The Turkish government's decision to convert Hagia Sophia back into a mosque in 2020 has been met with widespread international criticism and controversy, with many regarding it as a challenge to global trusteeship by President Erdogan.

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque has been criticized by the Greek Orthodox Church, which views it as an 'ill-advised decision' that undermines Turkey's commitment to religious tolerance and freedom.

Many observers believe that President Erdogan is erasing part of the country's multiculturalism to shore up the ranks of his Islamo-nationalist base.

The decision to convert Hagia Sophia into a mosque may be attributed to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's efforts to appeal to religio-nationalism and revive his electoral popularity.

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque has been seen as a symbol of the erosion of Turkey's secular identity and the increasing influence of Islamic nationalism, with many worrying about the potential long-term consequences for the country's democratic values.

The Turkish government's actions, including the conversion of Hagia Sophia, have been seen as favoring Islam over other religions, leading to restrictions on the rights and freedoms of religious minorities, including Christians, Jews, and others.

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque has limited the access of Orthodox Christians to their holy sites, with many feeling that their religious freedom is being eroded.

The Turkish government's decision to convert Hagia Sophia into a mosque has been criticized by Greece, the US State Department, and Orthodox Christian institutions worldwide, who have expressed concerns about the preservation of cultural and religious heritage.

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque has been seen as a political move by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to appeal to religio-nationalism and revive his electoral popularity.

The Turkish government's actions have been seen as a sign of contempt for Turkey's rich Orthodox Christian heritage and a further imperilment of the religious freedom of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the remaining Christians in the country.

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque has raised concerns about the safety of the monument due to the large number of visitors it receives, with many warning that the monument could collapse if not restored.

The Turkish government has decided to start long-term maintenance of Hagia Sophia, including extensive restoration work in various sections of the monument, in an effort to preserve the historical significance of the site.

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque has been criticized by some, including the Turkish Art History Association, which has argued that the monument should be restored as soon as possible to prevent collapse.

The potential conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque could have implications for the rights and freedoms of religious minorities in Turkey and the country's secular identity, with many worrying about the potential long-term consequences.

The Turkish President, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, compared the transformation of Hagia Sophia into a mosque with the fall of Constantinople in 1453, highlighting the significance of the event for the Turkish people.

The Turkish authorities are using the Islamization of Turkey, including the conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque, to distract citizens from economic problems, which has been a major challenge for the country in recent years.

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque has been seen as a symbol of the Islamization of Turkey, which may have implications for the country's secular identity and the rights of religious minorities.

The decision to convert Hagia Sophia into a mosque has been a point of contention in Turkey's international relations, with some countries viewing it as a provocative move.

The Turkish government's actions regarding the Hagia Sophia may be seen as an assertion of its independence and a rejection of international criticism, which could have implications for its relationships with other countries.

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque was a decision made by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, which was aimed at the Islamic resurgence in Turkey and drew support from anti-Kemalist voters.

Turkey's diplomatic relations with countries such as Greece and the United States may be affected by the conversion of Hagia Sophia, as these countries have expressed criticism of the decision.

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque may influence Turkey's position within international organizations, such as UNESCO, which has expressed criticism of the decision.

The Turkish government has converted a second ancient Byzantine church, Chora Church, into a mosque, following the conversion of Hagia Sophia in 2020.

The conversion of Chora Church has been criticized by the Greek Orthodox Church, which views it as an 'ill-advised decision' that 'makes a mockery of the Turkish government's commitment to religious tolerance and religious freedom'.

The conversion of Hagia Sophia and Chora Church has been seen as a prioritization of the Islamic past over other layers of history, including Greek Orthodox, Armenian, Jewish, and Syriac.

The Turkish government has reimposed an entrance fee on tourists visiting Hagia Sophia and has restricted their access to the upper level, while the main floor is exclusive to Muslim worshippers.

The Turkish Directorate of Religion's caretaking of Hagia Sophia has been criticized, with observers noting damage that did not exist when it was under the purview of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism.

The Turkish government's decision to convert Hagia Sophia back into a mosque in 2020 has been met with widespread international criticism and controversy, with many regarding it as a challenge to global trusteeship by President Erdogan.

Title:

Content: She returned Hagia Sophia to a mosque.
Turkey has challenged global trusteeship
Daily Morning
Istanbul, Turkey
Posted at 29.10.2022 10: 23
Hagia Sophia Mosque (Getty Images)
President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said Friday that the fact that Turkey has returned the Hagia Sophia museum from a museum to a mosque represents a major challenge to the global trusteeship.
Speaking at a ceremony announcing the vision of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) “Turkey ’ s Century ” in Ankara, Erdogan said his country was challenging global tutelage and thanked citizens for their support for the decision to return Hagia Sophia.
He noted that his party has always sought to eliminate any vestiges of guardianship and promote democracy in the country over the past 20 years.
Turkey has lived through a remarkable period in its history in general and the history of Istanbul, especially when Hagia Sophia was transformed from its status as a museum and restored to its former glory as the Grand Mosque of Hagia Sophia on July 24, 2020.
The historic building remained a church for 916 years until the conquest of Istanbul.
It was then used as a mosque between 1453 and 1934, nearly 500 years before becoming a museum for 86 years.
It is one of the most visited historical buildings in Turkey by domestic and international tourists, and Hagia Sophia was added to the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1985.
On July 10, 2020, a Turkish court overturned a 1934 ministerial decision that turned Hagia Sophia into a museum, paving the way for it to be used again as a mosque after an 86-year hiatus.

How did Muslims and Orthodox Christians react to the reconversion?

Who was angered by the reconversion of Hagia Sophia in July 2020?

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque has been criticized by the Greek Orthodox Church, which views it as an 'ill-advised decision' that undermines Turkey's commitment to religious tolerance and freedom.

Title:

Content: After Hagia Sophia, Turkey converts a second ancient Byzantine church into a mosque

Hundreds of worshippers filled the narrow streets of Istanbul's Fatih district on Friday to hear the sounds of Friday prayers ringing out from the newly inaugurated Kariye Mosque.

Once known as the Chora Church, the site spent the last 79 years as a museum. But it is now the latest structure to be converted back into a mosque by the government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, following the conversion of Hagia Sophia in 2020. While viewed as a triumph by many Turkish Muslims, the Greek Orthodox Church has decried it as an "ill-advised decision" that "makes a mockery of the Turkish government's commitment to religious tolerance and religious freedom."

Chora's conversion was announced shortly after Hagia Sophia's, but its opening for prayer was delayed by years of restoration work.

The showing for the first Friday prayers at Kariye was relatively quiet compared to Hagia Sophia, which drew hundreds of thousands who filled the streets with prayer rugs for blocks and blocks away from the building. By contrast, the crowd on Friday was relatively average for a mosque in one of Istanbul's more religiously conservative neighborhoods, where Friday worshippers frequently spill out onto the streets.

