 2020 due to the pandemic.

Leading into the 21st summit meeting, India and Russia held their first-ever 2 + 2 Ministerial Dialogue, in which External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh together held strategic discussions with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu.

“We perceive India as a great power, a friendly nation and a time-tested friend. The relations between our countries are growing and I am looking into the future,” Putin said in his initial comments.

Putin also expressed concern over the developments in Afghanistan and said India and Russia will continue to coordinate on major challenges facing the region.

Modi said Putin’s second visit abroad during the Covid-19 pandemic reflected his personal commitment to the and that the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two sides was getting stronger. In the last few decades, the world witnessed many fundamental changes and different kinds of geopolitical equations and variables, but the friendship of India and Russia remained constant, Modi said. “Your visit to India is a reflection of your commitment to ties with India,” the PM said.

Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla said 28 agreements were concluded between India and Russia after Modi-Putin meet. After the 2+2 meeting, Jaishankar tweeted: “A productive exchange of perspectives on cross-cutting and inter-related issues. Will be reporting it to the Annual Summit later today.”

Earlier on Monday, there was a meeting of the apex body that governs defence relations between the two: The Indo-Russian Inter-Governmental Commission on Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-MTC), co-chaired by the two defence ministers, Singh and Shoigu.

India’s military uses Russian weaponry extensively, such as Sukhoi-30MKI fighter aircraft, T-90S tanks and BMP infantry combat vehicles, Talwar-class frigates, and Kilo-class submarines. The two sides have jointly produced the highly regarded BrahMos cruise missile system.

During the 17th annual summit, the two countries concluded deals on India’s procurement of five units of the S-400 air defence systems for an estimated ~37,000 crore, constructing Talwar-class frigates under Project 1135.6, and a shareholders’ agreement on a joint venture (JV) to manufacture Kamov-226T helicopters in India.

The S400 is regarded as the world’s premier long-range missile system, with the ability to shoot down enemy aircraft at ranges up to 400 kilometres. During the confrontation over the last two years between the Chinese and Indian armies in Ladakh, China deployed the S400 along the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

On March 3, 2019, in Amethi, Modi announced another JV —Indo-Russian Rifles — that would manufacture 750,000 AK-203 assault rifles in Korwa under the “Make in India” programme for an estimated $687 million. Russia is also competing for a ~40,000-crore deal for building six submarines in India under Project 75I, and a ~50,000-60,000 crore agreement to manufacture 114 fighter aircraft in India.

To ensure that Russian defence equipment was not hampered by any shortfall in maintenance or spare parts, the two sides agreed during the 20th Annual Summit in Vladivostok in September 2019 to cooperate in producing spare parts for Russian/Soviet military equipment.

The India-Russia defence partnership is being tested by Washington, especially through the piece of legislation the US Congress passed in 2017, titled CAATSA (Countering America’s Adversaries through Sanctions Act). This provides for US sanctions on countries that have significant defence or intelligence relations with Russia, Iran, or North Korea. India’s purchase of the S400 missile system is regarded as a potential trigger for Washington to impose sanctions.

While the US Congress has created a “CAATSA waiver” for close partners such as India, the US president is required to determine whether to exercise that waiver. So far, President Joe Biden has not stated a preference.

India, which faces a growing threat from China, is determined to buy the S400 from Russia. Asked whether New Delhi would bow to CAATSA pressure, India’s foreign ministry spokesperson said last week: “India and the US have a special global strategic partnership. And we also have a very special and privileged strategic partnership with Russia. And as you’re all aware, we pursue an independent foreign policy. This applies to our defence acquisitions, and supplies which are and will continue to be guided by our security interest.”

New Delhi and Moscow have identified trade and economic relations as a priority area. Modi and Putin have set a bilateral investment target of $50 billion and a bilateral trade target of $30 billion by 2025. (With inputs from PTI)

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First Published: Tue, December 07 2021. 01:24 IST
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The two countries aim to boost trade to $100 billion by 2030, and have agreed to cooperate on common concerns, including the development of the Russian Far East and the Eurasian space.

Title:

Content: 5 Jun, 2023 10:40

India won’t sacrifice interests under Western pressure – Russian ambassador

New Delhi is pursuing a balanced and independent foreign policy, Denis Alipov says

Efforts by the US and its allies to pressure India into joining their campaign against Russia have been in vain, Moscow’s ambassador to New Delhi, Denis Alipov, has said.

“The Western pressure on India continues. The policy in this regard is being openly formulated by the US – it’s about separating it [India] from Russia,” Alipov told the Izvestia newspaper in an interview published on Monday.

The Russian diplomat added that “maintaining friendly relations with our country is in the national interests of India. I believe that it won’t sacrifice them at somebody else’s whim.”