Both the Chora Church and Hagia Sophia are 4th-century Byzantine constructions. They spent nearly a millennium as Christian holy sites before being converted to mosques by the Ottomans after their conquest of Constantinople in the 15th century. Despite their conversions, they remained revered by Orthodox Christians. After the founding of a secular Turkish Republic in the early 20th century, the decision was made for both to be neither mosque nor church but simply museums.

"Both Hagia Sophia and Chora embodied Byzantine and Ottoman pasts, and they became symbols of co-existence and multi-faith living practices. Their conversion fundamentally implies a hierarchy, prioritizing the Islamic past over all other layers, Greek Orthodox, Armenian, Jewish, Syriac, et al," Dr. Özgür Kaymak, a lecturer and researcher on minority rights at Istanbul's MEF University, told Religion News Service in an email.

Rededicating the sites as mosques is more than just a status change. According to Islamic tradition, artwork of human figures are forbidden in places of prayer, while in Orthodox Churches, icons of Christ, saints and other biblical figures are a defining feature.

In Hagia Sophia, the mosaics of Jesus and Mary have been covered with curtains since the conversion. While Erdoğan promised Hagia Sophia would remain fully accessible and free to all visitors, Turkey reneged on that earlier this year, reimposing an entrance fee on tourists and relegating them to the upper level, while the main floor is exclusive to Muslim worshippers.

Observers have also criticized the Turkish Directorate of Religion's caretaking of the site, noting damage that did not exist when it was under the purview of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism.

Though Chora is significantly smaller than Hagia Sophia, it is home to some of the best-preserved examples of late-Byzantine art, including mosaics, icons and frescoes, and is considered a UNESCO World Heritage site.

"For us it's a very important place because it remembers our culture and our traditions here," Father Evangelos Markantonis, an Orthodox priest who was leading a group of theology students to Chora on Friday, told Religion News Service.

"Though we cannot venerate as Orthodox Christians, we have to try to find things we can be united on. Only with dialogue and good deeds can we continue our lives," Markantonis, who is also a professor at the University of Athens, said when asked about the controversy.

Erdoğan had long refused calls from his right to convert churches like Hagia Sophia and Chora, telling supporters in 2018 to fill the nearby Sultan Ahmet Mosque (also known in English as the Blue Mosque) before they talked about needing to pray in Hagia Sophia.

Nonetheless, he made an about-turn in 2020.

"My dear nation, the conquest of Istanbul and the conversion of the Hagia Sophia into a Mosque are among the most glorious chapters in Turkish history," Erdoğan said at the time in a speech inaugurating the Hagia Sophia as a mosque.

"This is the most honorable day that Islam has been looking forward to, Greek Constantinople has become Turkish Istanbul," he added, quoting the Turkish poet Nazim Hikmet.

"The resurrection of Hagia Sophia heralds the liberation of the al-Aqsa Mosque. The resurrection of Hagia Sophia is the footsteps of the will of Muslims across the world to come out of the interregnum," Erdoğan said in his concluding remarks.

Chora's opening as the Kariye Mosque comes just weeks after Erdoğan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) suffered its largest electoral defeat in two decades during Turkey's nationwide municipal elections.

"The recent conversion of Chora into a mosque may be due to Erdoğan's many problems, including his geopolitical power politics, his appeal to religio-nationalism to revive his electoral popularity after the March elections or his tactic to divert attention from Turkey's economic downturn," Kaymak said.

Many analysts have attributed the loss to AKP bleeding votes to the more Islamist-leaning New Welfare Party, which has pressured Erdogan over his response to the Israel-Hamas war and humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip.

Muslim worshippers at the mosque on Friday said they viewed its rededication as an Islamic site to be a national win for Turkey.

"This mosque is one of the symbols of the Conquest. We are proud and happy. There are very beautiful frescoes inside. They were also nicely renovated before they were closed. May it be good for our country and our nation," a bystander, Ahmet Öteyüzoğlu, told Turkish media.

"Thank God for these days. Not everyone has the opportunity in their lifetime," another bystander named Mehmet Çelik told the Turkish news service Anadolu Agency, in reference to having been able to pray at both the rededicated Hagia Sophia and Kariye Mosques.

However, Greece, the U.S. State Department and Orthodox Christian institutions worldwide have all criticized the decision to revert the structure into a mosque.

"I want to publicly express my intense dissatisfaction, interpreting the feelings of all Greek women and men, for the completely unnecessary conversion of a historic Byzantine temple, the Monastery of Chora, into a mosque. It is, I believe, an action that offends the rich history of Istanbul itself as a crossroads of cultures," Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis said shortly before leaving for Turkey for a planned meeting with Erdogan.

"We encourage the Turkish government to preserve and ensure access to sites and buildings that have hosted different religious communities in a way that respects their diverse histories," a State Department spokesperson said in response to questions from Greek media.

"The Turkish government's appropriation of both as the property of one faith group not only constitutes yet another sign of that government's contempt for Turkey's rich Orthodox Christian heritage but further imperils the religious freedom of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the remaining Christians of that land," the Archons of the Ecumenical Patriarchate said in a statement.

© Religion News Service

How did Muslims and Orthodox Christians react to the reconversion?

Who was angered by the reconversion of Hagia Sophia in July 2020?

Many observers believe that President Erdogan is erasing part of the country's multiculturalism to shore up the ranks of his Islamo-nationalist base.

Title:

Content: >
December 9, 2021

Christian leaders look forward to Turkey's new law on religious foundations

This is an issue of vital importance for local Christian communities whose places of worship are entrusted to and managed by their governing bodies

Religious minorities in Turkey are looking forward to the increasingly Islamo-nationalist government making good its promise of outreach to non-Muslims by giving them freedom to establish and run their religious and social institutions.

The Turkish government is preparing to issue a new regulation on the administrative management of foundations linked to non-Muslim faith communities, which have been paralyzed for years by a legislative impasse that blocks the renewal of their governing bodies.

This is an issue of vital importance for local Christian communities such as Armenians and Assyrians, whose places of worship – many of them historic --, other real estate and public institutions are entrusted to and managed by foundations.

Burhan Ersoy, head of the state-run Directorate of the Foundations, has confirmed that the plan for the drafting of a new regulation concerning the elections for the assignment of offices within the foundations has come into being, Fides reported.

The draft of the text has been drawn up, taking into account requests and proposals from the various minority communities, and it is expected that the new rules, after obtaining government approval, would be implemented by April 2022.

The previous electoral regulation for the top management of foundations had been suspended in 2013, after the government chose to establish new procedures to make the management of real estate more functional and transparent.

This led to some confusion with representatives of the various minority communities unable to come to a consensus to either accept or reject the new electoral rules, Ersoy said.

The Syrian Orthodox Christian Süleyman Can Ustabaşı, current representative of the non-Muslim Foundations within the Assembly of Foundations, has said that the structure of foundations and their membership profiles had changed over time.

The Turkish government already had consultations with the representatives of religious minorities to resolve the dispute over board elections for their foundations.

But Ustabaşı now urges Turkish authorities to carry out another consultation with representatives of minority communities before the new text is to be implemented in 2022.