Amid Russia’s standoff with the West over Ukraine, New Delhi has been “pursuing a balanced policy, demonstrating independence in decision-making,” Alipov insisted. “The tactics of political pressure aren’t working with it.”

Since the outbreak of the conflict in Ukraine in February 2022, India has been reluctant to relent to demands by the US and EU to condemn Moscow or to join Western sanctions.

During a meeting with Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky at the G7 summit last month, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said that New Delhi would do “everything we can” to help resolve the crisis between Moscow and Kiev.

Meanwhile, India has boosted economic ties with Russia, with trade turnover standing at $39.8 billion last year, according to New Delhi. The two nations had previously aimed to cross the $30-billion mark by 2025.

Russia has become India’s largest supplier of oil, with deliveries increasing twelvefold in 2022 and reaching 24 million tons, Alipov pointed out. “It’s important that the sides are interested in long-term contracts and not only when it comes to oil,” he added.

Moscow and New Delhi are “creating and perfecting mechanisms that allow us to continue cooperating regardless of the unilateral anti-Russian sanctions,” he stated.

One such mechanism is switching to national currencies in bilateral trade, the ambassador explained, adding that India “obviously sees risks linked to foreign currencies.”

“I suppose we wouldn’t have given up on the dollar if we weren’t forced to do so. The de-dollarization trend is being set by the Americans themselves,” Alipov claimed.

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India and Russia have also agreed to develop the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), the Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor, and the Northern Sea Route (NSR), which will enhance trade and logistics cooperation between the two countries.

Title:

Content:
India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday. At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

The 22nd Russia-India Annual Summit will lead to a greater collaboration between the two countries in Russian Far East and the Eurasian space, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), according to experts.

The 81-paragraphbilateral Joint Statement underscored the "shared vision" to enhance transport and connectivity cooperation, as well as a "solid commitment" to enhance economic linkages in Russia's resource-rich Far East, Pravesh Kumar Gupta, an Associate Fellow at New Delhi-based think tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), told Sputnik India.

The 22nd Annual Summit, a "unique and pivotal event in the current global geopolitical context" according to Gupta, exposed the disappointment of Western countries.

"Amidst global turbulence, the summit served as a crucial platform for leaders to engage in constructive discussions and strategic dialogues, with the aim of bolstering cooperation in vital areas such as trade, energy, connectivity, defence, and technology. This event has been widely acknowledged as a significant milestone in the ongoing development of the close ties between India and Russia, a success that stood in stark contrast to the disappointment felt by the Western world," the Indian think-tanker asserted.

Lauding the Summit outcomes, Gupta remarked that the leaders would intensify effort to develop "promising production and marketing chains in Eurasia" and stick to the new plan for the Far East in providing enhanced cooperation in different sectors, including transport and connectivity.

Specifically both leaders shared a vision pointing to three projects – International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor as well as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), or the Polar Route.

"Most importantly, these connectivity projects are free from any political agenda, unlike the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as clearly mentioned in the joint statement. Their implementation will be based on the principles of transparency, broad participation, local priorities, financial sustainability, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations," the VIF pundit underlined.

Gupta expressed confidence that the proposal to establish a joint working group on developing the NSR would speed up the project, which promised "significant cost savings and reduced shipping times" for goods traveling between Europe and Asia.

"The route's increased accessibility due to melting Arctic ice has sparked increased interest in its potential for commercial shipping and trade, offering a bright future for global trade," Gupta stated.

In the context of the INSTC, the expert underscored that it could turn out to be the most "cost-effective and favourable" connectivity project to increase Indian exports to Eurasia and vice-versa. He explained that the 7,200-kilometre-long multimodal corridor was in line with Moscow's geo-economic focus on Asia-Pacific following the Ukraine conflict.

Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'

In terms of bolstering cooperation in Asia-Pacific, or near India's own neighbourhood, Modi and Putin shared approaches on building a "new architecture" of a 'Greater Eurasian space'.

Although, initially Russia was focused primarily on the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, the Ukrainian conflict completely changed the situation, Alexey Kupriyanov, an expert in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) at Moscow-based think tank IMEMO RAS told Sputnik India.

At the same time, the think-tanker highlighted that a growing trade turnover between Russia and India was pushing Moscow to return to the Indian Ocean Region, primarily to ensure the protecting of Russian vessels in areas not covered by Indian Navy's operations, which include the Red Sea and the Mediterranean region.

"In the long term, this means that Russian ships will soon operate more intensively in the Indian Ocean and expand their presence," Kupriyanov stressed.

It would bolster India's security efforts and help it manage the power competition between China and the US, even as Indian Navy has intensified inter-operability with western maritime forces in recent years, the expert asserted.

"Since India's focus is primarily on the eastern part of the region, Russian ships in the western part could help fill the vacuum of security there. This will reduce the need for East African countries to seek help from China and the US to combat pirates, smugglers and drug traffickers," Kupriyanov concluded.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The India-Russia relationship has been affected by the Ukraine war, with India maintaining a neutral stance and continuing to purchase Russian oil, despite Western sanctions.

Title:

Content: Homepage

Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad

  • In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia.
  • The move signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow, and shows the world India is pursuing its own agenda.
  • Modi is aiming to correct the trade imbalance and address China's Indo-Pacific activities.
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In a move likely to anger the US, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is visiting Russia on Monday for his first bilateral trip after winning a historic third term in office.

Modi's two-day visit to Russia — where he is scheduled to meet with President Vladimir Putin — is significant in that it signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow. It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

Vinay Kwatra, India's foreign secretary, told reporters in New Delhi that issues between Russia and India have "piled up" and "need to be addressed," per Bloomberg.

Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine. India is a major buyer of Russian oil. Russia is also India's biggest arms supplier.

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Kwatra underscored that the two countries' trade relationship has remained "resilient."

Still, Modi's trip will "rankle many Western observers," Ved Shinde, a researcher and contributor to Australia's Lowy Institute think tank, wrote in a note on Wednesday.

"Since the Ukraine war began, India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in the heart of Europe," Shinde added.

Modi's visit to Russia will make the US look bad

Just like Putin's visit to supply-chain hot spot Vietnam, India's engagement with Russia isn't a good look for the US, as it comes while Washington is isolating Putin's regime.

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The US has raised "some concerns" about India's relationship with Russia with New Delhi, Kurt Campbell, the US Deputy Secretary of State, said last month.

However, Washington acknowledges that India's ties with Russia are different from its ties with the US.

"We have many areas of alignment, but it is not surprising that there would be areas where we've had perhaps different perspectives, views, historical ties," Campbell said about America's relationship with India.

India, for its part, is looking to balance its relationship with the world's key powerbrokers — the US, Russia, and China.

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"There are different degrees in India's multi-alignment. Make no mistake — the United States and its allies are more consequential for India's future than its relationship with Russia," wrote Shinde.

India needs to leverage its historical ties with Russia to secure its economy and security, so Modi isn't just in Russia for a goodwill trip.

Reducing the trade imbalance

A key agenda item for the visit is to reduce a huge bilateral trade imbalance, said Kwatra.

India imports about $60 billion of goods a year from Russia, but Russia buys less than 10% of this amount from India, per Bloomberg.

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Modi may also touch on China's activities in the Indo-Pacific region, said Kwatra.

India is trying to manage its relationship with China, which has been testy since a border dispute in 2020. Modi skipped the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kazakhstan last week.

There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

At the summit last week, Putin said Russia's relationship with China is in the "best period in history."

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Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

"The reason for the time-tested stability in India-Russia ties is to maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland. That is, to balance China," wrote Shinde.

"Or to put it another way, don't go around making new adversaries when there are already two open fronts — China and Pakistan," Shinde added.

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Russia has become India's largest supplier of oil, with deliveries increasing twelvefold in 2022 to 24 million tons, and the trade relationship between the two countries has grown since the start of the Ukraine war.

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The US has raised concerns about India's relationship with Russia, and India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in Europe.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

However, India sees its relationship with Russia as a way to balance China's influence in the region and maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland.

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The India-Russia relationship is expected to continue to play a critical role in shaping regional security, defense cooperation, and global power dynamics, especially amidst shifting alliances and growing tensions between major powers.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The Indian government has given a green signal for mutual settlements with Russia in rupees and rubles, and the Reserve Bank of India will follow the government's decisions.

Title:

Content: Russia and India are working to launch a mechanism for trade in national currencies
Money and Business
Photo from the archive - Indian banknotes
Copy Link https: / / en.rt.com / spqb
The Russian and Indian central banks are working to establish a regulatory framework and a mechanism for mutual settlements in national currencies in light of the Western sanctions imposed on Russia.
The Economic Times on Wednesday quoted sources as saying: “In principle, the government of India has given a green signal for mutual settlements with Russia in rupees and rubles, so a legal framework is being put in place for this move. ”
According to the newspaper, a group of specialists from the Central Bank of Russia will visit India this week to discuss the establishment of the basis of payment and settlement methods between the two countries against the background of sanctions against Russia.
Specialists from the Russian and Indian banks will also discuss the development of a special mechanism to facilitate India ’ s purchases of Russian oil, and the Russian and Indian ministries of foreign affairs and trade will outline mutual settlements in bilateral trade under Western sanctions against Russian banks.
Source: TASS
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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

rupee-ruble payments were introduced to avoid western sanctions on Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India and Russia are working on a rupee-rouble payment mechanism to bypass Western sanctions, which will use Russia's messaging system, SPFS, as an alternative to SWIFT.