The legal status of the Foundations is still based on the Peace Treaty of Lausanne, signed in 1923 by Turkey and the Entente powers (British Empire, France and Russian Empire) victorious from the First World War.

The treaty guaranteed equality before the laws and the freedom to promote and manage "religious and social institutions" for non-Muslim communities in Turkey.

However, the state had seized properties run by these foundations and had to contend with litigation as these foundations claimed the rights guaranteed by the Treaty of Lausanne.

Also, starting from 1936, legislative provisions had allowed foundations of non-Muslim communities to acquire new properties. But in 1974, this guarantee was canceled and the state begun seizing assets acquired by these foundations.

Between 2013 and 2018 about 1,084 properties were returned to the foundations linked to non-Muslim communities, and 20 places of worship restored and given back to the foundations, according to official data.

Greek Orthodox Laki Vingas, in a speech published by the Armenian-Turkish newspaper Agos, said that the legislative deadlock on the question of the regulation of the foundations has had a negative effect on the life of the different ecclesial communities.

The block in the processes of renewal of the governing bodies of foundations had led to the expulsion of young people from the institutions linked to their communities, and also that many voluntary activities were "unfortunately interrupted".

Non-Muslim places of worship

Within the general Assembly of the Turkish Foundations are some 167 minority foundations. The Turkish Greek community has 77, the highest number of foundations. The Armenian community has 54 and the Jewish community has 19 foundations.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan after a cabinet meeting held on October 25 announced that authorities had put on the agenda the question of the elections of the directorates of the foundations linked to religious minorities.

He also spoke of fundamental tools for the management of assets and resources destined for non-Muslim places of worship.

The issue of the foundations come at a time when Turkish authorities have expelled more and more Protestant Christians -- foreigners and Turkish converts-- on grounds they constitute a "threat to national security".

Turkey had also recently transformed museums into mosques, such as the Hagia Sophia and the Church of the Holy Saviour in Chora.

Both churches had been turned into museums after the end of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of modern Turkey.

The Church of the Holy Saviour in Chora was built by the Byzantines in the 5th century. The Ottomans then turned it into a mosque after they captured Constantinople in 1453. And it remained a Muslim worship space until the end of the Second World War when it was transformed into a museum.

The same happened to the Hagia Sophia Museum in Iznik, and the high-profile reconversion of the Hagia Sophia Museum, Istanbul's most identifiable monument.

Many observers believe that President Erdogan, weakened internally by a bad economy and a lack of political perspective, is compensating with erasing part of the country's multiculturalism, aimed at shoring up the ranks of his Islamo-nationalist base.

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What political motivations influenced Erdogan's decision to reconvert Hagia Sophia?

Erdogan's decision was influenced by Turkey's Islamic resurgence.

The decision to convert Hagia Sophia into a mosque may be attributed to Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's efforts to appeal to religio-nationalism and revive his electoral popularity.

What political motivations influenced Erdogan's decision to reconvert Hagia Sophia?

The decision aimed to rally anti-Kemalist voters.

Erdogan's decision was influenced by Turkey's Islamic resurgence.

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque has been seen as a symbol of the erosion of Turkey's secular identity and the increasing influence of Islamic nationalism, with many worrying about the potential long-term consequences for the country's democratic values.

Title:

Content: Turkey election: Erdogan re-elected, country continues to divide
Paul Kirby and Ece Goksedef
• BBC reporter from Ankara
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, who has been in power for years, won another five-year term, and his supporters celebrated all night.
“All 85 million people in the country have won, ” he told cheering crowds at his huge residence on the edge of Ankara.
But his call for unity appears hollow as he mocks his opponent, Kemal Kilicdaroglu, and targets jailed Kurdish leaders and LGBT (gay, bisexual and transgender) support policies.
The opposition leader did not publicly concede defeat.
Kirida Oru called it "the most unfair election in recent years" and said the president's party had used all the power of the government against him.
According to unofficial statistics close to the count, Erdoğan won just over 52% of the vote — nearly half of voters in a deeply polarized country who did not support his authoritarian vision for Turkey.
In the end, Krida Oru could not match the well-trained Erdogan campaign, even though he has pulled the current president into the runoff stage for the second round – the first since the Turkish president adopted direct elections in 2014.
But he failed to reverse his opponent's lead in the first round, with a gap of more than two million votes.
The Turkish president, for his part, proclaimed his victory to the greatest extent possible.
He spoke to crowds on a bus in Istanbul, the largest city, and then on the balcony of his official residence after dark, where some 320,000 people gathered in support of him.
“It ’ s not just us who won, it ’ s Turkey as a whole, ” he said, calling it one of the most important elections in Turkey ’ s history.
He taunted his defeated opponent: "Bye, Kemal." — a phrase echoed by supporters in Ankara.
He also denounced his rival allies for supporting LGBT policies, saying that he was at odds with his own family-centered principles.
Although the final result of the election was not confirmed, the Supreme Electoral Council said that the victory was no longer in doubt.
Erdoğan supporters everywhere in Ankara took to the streets to celebrate the victory, with some calling out the slogans of Islam and some laying the Turkish flag on the lawn to pray.
While some supporters say they believe Erdoğan will do better in the next five years, the president himself has acknowledged that Turkey ’ s high inflation rate is the most pressing problem at the moment – the country ’ s annual inflation rate is already close to 44%, affecting the lives of every citizen.
And the economy is not the biggest concern of Erdoğan ’ s supporters at the moment, who say they are proud of Erdoğan ’ s strong position in the world and his toughness in fighting “terrorists, ” by which they mean the Kurdish armed forces.
Despite the euphoria of supporters, the idea of unity in this torn country seems to be as far away as ever.
After the failed coup in 2016, Erdoğan had abolished the post of prime minister, with a high concentration of power, which opponents described as a step backwards.
Turkey ’ s opposition now has to regroup in order to prepare for the 2024 local elections.
A strong leader for 20 years.
From humble beginnings, Erdoğan is a giant in Turkish politics and has led the country for 20 years and is the most influential figure in the country since Mustafa Kemal Ataturk, the founding father of the modern republic.
Despite a series of crises, he won the 2023 election and remained in power.
It was his most precarious position in years, and his opponents believed he could defeat him.
Critics have accused his unruly economic policies of exacerbating the cost of living crisis in Turkey.
Moreover, as a combative leader who set a record in Turkey ’ s modernization, he seemed to be slow to respond to the earthquake that claimed 50,000 lives in February.
After escaping a coup d'état in 2016, he transformed the presidency into an executive role of supreme power and suppressed opponents and dissidents.
Beginning in 2003, first as prime minister and then as president by direct election since 2014, Turkey under Erdoğan ’ s leadership has been “flexing its muscles ” as a regional power, pursuing the Islamist cause and quickly overpowering its political rivals.
Although the head of a NATO member state, he placed himself in the position of mediator in the Russo-Ukrainian War, and made Sweden wait a bit longer to join the Western defense alliance.
His hard-line diplomacy angered Europe and beyond.
Erdoğan polarized his country, but he was a victorious general in the election.
His supporters refer to him as a "leader."
He accused opponents of contempt for Turkish voters and unpopular: "85 million people, we will protect our votes, our will and our future."
On the throne of power.
Recep Tayyip Erdoğan was born in February 1954 on the Black Sea coast of Turkey, the son of a member of the Coast Guard. At the age of 13, his father decided to move to Istanbul, hoping for a better environment for his five children.
Young Erdoğan used to make extra money selling lemonade and sesame packets.
He attended an Islamic school and later earned a degree in management from Marmara University in Istanbul – and was a professional footballer.
In the 1970s and 1980s, he was active in Islamic circles, joining the pro-Islamic Welfare Party of Necmettin Erbakan. As the party gained popularity in the 1990s, Erdoğan was elected mayor of Istanbul in 1994, leading Turkey ’ s largest city for the next four years.
But his tenure came to an abrupt end when he was accused of openly reading nationalist poetry inciting hatred, which included phrases such as: “Mosques are our barracks, domes are our helmets, minarets are our bayonets, believers are our soldiers. ”
After a few months in prison, he returned to politics.
But his party has been banned for violating the strict secular rules of the modern Turkish government.
In 2001, he formed a new party with his ally Abdullah Gul. In 2002, the Justice and Development Party (AKP) won a parliamentary majority, and Erdoğan was appointed prime minister the following year.
To this day, he is the chairman of the AKP.
First 10 years in power
Since 2003, he has been Prime Minister for three terms, leading a period of steady economic growth and earning international recognition as a reformer.
At a time when Erdoğan prioritized modernizing Turkey with large infrastructure projects, the middle class expanded and millions lifted out of poverty.
But critics also warn that he is becoming more authoritarian.
Protesters took to the streets in 2013, partly because of his government ’ s plan to transform a popular park in central Istanbul, but also because the population was challenging increasingly authoritarian rule.
The Prime Minister accused the protesters of being a nuisance, and people in the streets would beat pots every night at 9 o'clock to show resistance.
The sons of three cabinet allies have also been indicted on corruption charges.
The Gezi Park protests became a black and white spot for his rule.
To his critics, he acted more like an Ottoman monarch than a democratic leader.
Erdoğan also had a feud with Fethullah Gulen, an Islamic scholar based in the United States whose social and cultural movements helped Erdoğan win three consecutive elections and contributed to the military ’ s secession from politics.
The incident has caused a fierce reaction in Turkish society.
Muslim Revival
After a decade in power, Erdoğan ’ s party also worked to lift the ban on women wearing headscarves from public service imposed after the 1980 military coup.
The ban was eventually lifted, allowing women to join the police, the military and the judiciary.
Critics say he dug the walls of the secular state in Ataturk. Although Erdogan himself is a believer, he has always denied that he wants to impose Islamic values on viewers, insisting that he supports the right of Turks to express their religious beliefs openly.
However, he has repeatedly supported the criminalization of adultery.
As the father of four, he said that “no Muslim family ” should consider birth control or family planning.
“We will expand our descendants, ” he said in May 2016.
He extolled motherhood, denounced feminists, and argued that men and women could not be treated equally.
Erdoğan has long championed the cause of Islam — he is known to raise four fingers in a salute gesture to Egypt ’ s oppressed Muslim Brotherhood.
In July 2020, under his auspices, Istanbul ’ s historic Hagia Sophia was converted into a mosque, infuriating many Christians.
Built 1500 years ago, the cathedral was turned into a mosque by the Ottoman Turks, but Ataturk turned it into a museum – a symbol of the new secular state.
It is not a coincidence that, just hours after the start of the 2023 elections, the president spoke to supporters during an evening prayer.
Enhanced control
After being barred from running for prime minister, he ran for president in his first direct election in 2014, when it was a symbolic office.
He has a plan to reform this office, to create a new constitution that benefits all Turks and places their country among the top 10 economies in the world.
But in the early days of his presidency, he twice faced a shake-up in his position of power.
His party lost its parliamentary majority in a vote in 2015, and a few months later in 2016, Turkey witnessed its first violent coup attempt in decades.
The rebels almost captured the president, who was vacationing at the seaside resort, but he was safely rescued by plane. In the early hours of 16 July, he appeared victorious at Ataturk Airport in Istanbul, greeted by cheers from supporters.
They blocked the advance of the conspirators, and nearly 300 civilians were killed.
The president appeared on national television and met with supporters in Istanbul, declaring himself "commander in chief".
But the situation was also clearly tense, and he openly wept as he spoke at the funeral of a close friend who was shot dead by the rebels.
Some 150,000 civil servants were fired and more than 50,000 detained, including soldiers, journalists, lawyers, police officers, academics and Kurdish politicians.
The crackdown on critics has raised alarm abroad and soured Turkey ’ s relationship with the EU: Turkey ’ s attempts to join the EU have gone years without progress.
The controversy over the influx of migrants into Greece has also fuelled hostility.
But in his 1,000-room gleaming palace overlooking Ankara from Aksalai, President Erdoğan ’ s position seems more secure than ever.
His victory in a 2017 referendum gave the president sweeping powers, including the ability to impose a state of emergency, appoint top officials and interfere with the legal system.
A year later, he won the first presidential election.
His core votes came from small towns and rural conservative districts in Anatolia. In 2019, his party lost in three of the largest cities – Istanbul, the capital Ankara and Izmir.
In the Istanbul mayoral election, the party narrowly lost to the main opposition Republican People's Party (CHP) Ekrem Imamoglu, a bitter defeat for Erdoğan, who was mayor of the city in the 1990s.
He never accepted the result.
Before Imamoglu was barred from the May elections, he was ahead of the president in opinion polls.
The president and his allies have been accused of using the courts to disqualify the popular mayor.
Turkey ’ s third-largest party, the People ’ s Democratic Party of New Kurdistan (HDP), was similarly fearful of being barred from voting in parliament because of alleged links to Kurdish forces, but instead decided to run under a different name.
Like Turkish leaders in the past, Erdoğan has imposed a strong crackdown on the outlawed Kurdish Workers ’ Party (PKK).
While Turkey has accepted more than 3.5 million refugees fleeing the Syrian civil war, Ankara has also launched several operations against Kurdish forces on the other side of the border, crowding out Kurds in Turkey.
Erdogan has long had close ties with Russian President Vladimir Putin, who has also tried to play an important mediator role in the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.
Although a NATO member, he bought Russia ’ s anti-missile defense system and chose Russia to build Turkey ’ s first nuclear reactor.
Before the 2023 election, he tried to win the trust of nationalists and conservative voters by accusing the West of targeting him.
“My country is going to smash this conspiracy, ” he asserted, describing it as a flashpoint.
He ended his 2023 campaign by visiting the tomb of Adnan Menderes, Turkey ’ s first democratically elected prime minister, who was executed after a military coup in 1961.
He wanted people to know: "The era of coups and warlords is over."
* Reporting by Istanbul journalist Cagil Kasapoglu

What political motivations influenced Erdogan's decision to reconvert Hagia Sophia?