Title:

Content: Policy

India, Russia to find way around `artificial impediments’ created by West, says Lavrov

Amiti Sen | Updated on: Apr 01, 2022

Jaishankar said India favoured resolving differences and disputes through dialogue and diplomacy

India and Russia would find a way to bypass the ‘artificial impediments’ created by the West in the payment system, the Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said here on Friday after meeting his Indian counterpart S Jaishankar in New Delhi. The Indian Foreign Minister, however, maintained a more discreet stance on the issue, only venturing to say that “contemporary issues and concerns” were to be discussed.

During a visit keenly watched by the West from where pressure has been borne on several fronts to keep India from sealing trade deals, especially on oil with Russia, Lavrov also met with the Prime Minister Narendra Modi following his discussions with Jaishankar. He said that he had to convey a “message personally” from the President Vladimir Putin to the Prime Minister Narendra Modi. He said that Russia was open to India mediating in the Ukraine crisis. “

Russia, according to some reports, is offering oil to India at a deep discount of up to $35 per barrel. Source said that Russia is rumoured to have offered rupee-rouble-denominated payments to India using Russia’s messaging system, SPFS (an alternative to SWIFT).

Following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on February 24, seven Russian banks were banned from using the SWIFT messaging system that effectively stopped them from participating in international trade.

Alternative payment mechanism

While the Indian side was reticent, the Russians were more than forthcoming in talking about the future trading arrangement. Addressing a press conference after meeting Jaishankar, the Russian Foreign Minister said the use of national currencies in trade is being facilitated and the dollar will be bypassed.

“As regards use of rupee and rouble in our trade deals, I would recall that many years ago we started moving in our relationship with countries such as India and China, from using the US dollar to the more and more use of national currencies. This trend will be intensified which is natural and obvious. We will be ready to supply to India any goods which India wants to buy,” Lavrov said.

Lavrov pointed out that that very good relations existed between trade ministries and finance ministries of both countries. “I have no doubt that a way will be out to bypass the artificial impediments which the West created. We have no doubt a solution would be found and the respective ministries are working on it,” he said answering a question on an alternative payment mechanism.

Justifying the proposal to move to using national currencies, Lavorov said that it was necessary because of the “absolutely unreliable nature’’ of our Western counterparts. “We don’t want to depend on a system which could be closed anytime. We don’t want to depend on system whose masters can steal our money overnight,” he said.

Jaishankar, however, was more reserved in airing his views and steered clear from commenting on critical issues, including evolving an alternative payment mechanism for defence and oil purchases by India. In his opening remarks, he said that the two would be discussing ”contemporary issues and concerns’’. “Our meeting today takes place in a difficult international environment quite apart from the pandemic. India, as you are aware, has always been in favour of resolving differences and disputes through dialogue and diplomacy,” the Minister said.

US Deputy National Security Adviser Daleep Singh, who met Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla on Thursday, had said that there could be consequences if some country tried to circumvent Western sanctions against Russia.

While India has not declared its intent on whether it is interested in buying Russian oil, the top officials have been arguing that since India was a major importer of oil and gas, it had the right to go for the best global offers in the international market. Since European countries themselves had not stopped sourcing oil and gas from Russia, the Western nations could not insist India not to take a decision based on its economic interests.

Lavrov praised India’s stand on the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war and said Russia “appreciated” that New Delhi was taking the situation in the entirety of facts and not just one-sided way. While India has condemned the use of violence in Ukraine, it abstained from voting at the UN Security Council and UN Human Rights Commission on motions against Russia.

Published on April 01, 2022
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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

rupee-ruble payments were introduced to avoid western sanctions on Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The implementation of the rupee-rouble payment mechanism is expected to impact bilateral trade between India and Russia, and will facilitate trade and get around Western sanctions on Russian banks.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

rupee-ruble payments were introduced to avoid western sanctions on Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) is a maritime and rail logistics corridor aimed at ensuring better connections between Indian and Western markets, and is seen as a potential counter to China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

Title:

Content: Cabinet greenlights framework agreement for India-UAE Economic Corridor

The agreement, which emerged during a high-level visit, focuses on cooperation for the empowerment and operation of the India-Middle East Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC)

Bolstering bilateral relations and strengthening economic ties, the Union Cabinet under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi has given its ex-post facto approval to the Inter-Governmental Framework Agreement (IGFA) signed between India and the United Arab Emirates (UAE) on February 13, 2024.