Erdogan's decision was influenced by Turkey's Islamic resurgence.

The Turkish government's actions, including the conversion of Hagia Sophia, have been seen as favoring Islam over other religions, leading to restrictions on the rights and freedoms of religious minorities, including Christians, Jews, and others.

Title:

Content: • Source:
• Sergey Ignatov — specially for Sedmitsy.Ru
In the United States released a report on the situation of Christians in Turkey in connection with the murder of a parishioner in a Catholic church by the jihadists of ISIS
It notes bureaucratic oppression, public rejection, the growth of vandalism and violence.
WASHINGTON.
In the United States, a report was released on the situation of Christians in Turkey in connection with the murder of a parishioner in a Catholic church by the jihadists of ISIS - it notes bureaucratic oppression, public rejection, the growth of vandalism and violence in the country, reports catholicnewsagency.
During Sunday mass in Istanbul on January 28, terrorists broke into a Catholic church and killed a parishioner with a shot in the head during the consecration ceremony.
Soon the so-called Islamic State * took responsibility for this crime.
The attack almost coincided with the first anniversary of a powerful earthquake that killed thousands of people in Turkey and Syria in 2023.
The attack once again raised questions about the existing threats to the Christian faith in Turkey and about the real tolerance of the 99% Muslim majority for non-Muslims in this country.
The United States Commission on International Religious Freedom (USCIRF) has issued a report stating that “there has been a marked increase in incidents of vandalism and social intolerance and violence against religious minorities in Turkish society in recent years. ”
Despite the freedom of religion provisions that exist in Turkey on paper, Turkish Christians, according to the authors of the report, today suffer under the yoke of state bureaucracy, as well as from growing rejection in society.
“The government also continues to unjustifiably interfere in the internal affairs of religious communities, ” the USCIRF report states,“ Religious minorities in Turkey express concern about such rhetoric and policies of the authorities that contribute to an increasingly hostile environment and indirectly encourage acts of social aggression and violence. ”
In present Turkey there are about 12-16 thousand Jews, several thousand representatives of various other faiths and several hundred thousand Christians.
According to a 2022 report by the US State Department, about 25,000 of them are Catholics, most of them from Africa and the Philippines.
Unlike many other Muslim-majority countries (overwhelmingly in this case), Turkey ’ s constitution defines the country as a secular state.
The State Department explains that such a definition provides for freedom of conscience, religious belief, personal belief, freedom of speech (opinions), freedom of worship, and the prohibition of any discrimination on religious grounds.
However, Turkey is one of the 95 countries in the world that now have criminal liability for blasphemy, mainly against Islam, which is punishable by imprisonment for a period of six months to a year.
Christian rights organization Open Doors points out in its report that the country is experiencing an increasingly strong religious nationalism with an emphasis on Islamic values, encouraged by the current government of Turkey, which creates pressure on believers of other faiths and breeds intolerance towards them.
The government also maintains a list of officially recognized religions and registers the religious affiliation of citizens using an electronic chip (chip) on identity cards.
Although Christianity is widely recognized in the country, the current authorities are opposed to Armenian Apostolic Orthodox Christians and Greek Orthodox Christians, as well as Jews.
“Christians are seen as agents of negative Western influence on society, ” says the Open Doors report.“ Therefore, those who choose to follow the teachings of Jesus and abandon Islam, or even atheism and secularism, often face pressure and rejection in their native families and communities, prompting them to renounce their faith. ”
According to In Defense of Christians (IDC), religious communities of different faiths face restrictions on their rights to own and freely dispose of property, to train clergymen, and, in general, to religious education.
In particular, the Turkish government continues to interfere in the leadership of the Holy Synod of the Greek Orthodox Church, as well as in the activities of the Armenian Patriarchate, in particular in the field of selection and appointment of the hierarchy, IDC reports.
Under President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, in many areas of Turkish society, favoritism towards Islam has become increasingly pronounced to the detriment of other religions.
In 2020, President Erdogan took a demonstrative step in favor of his religion when he issued a decree establishing mosques in the former Byzantine Hagia Sophia Cathedral (which served as a museum for many years) and another ancient Christian church in Istanbul.
Protestant congregations report a marked increase in bureaucratic pressure on them under the current government.
The State Department reports that the World Evangelical Alliance expresses concern about the situation of Evangelical Christians in the country, as many of them are subjected to deportations and entry bans on a variety of pretexts.
According to the State Department, since 2020, the government has expelled more than 60 foreign Christian missionaries and their families from the country.
And according to Open Doors, hostility toward Christians is increasingly felt in the interior rural areas of the country, where the influence of conservative Islam is stronger and intolerance towards non-believers is higher.
Most of the “non-traditional ” Christian communities (Baptist, Evangelical, Pentecostal, etc.) are hesitant to spread beyond the coastal cities in the west of the country, including Istanbul, because the population there is more tolerant of non-believers, relatively liberal and secular, the report says.
Turkey ’ s reputation as a country of persecution of Christians has long roots, despite the fact that it was in it that the first Christian communities were born and flourished.
In 1915, during the period of the so-called Armenian genocide, the authorities of the Ottoman Empire seized Armenian intellectuals and priests in Constantinople.
During the same period, the empire began a campaign of mass evictions of American Christians and other minorities, including Greek, Syrian and Chaldean Christians.
During these evictions there were heartbreaking scenes of separation of families, there were “death marches ” at the transit stages, the Gentiles died of hunger and many oppressions, to which the predominantly Christian Armenian population of the empire was subjected.
According to some estimates, 1.5 million Armenians were victims of the genocide during that terrible period of persecution, although Turkey continues to stubbornly deny the genocide for many years.
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What political motivations influenced Erdogan's decision to reconvert Hagia Sophia?

Erdogan's decision was influenced by Turkey's Islamic resurgence.

Who was angered by the reconversion of Hagia Sophia in July 2020?

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque has limited the access of Orthodox Christians to their holy sites, with many feeling that their religious freedom is being eroded.

How did Muslims and Orthodox Christians react to the reconversion?

Who was angered by the reconversion of Hagia Sophia in July 2020?

The Turkish government's decision to convert Hagia Sophia into a mosque has been criticized by Greece, the US State Department, and Orthodox Christian institutions worldwide, who have expressed concerns about the preservation of cultural and religious heritage.

How did Muslims and Orthodox Christians react to the reconversion?

Who was angered by the reconversion of Hagia Sophia in July 2020?

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque has been seen as a political move by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to appeal to religio-nationalism and revive his electoral popularity.

What kind of domestic reaction did Erdogan's reconversion of Hagia Sophia receive?

What political motivations influenced Erdogan's decision to reconvert Hagia Sophia?

The decision aimed to rally anti-Kemalist voters.

Erdogan's decision was influenced by Turkey's Islamic resurgence.

The Turkish government's actions have been seen as a sign of contempt for Turkey's rich Orthodox Christian heritage and a further imperilment of the religious freedom of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the remaining Christians in the country.

Who was angered by the reconversion of Hagia Sophia in July 2020?

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque has raised concerns about the safety of the monument due to the large number of visitors it receives, with many warning that the monument could collapse if not restored.

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Content: [ditty_news_ticker id="27897"] Video Shows Fragments Falling from the Dome of Hagia Sophia - Orthodox Christian Laity

Video Shows Fragments Falling from the Dome of Hagia Sophia

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Source: Greek Reporter

A still from a recently released video shows visitors rushing to take cover as fragments fall from the dome of Hagia Sophia. Credit: Daily Motion/BirGün

A video from 2022 that came to light recently shows fragments falling on visitors from the dome of Hagia Sophia, the former epicenter of Christian worship at Constantinople, today’s Istanbul.

The footage released by the Turkish newspaper, BirGün, raises serious questions over the safety of the former Orthodox Christian cathedral, now a mosque.

BirGün notably quoted officials as saying that “pieces are falling from the roof, due to the humidity created by the crowd, but no precautions are being taken”.

The president of the Turkish Art History Association, Serif Yasar, argued for restoration of the monument as soon as possible, suggesting that “If Hagia Sophia is not restored, it will collapse with the first earthquake.”

The monument was restored as a mosque three years ago after serving as a museum from 1935-2020 and has since received 21 million visitors, according to Turkey’s tourism and culture minister.

Yasar added that when the church was a museum, the scientific council overseeing it urged that groups of no more than 25 people should be allowed to enter the building at any one time.

This enormous lift in visitation has likely brought to the forefront the need for repairs and it was indeed reported in September that the Turkish government had decided to start long-term maintenance of Hagia Sophia.

Turkey to implement visitor management policy at Hagia Sophia

In early October Turkish historian Ilber Ortayli expressed fears that the large number of visitors to Hagia Sophia could lead to a catastrophic structural failure if not addressed immediately.

Writing in the Hürriyet daily, Ortayli said that the monument, which attracts three million pilgrims annually apart from tourists, has undergone significant damage since its conversion into a mosque.

He asserted that even a modest number of 20-30 thousand people annually, including scientists, historians, archaeologists, representatives of the Muslim religion, politicians, and public officials, could be considered excessive for the endurance of the monument.

In June 2022 a number of tiles of the ancient marble floors in Hagia Sophia were damaged by heavy machines used to clean the site.

In April 2022, The Turkish Association of Art Historians stated that the historic Imperial Gate in Hagia Sophia had been badly damaged.

The group posted a picture clearly depicting the damage to the oak wood of the 15-century-old gate.

Turkey unveiled plans in late October for a visitor management policy at Hagia Sophia, including charging foreign tourists with an entrance fee to be implemented starting Jan. 15.

Minister of Culture and Tourism Mehmet Nuri Ersoy said that extensive restoration work is underway in various sections of Hagia Sophia, now a mosque, with plans to progress to other parts upon their completion.

He emphasized that, based on UNESCO’s recommendations, a visitor management plan would be enforced to enhance the quality and safety of visits while preserving the historical significance of the site.

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Officials argue for repairs to Hagia Sophia after footage shows fragments falling from the dome – Neos Kosmos

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The Turkish government has decided to start long-term maintenance of Hagia Sophia, including extensive restoration work in various sections of the monument, in an effort to preserve the historical significance of the site.

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque has been criticized by some, including the Turkish Art History Association, which has argued that the monument should be restored as soon as possible to prevent collapse.

The potential conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque could have implications for the rights and freedoms of religious minorities in Turkey and the country's secular identity, with many worrying about the potential long-term consequences.

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Content: Hagia Sophia must once again become a place of Christian worship, demands the American Council for the Liberation of Hagia Sophia.
For a start, according to the organization, it is possible to allow liturgies in Hagia Sophia, preserving its museum status.
Although Christians still perceive this cathedral captured together with Constantinople in 1453 as one of the most important shrines.
In case of refusal, the “Council ” intends to appeal to the ECHR.
However, the situation around Hagia Sophia is much more complicated; the observer of IA REGNUM Stanislav Stremidlovsky analyzes the recent events around the former main temple of Byzantium.
Erhan Elaldı – Anadolu Agency
The 564th anniversary of the conquest of Constantinople was celebrated by the Hagia Sophia as a museum.
What is the 565th anniversary?
The head of the “Council ”, American politician Chris Spirou, has already been declared a provocateur by the Turkish authorities.
Today, when Erdogan is increasingly moving away from “his overseas partners ” at least in terms of the desired image of the president, and the new owner of the White House pays much more attention to Middle Eastern Christians than Obama, the situation is clearly changing.
There are already hints that Hagia Sophia from the museum will become a mosque.
At the same time, Erdogan ’ s victory in the last referendum made the president a debtor of domestic Anatolia (at least she believes so), who gave him their votes.
The Anatolian Youth Association strongly opposes any manifestations of non-Muslim faith in Turkish society.
For three years now, they have been trying to make Hagia Sophia a mosque.
And although Erdogan is in no hurry to meet, the Association expects decisive measures from him.
Where the Turkish president is inclined and what Hagia Sophia, cathedral or mosque can become, read here: Internal Anatolia, who supported Erdogan, demands to make Hagia Sophia a mosque
Read other articles by Stanislav Stremidlovsky on the relationship of world religions.

The Turkish President, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, compared the transformation of Hagia Sophia into a mosque with the fall of Constantinople in 1453, highlighting the significance of the event for the Turkish people.

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Content: Roundup of news from December 30, 2021
Erdogan the Conqueror
The Turkish president compared the transformation of Hagia Sophia into a mosque with the fall of Constantinople.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan seeks to try on the kaftan of Sultan Mehmed II, whose troops captured Constantinople in 1453.
In this regard, he, summing up the year, compared the transformation of the Hagia Sophia into a mosque with the fall of Tsargrad, reports the UOJ with reference to the publication “Vima Ortodoksiya ”.
According to the head of Turkey, the transformation of Hagia Sophia into a mosque is “as important ” for the Turks as the fall of the capital of the Byzantine Empire.
However, at the same time, many pay attention to the fact that the Turkish lira in the outgoing year fell strongly against the dollar, and this seriously hit the Turkish economy.
Responding to the criticism, Erdogan said he would “lead his people to what they deserve ” and stressed that he would“ apply the laws of Islam. ”
Thus, the Turkish authorities seek to distract their citizens from economic problems by proclaiming the Islamization of Turkey to the detriment of its secular status.
The economy of Turkey is not in the best condition, but Erdogan was again able to win the Hagia Sophia.
This is what officials in Ankara are thinking.
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The Turkish authorities are using the Islamization of Turkey, including the conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque, to distract citizens from economic problems, which has been a major challenge for the country in recent years.

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque has been seen as a symbol of the Islamization of Turkey, which may have implications for the country's secular identity and the rights of religious minorities.

What political motivations influenced Erdogan's decision to reconvert Hagia Sophia?

Erdogan's decision was influenced by Turkey's Islamic resurgence.

The decision to convert Hagia Sophia into a mosque has been a point of contention in Turkey's international relations, with some countries viewing it as a provocative move.