The agreement, which emerged during a high-level visit, focuses on cooperation for the empowerment and operation of the India-Middle East Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC).

The primary objective of the IGFA is to enhance collaboration between India and the UAE in the fields of ports, maritime, and logistics. It lays down a comprehensive framework for cooperation, emphasizing joint investment opportunities and collaborative efforts in the development of the IMEC.

The IMEC project, conceived during the G20 Summit in New Delhi, holds immense geopolitical and economic significance for India.

It is part of the broader Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment (PGII), aimed at meeting the infrastructure needs of low and middle-income countries through transparent and high-impact initiatives.

Encompassing rail, road, and sea routes, the IMEC will consist of two main corridors: the East Corridor connecting India to the Arabian Gulf, and the Northern Corridor linking the Gulf to Europe. Additionally, the corridor will include essential infrastructure such as an electricity cable, a hydrogen pipeline, and a high-speed data cable.

Key ports involved in the project include Mundra, Kandla, and Jawaharlal Nehru Port Trust in India, along with ports in Fujairah, Jebel Ali, and Abu Dhabi in the UAE, and Dammam and Ras Al Khair ports in Saudi Arabia.

The IMEC aims to streamline transportation, reduce costs, enhance economic unity, generate employment, and mitigate greenhouse gas emissions.

Seen as a potential counter to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the IMEC holds strategic importance in deepening India’s engagement with the Arabian peninsula.

By fostering connectivity and strengthening political and strategic ties with regional nations, the corridor presents India with transformative opportunities to boost economic growth and trade connectivity with key regions.

(greaterkashmir.com)

IMEC is expected to enable the transportation of goods and services from India to the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Israel, and Europe, and back, increasing trade between India and Europe by 40%.

The corridor presents India with transformative opportunities to boost economic growth and trade connectivity with key regions, and is expected to create more jobs, reduce travel times, and increase transportation potential.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

However, the realization of IMEC hinges on factors such as political stability, regional cooperation, financial viability, and technological advancements, and the project confronts economic risks, including potential disruptions to global trade, energy price fluctuations, and evolving technology impacting infrastructure demand.

Title:

Content: Wednesday, 13 September, 2023, 9:41 AM
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Home Op-Ed

Is IMEC a game changing initiative?

Published : Wednesday, 13 September, 2023 at 12:00 AM  Count : 137
Rajeev Ahmed

The emergence of the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) marks a momentous shift in the global economic landscape. IMEC's primary objective is to amplify connectivity and foster economic integration among Asia, the Middle East, and Europe, effectively forging a new axis of trade and collaboration.

From a geopolitical standpoint, IMEC can be viewed as a strategic response to China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a program that has extended China's influence across Asia, Africa, and Europe. By cultivating stronger bonds between these three important geopolitical zones, IMEC has the potential to offer an alternative pathway for nations seeking to diversify their economic ties and reduce dependency on China.

The formal announcement of IMEC during the 2023 G20 New Delhi summit, endorsed by major global players including India, the United States, the UAE, Saudi Arabia, France, Germany, Italy, and the European Union, signifies a collective endeavor to reshape the dynamics of global trade. This collaborative effort not only underscores their mutual economic interests but also mirrors their shared strategic objectives on the global stage.

In line with their shared objectives, IMEC strives to invigorate economic development by bolstering connectivity, thereby unlocking sustainable and inclusive economic growth that benefits the nations along the corridor.

IMEC's stakeholders emphasize that their vision to establish railway and sea connectivity between Europe, the Middle East, and Asia transcends trade facilitation. They also intend to use the corridor as a means to promote cultural exchange and mutual understanding across diverse regions. They assert their ambition that the enhanced connectivity driven by IMEC could contribute to a more cohesive global economy, potentially mitigating regional disparities and fostering worldwide prosperity.
The initiative's comprehensive approach encompasses connecting key commercial hubs, supporting the development and export of clean energy, expanding energy grids and telecommunication networks, promoting clean energy technologies, and enhancing Internet access for communities. This multifaceted strategy theoretically has the potential to stimulate economic activity, drive sustainable development, and enhance the overall quality of life for the people living in these regions.

However, it's imperative to acknowledge that the realization of such an ambitious initiative hinge on a multitude of factors, including political stability, regional cooperation, financial viability, and technological advancements. Therefore, while IMEC holds immense promise, its successful implementation necessitates meticulous planning, robust governance mechanisms, and unwavering commitment from all participating countries.

The emergence of the IMEC is widely perceived as a direct challenge to China's ambitious BRI, a project aimed at establishing extensive trade and infrastructure networks connecting Asia, Europe, and Africa. Notably, the BRI has been grappling with several challenges, most notably concerns related to the sustainability of debt incurred. Recent data shows that the value of new foreign contracted projects under the BRI has plateaued since reaching its zenith in 2019.

From a geopolitical standpoint, IMEC could potentially serve as an alternative option for nations cautious about over-dependence on China. This would be contingent on IMEC's ability to present a more sustainable and transparent model for infrastructure development, effectively addressing some of the criticisms directed at the BRI.

Moreover, Italy's participation in the G20 summit and its apparent inclination to distance itself from the BRI, despite being the first G7 country to join in 2019, signals a potential shift in global alliances. Such a shift carries profound implications for the future landscape of global trade and geopolitics.

Additionally, the unveiling of the IMEC coincides with a domestic real estate debt crisis in China. This crisis could potentially impact China's capacity to finance and support ongoing BRI projects. Consequently, this confluence of factors may further enhance the allure of IMEC as a credible alternative on the international stage.

Political stability plays a pivotal role in the successful execution of the IMEC project. This is because any political instability can trigger policy alterations, disrupt cooperation, and even lead to conflicts, all of which can impede the advancement of such an extensive initiative.

For instance, let's examine the situation in the Middle East, historically marked by political instability owing to factors like territorial disputes, sectarian tensions, and power struggles. These issues, if exacerbated, could potentially disrupt the IMEC project. Likewise, in Europe, political shifts such as Brexit have demonstrated how changes in political alliances can affect regional cooperation and economic policies. If similar political transitions happen in the future, they might impact the IMEC's execution and success.

The IMEC passes through regions characterized by intricate geopolitical dynamics, which could potentially result in regional confrontations. The ongoing India-Pakistan conflict over Kashmir presents a challenge, as any escalation in tensions could hinder project progress. Moreover, the Middle East, rife with geopolitical tensions, including territorial disputes and sectarian conflicts, poses another risk. The involvement of the United States in IMEC, seen as a counter to China's BRI, might escalate tensions between the US and China, thereby affecting global geopolitics. Simultaneously, the Ukraine conflict could disrupt trade routes, especially if it leads to heightened tensions or conflicts in Europe and beyond, impacting the movement of goods and potentially increasing the project's costs due to global economic impacts.

Given IMEC's immense scale and funding requirements, ensuring financial viability is paramount for its success. However, the sources of funding remain unclear, despite a memorandum of understanding committing participating countries to expedite project elements. Additionally, financial sustainability depends on generating returns on investment through transit fees, trade, and other economic activities catalyzed by the corridor. Yet, these projected revenues hinge on uncertain assumptions about future trade volumes and economic conditions.

The IMEC also confronts economic risks, including potential disruptions to global trade (due to geopolitical tensions or economic crises), energy price fluctuations, and evolving technology impacting infrastructure demand. Furthermore, large-scale infrastructure projects often entail government borrowing, raising concerns about debt sustainability, particularly for nations with existing high debt levels.
IMEC integrates several technological advancements for successful implementation, such as advanced railway and maritime technologies, clean energy development, and digital infrastructure expansion. However, these advancements bring challenges, including ensuring technological compatibility among different countries, managing technological risks, and addressing technology transfer and intellectual property rights.

Environmental impacts pose another critical consideration. The construction and operation of railways, ports, energy grids, and telecommunication lines can lead to habitat destruction, soil erosion, and pollution, impacting local ecosystems and biodiversity. Increased shipping activity might result in marine pollution and disturbance of marine ecosystems. Unsustainable energy production and transmission could contribute to air pollution and climate change. Additionally, the project's infrastructure could be vulnerable to climate change effects like sea-level rise and extreme weather events, posing long-term viability challenges. The project's resource-intensive nature might also lead to resource depletion and increased waste without sustainable management.

Ensuring the security of IMEC is a significant challenge due to its vast geographical span and the involvement of multiple countries. The corridor passes through regions with complex geopolitical dynamics, making it susceptible to various security risks, including terrorism, cyberattacks, piracy, smuggling, and human trafficking. Effectively addressing these security concerns necessitates robust security measures and effective cooperation among participating countries.

IMEC stands as a monumental milestone in the evolution of global geopolitics. Its significance goes beyond merely presenting a challenge to China's BRI; rather, it ushers in a fresh era of connectivity that intimately links Asia, the Middle East, and Europe.

IMEC's profound implications extend to its capacity to entice further participation from various Asian nations. This expansion promises to catalyze vital sectors such as manufacturing, food security, and supply chains within the corridor's expansive sphere of influence. In doing so, IMEC holds the potential to become a pivotal force in the reshaping of global trade dynamics, positioning itself as a beacon for transformative change in the years ahead.