The Turkish government's actions regarding the Hagia Sophia may be seen as an assertion of its independence and a rejection of international criticism, which could have implications for its relationships with other countries.

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque was a decision made by Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, which was aimed at the Islamic resurgence in Turkey and drew support from anti-Kemalist voters.

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Content: Earthquakes and rampant inflation: Why did Erdogan win again?
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Source: Hong Kong 01
Author: Liu Yanting
On May 28, Turkey held the second round of the presidential election.
Although Turkey's Supreme Electoral Council is not expected to announce the official results until June 1, according to preliminary election statistics, with 99.59% of the votes cast, the incumbent President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has 51.91% of the votes, defeating his opponent Kemal Kılçdaroğlu with 48.09% of the votes. Determine the rate of re-election.
This election has caused global concern.
First, people are curious about whether there will be a regime change in Turkey, changing its fierce cross-border diplomatic style.
Looking back over the past two years, since the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian war in 2022, Turkey has repeatedly played a fierce swing beyond the size of medium-sized countries, including facilitating the Russian-Ukrainian foreign ministers' talks in March 2022, blocking Finland and Sweden's accession to NATO in May, and announcing the "green light" in June, leading Russia to sign the Black Sea Food Agreement in July, and negotiating energy cooperation with Russia at the CICA summit in October. For the first time since the start of the war, senior officials have talked about launching a new round of military action in Syria, implying that it may threaten Russia ’ s and Iran ’ s geopolitical interests.
In between, the outside world is surprised by Erdoğan ’ s active actions, and also uncertain about Turkey ’ s opportunistic diplomatic style.
Second, Erdogan suffered two major shocks before the election, causing the outside world to generally not optimistic about his re-election, one is in 2022 for months to break through 80% of the serious inflation, the second is the earthquake disaster.
Among them, Turkey ’ s high inflation is the sequela of the 2018 economic crisis. The deep reason is that Turkey ’ s long-term economic overheating and political interest rate cuts have caused a linked financial storm after the Federal Reserve raised interest rates in Turkey. He lost power in big cities such as Istanbul and Ankara.
And the earthquake will also affect voters' support for Erdogan.
On February 6, 2023, a 7.8-magnitude earthquake occurred in southeastern Turkey, killing nearly 50,000 people, and economic losses are even more incalculable.
After the disaster Erdoğan once faced criticism, public opinion criticized its failure to improve the phenomenon of uneven development and urban poverty, resulting in old buildings with low earthquake resistance being vulnerable to a strong earthquake, and fragile buildings are often difficult to get away from the collusion of officials and businessmen, cutting corners, the ruling Erdoğan and the positive development party are to blame.
However, from the results of this election, although the gap between the two people is less than 5%, but Krechidaloğlu is finally a step away from the door, showing that whether it is high inflation or an earthquake, can not prevent Erdogan from being re-elected.
In addition to the lack of integration of Turkish opposition forces, Erdogan ’ s success in mobilizing the new situation of “Turkey ’ s rise ” is also key.
The opposition is not well integrated.
First of all, although the polls of the Republican People's Party (CHP) party leader Krechidar Oulu once exceeded Erdoğan ’ s, making many foreign media boldly predict that Turkey will soon change, but focusing on the current state of Turkish politics, Erdoğan ’ s positive party is the strongest force, and the opposition ’ s long-term mountainous and independent government has not only offset the integration efforts to challenge Erdoğan, but also to some extent.
Looking at the interaction of Turkish opposition parties in recent years, there have been obvious signs of integration until the 2017 constitutional referendum.
At that time, Erdoğan greatly expanded the presidential power and removed the obstacles to re-election in the system, causing a collective panic among the opposition forces. The four major opposition parties, the Republican People's Party (İYü), the Good Party (İYü), the Happiness Party (SP) and the Democratic Party (DP), jointly formed the "State Union" (Millet İttifakı), advocating the restoration of the parliamentary system and abolition of the executive presidential system, hoping to curb the positive party and Erdoğan. Together with the Democratic and Progressive Party (DEVA), they formed the "Six Party Round Table" (Altılı Masa), which is seeking to jointly launch a presidential candidate representing the opposition forces and compete with Erdogan in 2023.
After all, Erdogan was the president at the time, with political resources such as the media and the judiciary, enough to crack down on various opposition forces, such as Ekrem İmamoğlu, the mayor of Istanbul from the Republican People ’ s Party, who was originally highly polled and regarded as a star of tomorrow enough to end Erdoğan ’ s 20 years in power, was sentenced to more than two years in prison in December 2022 for “suspected insult to the Supreme Electoral Council. ” He lost the right to run for president.
After Imam Oulu was forced out, the "six-party round table" did not immediately integrate new candidates, but entangled in ideological scuffles, political spoils distribution, until March 2023, it was determined to nominate CHP party leader Krechidar Oulu, but this nomination was initially not supported by the good party, the latter also threatened to withdraw from the "six-party round table".
After many days of consultations and political exchanges, Krechdarolu agreed to have Ankara Mayor Mansur Yavaş and Imam Oulu as vice presidents, and the good party agreed to stay at the "six-party round table" and support the nomination of Krechdarolu for election.
In fact, from the point of view of the composition of the structure, the only ideology that can unite the "six-party round table" is against Erdogan.
Because the Republican People's Party with the most seats is the centre-left pro-European secularism party, the Happiness Party is a Eurosceptic conservative party with Islamism, the Democratic Party is a centre-right nationalist party, the Democratic and Progressive Party is a centre-right pro-European party, the Future Party is a right-wing pro-European party, and the Good Party is a centre-right nationalist party.
In short, the parties have a combination of ideologies that straddle Islamism and secularism, and basically if Erdoğan and the AKP had not been in power for too long, the parties would have no incentive to integrate.
However, even if it is reluctantly integrated, the "six-party round table" is still divided, otherwise it will not be until two months before the election to determine the nomination of candidates; and after the confirmation of the presidential candidate, the "six-party round table" broke out in a new civil war on the list of parliamentary candidates, all parties want to strive for more security seats distribution, resulting in the continued difficulty of the list.
All these things are quite chilling in the eyes of Turkish voters: Erdoğan may have a monopoly on power and love the position of power, but the opposition forces are also only interested in the division of territory and political division of spoils, and have no intention of changing Turkey's development predicament.
Under the balance of the two, or some voters who are tired of Erdoğan, after going through a thousand turns of heart, they chose to continue to vote for the positive party and Erdoğan, instead of supporting the opposition forces whose governing ability is unknown and whose positions are mixed, resulting in the eventual defeat of Krechdar Olu by a small margin.
How Erdoğan mobilised the "rise of Turkey"
In addition to the weak integration of opposition forces and the failure to gather enough political energy, Erdoğan and the Positive Development Party are still able to gather support and call for votes under the impact of high inflation and earthquake disasters, which is also the key to the defeat of Krechdar Olu.
According to the results of the poll, voters in large cities whose wealth has been severely eroded by high inflation supported Krechdarolu in the election, including the top three cities of Istanbul, Ankara, Izmir and Adana, the fifth largest city; however, Bursa, the sixth largest city of Gaziantep, and the seventh largest city of Konya. (Konya) is still supporting Erdoğan, and Gaziantep is still the hardest hit area of the 2023 earthquake, but voters still vote for the current president who has been denounced by public opinion, and it is clear that Erdoğan still has a certain degree of political energy.
Looking at this source of energy, it is obvious that it is not all the economic achievements that have been downhill.
Looking back at Erdoğan ’ s path to power, he experienced high economic growth in Turkey during his term of office, which can escort him to power.
From 2008 to 2013, developed markets such as the United States, Europe and Japan adopted a number of rounds of quantitative easing policies, international "hot money" poured into emerging markets including Turkey, stimulating the latter's economic growth. Erdogan took advantage of the momentum to promote easy credit, ask the central bank to continue to cut interest rates, and promote large-scale infrastructure projects. On the altar alone, no one can resist.
However, after the US Federal Reserve released a possible interest rate hike in 2013, foreign investment was greatly withdrawn, and emerging market currencies, including the lira, began to depreciate, and Turkey ’ s economic growth continued to slow down. And...
In the process of coping with the crisis, Erdoğan obviously wants to sacrifice prices and preserve economic growth, so he used extreme economic means and insisted on cutting interest rates in the face of high inflation.
The result, while maintaining economic growth to a certain extent, has led to a sharp depreciation of the lira, soaring prices, a near collapse of the bond market, and widespread protests in major cities such as Istanbul.
But looking at Erdoğan ’ s political actions in the past 10 years, it can be seen that he has begun to actively mobilize public support in the military, historical traditions, and diplomatic fields of major powers to fill the “Turkish rise ” narrative under the slowdown in economic growth and make up for his political loss.
As far as the diplomatic tradition after the Cold War is concerned, Turkey is an intermediate power anchored in the Western world and, with its strategic position across Eurasia, moves among different groups of countries.
However, after the outbreak of the Arab Spring in 2010, the outside world saw a more "eastern" and "military power" Turkey: on the Egyptian issue, its support for the Muslim Brotherhood, its involvement in the local political situation; on the battlefield of Syria and Libya, it has successively sent troops to intervene in the civil war there since 2016, and successfully achieved certain results. In the Gulf field, Turkey and Iran have maintained close interaction with Qatar, to a certain extent, prompting the 2017 Qatar severance storm, but because Turkey and Iran insisted on not retreating, the final storm ended with Saudi concessions in 2021, and Turkey successfully maintained its political achievements in the Gulf.
Of course, Turkey's foreign military operations are not all fruitful results.
Taking the Syrian battlefield as an example, Turkey launched four military operations against Syria: the Euphrates Shield from 2016 to 2017, the Olive Branch in 2018, the Peace Spring in 2019 and the Spring Shield in 2020.
Since the "olive branch" operation, the Turkish army has not only attacked the Kurdish forces, but also exchanged fire with the Syrian government forces supported by the Russian side, causing strong dissatisfaction in Moscow.
After many unsuccessful coordination, the Russian army was brazenly engaged with Turkey in 2020, resulting in the scribbled end of the "spring shield", and Turkey can only be forced to obey the Russian-led order in northern Syria.
However, under the propaganda of the Erdogan government, Turkey is not clearly aware that Turkey lost to Russia, but to see the Turkish army fighting in northern Syria in order to fight terrorism, which is very encouraging for nationalists and patriotic people.
In addition, in the historical tradition, Erdogan ’ s most classic action is to announce in July 2020 the abolition of the 1934 cabinet decree, the end of the 86 years of Hagia Sophia ’ s museum years, and the restoration of its mosque status.
Although this has caused many Western countries to criticize, but Erdoğan is not without the basis of public opinion, because in the 2015 capture of Junstenburg memorial ceremony, many Turks have held morning prayers in the museum square, in 2018, the Turkish Islamic Association is publicly applied to hold worship in the museum, although it was finally rejected, but has attracted a lot of public support.
Therefore, Erdogan's decision to "liberate St. Sophia" is aimed at the Islamic resurgence in Turkey in recent years, hoping to draw the support of anti-Kemalist voters.
And in the great power diplomatic field, Turkey's action is not to be said, in addition to the neighboring Central Asia and the Middle East, the Russian-Ukrainian war under various violent swings across Eurasia, are Erdogan's excellent election materials.
Taking the March 2022 Russian-Ukrainian Foreign Minister ’ s talks in Turkey and the landing of the Black Sea Food Agreement in July as an example, Turkish state media vigorously promoted Erdogan ’ s “peacemaker ” role; as for blocking Finland and Sweden from joining NATO, Turkish state media used Erdogan ’ s“ defense of national interests ”, “no fear of offending the West ” and“ combating Kurdish terrorism ”.
Of course, under the burden of economic decline and governance for many years, the narrative situation of mobilizing military, historical traditions and great power diplomacy can play a role in Erdoğan ’ s election, which can only be determined by the election results.
Judging from the results of 51.91% to 48.09%, although the above actions did not create a brilliant victory, they were enough to defeat the opposition forces and guarantee Erdogan another five-year term, which obviously still has some effect.
However, Turkey ’ s high economic growth has ended, and how to buffer Turkey ’ s economic storm and find new solutions outside of “Erdoğan ’ s economics ” are difficult issues that cannot be solved in the short term.
After the election, Erdoğan ’ s challenge continued.
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What kind of domestic reaction did Erdogan's reconversion of Hagia Sophia receive?