The writer is a Geopolitical Analyst, Strategic Thinker and Editor at geopolits.com

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons supply
security & military
energy

The relationship between India and Russia is built on mutual respect and not subject to political fluctuations, and India has withstood pressure to alter its relationship with Russia, making its own evaluation of the importance of this relationship.

Title:

Content: All news

India’s top diplomat highlights 'steady' relations between New Delhi, Moscow

Subrahmanyam Jaishankar addressed the event that discussed the results of the foreign policy course Narendra Modi’s government has pursued in the past nine years

NEW DELHI, June 29. /TASS/. Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar explained the status of his country’s relations with Russia as he said those were unique and steady, despite the global turbulence and the pressure that is being exerted on New Delhi.

"This relationship with Russia has kept steady despite all the turbulence in the world. It is, actually, for us a very unique relationship - I think, in some ways, for the Russians, also. In this period, for all the pressures on us, I think we made our own evaluation of the importance of this relationship. <…> Sometimes, this relationship is dumbed down to things like `oh, we are dependent on them for arms’. I think it’s far more complex," ANI quoted Jaishankar as saying during a roundtable in New Delhi on Wednesday.

He pointed to a "geopolitical logic" for what New Delhi has been doing with Russia. "Today, many things which we were working on even prior to 2022, which is how to expand our economic cooperation, those have born fruition. So, we actually have an upswing in the economic part of the relationship with Russia, even as you have very steady politics, and continuing security cooperation," the Indian foreign minister said.

India's top diplomat addressed the event that discussed the results of the foreign policy course Narendra Modi’s government has pursued in the past nine years. Commenting on India’s relations with the United States, Jaishankar said they were "exceptionally good" and expressed the hope that the two countries would conclude the Free Trade agreement.

He also noted growing interaction with Europe in the past nine years and said that India was passing through a "difficult phase" with China amid what he called an abnormal situation on the border with its neighbor.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India's relations with the United States have drawn closer in recent years, with the US seen as a key force in the fight against China, and the Quad Security Dialogue (Quad) has been established by the United States with India, Japan, and Australia to counter China's rise.

Title:

Content: Russia / India / Politics / Military
Modi Meets Putin, Putin Praises India as ‘ Strong and Reliable Ally ’
Putin, who is visiting India, praised India as a "strong and reliable ally" of Moscow. Putin's visit focused on "energy" and "defense". The foreign ministers and defense ministers of the two sides held their first 2 + 2 meeting and signed a number of military cooperation agreements.
In a joint statement, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation and achieve the goal of reaching US $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025.
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Indian diplomats said on Monday that Russia had begun supplying India with S-400 long-range air defense systems.
During Putin ’ s meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the two sides also signed a 10-year military cooperation agreement and an oil cooperation agreement.
In a joint statement issued after the meeting, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation, including joint research and development and production of military equipment. They also stressed the need to achieve the goal of 30 billion US dollars in bilateral trade by 2025, and strengthen cooperation in energy and satellite navigation.
Speaking to the media before his meeting with Modi, Putin said: "We consider India to be a big country, a friendly country and a security ally."
Putin ’ s trip to India is aimed at strengthening ties with India ’ s traditional allies, which are being eroded by the United States.
To counter China ’ s rise, the United States has established the Quad Security Dialogue (Quad) with India, Japan and Australia, drawing attention from Beijing and Moscow.
During the Cold War, India had close relations with the Soviet Union, a relationship that continues to this day, described by New Delhi as a “special and privileged strategic partnership. ”
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi met with visiting Russian President Vladimir Putin on Monday to discuss defense and trade relations between the two countries to strike a balance with the United States.
"Over the past few decades, there have been many fundamental changes in the world, as well as various geopolitical elements, but India's friendship with Russia has always been the same," Modi said before the meeting with Putin.
India ’ s foreign ministry said the annual bilateral summit covered political and defence issues.
The two leaders also discussed the takeover of the Afghan regime by the Taliban earlier this year, which has led to a humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan.
India and Russia have long had close ties, and both sides have set a goal of reaching US $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025.
But recently, India and the United States have drawn closer, seeing the United States as a key force in the fight against China.
India, while strengthening its military ties with the United States, is also trying to manage its defense relations with Russia.
India, a major arms importer, relied heavily on the former Soviet Union for its military supplies during the Cold War, and now buys weapons from the United States in a decentralized manner.
Under former US President Donald Trump, India signed more than US $3 billion in arms purchase contracts with the United States, and the two countries ’ armaments trade has increased from zero in 2008 to US $15 billion in 2019.
On the other hand, India ’ s purchase of the Russian-made S-400 missile system to counter China has become a major problem in relations with the United States.
This sophisticated anti-aircraft missile defense system, once available, is expected to give India the strategic deterrent power against China and Pakistan.
However, the United States has asked partners not to purchase Russian-made military equipment, or it may impose sanctions.
In addition, India and Russia held their first 2 + 2 meeting in New Delhi on Monday, where they signed a number of cooperation agreements on "military and small arms".
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu arrived in New Delhi on Monday night and held a 2 + 2 meeting with Indian Foreign Minister Igor Sujason and Defense Minister Manmohan Singh.
The Ministerial 2 + 2 meeting was the first between India and Russia.
Singh tweeted after the meeting that discussions on defence cooperation between the two sides had been fruitful and that India valued the "special strategic partnership" with Russia.
He added that the two sides had signed several agreements, contracts and protocols on small arms and military cooperation.
However, Singh and India ’ s Ministry of Defence have yet to release a formal statement or press release disclosing details of the various agreements signed with Russia.
Indian media reported that one of the major agreements was the technology transfer and local production of the Russian-made AK-203 assault rifle.
Under the agreement, India will produce more than 600,000 AK-203 assault rifles in India over the next 10 years through an Indo-Russian joint venture.
Another deal is to extend the 10-year India-Russia military-technical cooperation agreement until 2031.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

The India-Russia military-technical cooperation agreement has been extended until 2031, and the two countries have signed 28 MoUs, including a program of cooperation in the field of defense for the next 10 years (2021-2031).

Title:

Content: S-400 is a legacy contract, supply of this defence system will continue: Foreign secy Shringla

Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla on Monday said S-400 is a legacy contract and the supply of the defence system has begun this month and would continue.

ANI | New Delhi | Updated: 06-12-2021 22:58 IST | Created: 06-12-2021 22:58 IST
  • Country:
  • India

Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla on Monday said S-400 is a legacy contract and the supply of the defence system has begun this month and would continue. During a special Ministry of External Affairs briefing today, the Foreign Secretary said: "There was a sense that S-400, which you all are aware, is a legacy contract, going back to 2018 and was in fact discussed before that. Supply has begun this month and will continue to happen."

Addressing issues relating to other countries including the United States, Shringla noted that India and Russia conduct an independent foreign policy. "With all issues relating to other countries, it is important to note that whether it is us (India) or Russia, we conduct an independent foreign policy and I don't think we need to look at our relationship in the light of any other relationship," the Foreign Secretary said.

Referring to Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA), Shringla said that "I don't think this issue came up at all" during the talks with the Russian delegation. Shringla held a special briefing after the annual summit meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the visiting Russian President Vladimir Putin. Both countries have signed 28 MoUs along with a programme of cooperation in the field of defence for the next 10 years from 2021 to 2031.

Meanwhile, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov today said that the United States undermined the India-Russia deal on S-400 defence system. He added that the US tried to make India "obey its orders" but New Delhi told them it's a decision of a sovereign country to bolster its defence system. "We witnessed at times on part of the United States to undermine this cooperation and to make India obey US orders to follow American vision to how this region should develop, and our Indian friends clearly and firmly explained that they are a sovereign country and they will decide whose weapons to buy and who is going to be a partner of India in this and other areas," Lavrov told ANI.

The S-400 air defence system was contracted for by India in a deal worth around Rs 35,000 crore and five squadrons would be provided to India for tackling air threats from up to 400 km. Washington had indicated that the Russian S-400 systems may trigger CAATSA sanctions. The CAATSA is a United States federal law that imposed sanctions on Iran, North Korea, and Russia. Countering America's Adversaries Through Sanctions Act CAATSA authorises the US administration to impose sanctions on countries that purchase major defence hardware from Russia in response to Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014 and its alleged meddling in the 2016 US presidential elections. (ANI)

(This story has not been edited by Devdiscourse staff and is auto-generated from a syndicated feed.)

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India has reduced its defense procurement from Russia from over 65% to nearly 49% in the last decade and has increased procurement from the US, Israel, and France.

How has Russia/ India arms trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

The Sino-Russian embrace is largely due to economic compulsions and a common adversary in the US, rather than a strategic partnership, and Russia has not made any commitment to back China's misadventures in the South China Sea or the Himalayas.

India remains heavily dependent on Russian technology, maintenance, procurement of hardware, and spares despite efforts for Atmanirbhar Bharat in defense manufacturing, and Russia has been collaborating with India in its indigenous manufacturing programs and has been amenable to transfer of technology.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
weapons supply
security & military

The US may be amenable to a waiver on CAATSA for the S-400 deal in view of the common China challenge, but further deals may create new friction points in strengthening Indo-US relations.

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?