What political motivations influenced Erdogan's decision to reconvert Hagia Sophia?

The decision aimed to rally anti-Kemalist voters.

Erdogan's decision was influenced by Turkey's Islamic resurgence.

Turkey's diplomatic relations with countries such as Greece and the United States may be affected by the conversion of Hagia Sophia, as these countries have expressed criticism of the decision.

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque may influence Turkey's position within international organizations, such as UNESCO, which has expressed criticism of the decision.

The Turkish government has converted a second ancient Byzantine church, Chora Church, into a mosque, following the conversion of Hagia Sophia in 2020.

The conversion of Chora Church has been criticized by the Greek Orthodox Church, which views it as an 'ill-advised decision' that 'makes a mockery of the Turkish government's commitment to religious tolerance and religious freedom'.

How did Muslims and Orthodox Christians react to the reconversion?

The conversion of Hagia Sophia and Chora Church has been seen as a prioritization of the Islamic past over other layers of history, including Greek Orthodox, Armenian, Jewish, and Syriac.

What political motivations influenced Erdogan's decision to reconvert Hagia Sophia?

Erdogan's decision was influenced by Turkey's Islamic resurgence.

The Turkish government has reimposed an entrance fee on tourists visiting Hagia Sophia and has restricted their access to the upper level, while the main floor is exclusive to Muslim worshippers.

The Turkish Directorate of Religion's caretaking of Hagia Sophia has been criticized, with observers noting damage that did not exist when it was under the purview of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism.