India and Russia have a long history of strategic cooperation, with Russian President Vladimir Putin describing their relationship as a "time-tested friend".

PM Modi and President Putin have agreed to remain in regular touch on issues related to the India-Russia Strategic Partnership.

The Soviet Union was India's greatest ally in the 20th century, supporting it in key conflicts like Kashmir and the Bangladesh Liberation War.

India has expanded its global ties, including with the US, while maintaining its strategic relationship with Russia.

India's growing ties with the US, including the Quad grouping, have raised Russian concerns amidst India's rivalry with China.

India and Russia continue to cooperate on key issues like defense and trade, with Russia being a major supplier of military equipment to India.

PM Modi and President Putin have set targets of $50 billion in bilateral investment and $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025.

The India-Russia defense partnership is being tested by Washington through the Countering America's Adversaries through Sanctions Act (CAATSA).

India will continue defense dealings with Russia, including purchasing the S-400 missile system and producing AK-203 rifles.

India's relationship with Russia remains uncertain due to the escalating tensions between Moscow and NATO over Ukraine and eastern Europe.

PM Modi and President Putin have pledged to continue developing their relations, with Modi praising Putin's leadership and thanking him for his congratulations on India's election win.

India and Russia have a strategic partnership, with trade rising 60 percent last year, driven largely by Indian imports of Russian oil and fertilizers.

The Russian Ambassador to India expects a significant joint statement to follow the upcoming Putin-Modi summit.

India has historically relied on Russia for defense supplies and support on key issues like Kashmir and border tensions.

The Ukraine war and Western sanctions have weakened Russia, eroding its ability to produce advanced electronics and defense goods.

The war has highlighted Russia's reliance on China as its principal global partner, a relationship that will intensify as Russia weakens.

India is concerned it cannot rely on Russia to counter Chinese aggression, such as the 2020 killing of 20 Indian soldiers.

India is balancing ties with the US and Russia to counter China's growing assertiveness while maintaining its strategic independence.

The US sees India as a bulwark against China's influence in the Indo-Pacific, but has concerns over India's Russia ties and alleged involvement in a murder plot.

Russia and China have warmed their relations, united in opposing the US-led order, with Xi and Putin calling their ties "the best in history".

India and China have a tense relationship due to a decades-long territorial dispute along their border, which led to a war in 1962.

Beijing has appointed its first ambassador to India in 18 months, signaling a desire to improve relations between the two countries.

India and Russia maintain strong ties, with Russia being India's largest arms supplier, accounting for over one-third of its imports.

The Indo-Pacific region is a significant area of cooperation between India and Russia, with a history of collaboration dating back to the 1970s.

India views the Indo-Pacific region as similar to the Great Russian-Eurasian Partnership, aiming to counter Chinese domination of Eurasia through cooperation and competition with China.

Russia's Eurasian Economic Union will align with China's Belt and Road Initiative, despite their contradictions.

India's Indo-Pacific strategy aims to counter China, offering Russia a chance to cooperate in shaping the regional order.

The US now views India as a partner against China, while Beijing has allied with Moscow to counter Washington.

Russia is skeptical of the Indo-Pacific concept, seeing it as American, but its academia, think tanks, and media are showing interest.

India has assured Russia that its ties with the US won't come at Moscow's expense and wants Russia to be an active player in a "free, open and inclusive" Indo-Pacific region.

China's rise has triggered a regional power shift, but while it promotes a multipolar world, it is unwilling to accommodate India's interests in a multipolar Asia.

India is aligning itself with the US and its allies, and history plays a role in its East Asia policy choices.

India, an energy-deficient developing country, resisted pressure to stop buying discounted Russian oil despite growing US and European ties.

India remains involved in BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to maintain diplomatic flexibility with Moscow and Beijing.

India attends G7 meetings and strengthens Western partnerships while striving to lead among middle powers and redefine multilateralism.

India and Russia have a "special and privileged strategic partnership" to consolidate their defense and military cooperation.

The partnership helps maintain balance and stability in Eurasia, the Indo-Pacific, and globally.

Russia promotes a multipolar world order, including through a trilateral dialogue with China and India.

The Russia-India Agreement on Military Technical Cooperation 2021-2031 will guide military cooperation for the next 10 years.

The agreement aims to promote joint development and production of military equipment between Russia and India.

India and Russia are developing lucrative projects and deepening their partnership, including defense ties, despite US opposition.

A senior Russian diplomat described US-India defense cooperation as active, while noting India remains one of Russia's largest defense partners.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's upcoming Moscow visit aims to reaffirm bilateral relations with Russia and counter China's influence.

India is wary of Moscow's growing dependence on Beijing.

India has increased its Russian oil purchases over 20 times since 2021, saving $13 billion through discounts.

The US Indo-Pacific policy aims to counterbalance China, Russia, Iran, and India's rising influence, leveraging the Pakistan-China axis for strategic benefits.

India and Russia have a long history of strategic cooperation, with Russian President Vladimir Putin describing their relationship as a "time-tested friend".

Title:

Content: New Delhi | Jagran News Desk: Prime Minister Narendra Modi met visiting Russian president Vladimir Putin at Delhi’s Hyderabad House on Monday evening. Prime Minister said that India-Russia ties are stronger than ever.

Prime Minister Modi added that despite the challenges posed by the pandemic, there has been no change in the relationship between India and Russia. He further pointed out that the two countries cooperated during the COVID-19 crisis too, in the field of vaccine and humanitarian support. "The relation between India and Russia is truly a unique and reliable model of interstate friendship," Prime Minister Narendra Modi said.

"You (Putin) should be credited for the strategic partnership between our countries for the 3 decades," PM Modi said, acknowledging Russian President Vladimir Putin's role in nurturing the bilateral traditions between India and Russia.

India a great power, time-tested friend: Vladimir Putin

Russian President Vladimir Putin said that Russia considers India 'a great power' and a 'time tested' friend. "The relations between our nations are growing and I am looking into the futur," Putin added while further asserting his happiness at being in India, saying that he is 'happy to travel to India'.

"Currently mutual investments stand at about 38 million with a bit more investment coming from the Russian side. We cooperate greatly in military and technical sphere like no other country. We develop high technologies together as well as produce in India," Putin said.

This is the first in-person meeting between PM Modi and President Putin after their meeting on the sidelines of BRICS summit in Brazil in 2019 before the beginning of COVID-19 pandemic. Both the leaders are scheduled to hold deliberations to review the prospects of bilateral relations and recalibrate the long standing India-Russia friendship.

"The agenda for the dialogue will cover political and defence issues of mutual interest. The establishment of this new mechanism of two plus two dialogue is expected to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries," Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Arindam Bagchi had said earlier.

Posted By: Mukul Sharma

PM Modi and President Putin have agreed to remain in regular touch on issues related to the India-Russia Strategic Partnership.

Title:

Content: Top

Old friends

X

On Monday, PM Modi spoke over the phone with Russian President Vladimir Putin. The phone call reportedly was a follow-up on many of the issues raised during Putin's recent India visit on December 6. According to a statement by the PMO, the two leaders have agreed to remain in regular touch with each other on a range of issues covered under the India-Russia Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership. Insofar as visits from foreign dignitaries and leaders go, Putin's visit to India earlier this month was arguably the most consequential development for India in the field of foreign affairs for quite some time. India, as may be known, has a long and storied relationship with Russia and its precursor, the Soviet Union. From the earliest days, the friendship between the two nations had a strong strategic undertone with both sides supporting each other on the world stage whenever necessary. Indeed, the Soviet Union was undeniably India's greatest ally in the 20th century against the machinations of the western powers like the US that did not take kindly to India announcing itself to be a 'socialist' nation. From Kashmir to the Bangladesh Liberation War, Russia has stood by India in defence of its strategic interests. As a proof of the relationship, a majority of military equipment India currently possesses was either directly supplied by Moscow or is otherwise of Russian origin. In recent years, with the fall of the Soviet Union and India's move towards liberalising its economy, India has ventured out into the world to make a new set of friends. This time around, it is India and the US that are getting along like a house on fire. India has deliberately sought to widen its field diplomatically and militarily in order to not be tied down to a single nation with the rather pragmatic understanding that there are no permanent relationships in international politics. In more recent times, Russia and India have somewhat drifted further apart as Russia bands together with India's rival China to take on the hegemony of the western world that is held up by the US. While India has no interest in joining the US in its power games against Russia, it is very much interested in leveraging its relationship with the west in its struggle to contain a belligerent China. It is here that India has had to perform a tremendous tight-rope walk, particularly following the 2014 annexation of Crimea by Russia. On the one hand, you have America that wishes to limit or even extinguish India's strategic relationship with Russia. On the other, you have Russia that is increasingly concerned and agitated by India drawing ever closer to the US's sphere of influence as it joins America in endeavours like the Quad grouping. Of particular concern to both sides is India's continuing dependence on Russia for military equipment. The US, already having sanctioned Turkey for the same, looks on menacingly as it threatens India with sanctions for buying the S-400 missile system. Russia, of course, is not only interested in keeping its old defence ties but even expanding them, as it has been recently teasing India with the possibility of being the first nation in the world to buy the improved S-500 missile system. In this regard, Putin's visit to India could be termed as symbolic. Since the beginning of the pandemic, Putin has only ventured out twice from his country, with the second trip being the one to India. His tone and body language during the meeting with PM Modi spoke volumes of the importance he attaches to maintaining the ties with India. Aside from underscoring the good working relationship he has with India's PM, the visit also highlighted that despite the recent turns of history, the two nations still have much to share and collectively work towards. Common concern in regards to the Taliban and Afghanistan is one such area that the two sides are looking to cooperate on in the near future. Another is strengthening existing defence ties between the two nations. Underscoring its strategic independence, India has decided to continue with its defence dealings with Russia, discussing the purchase of the S-400 missile system while also finalising a long-pending Rs 5,000 crore deal for the production of over five lakh AK-203 rifles in a joint Indo-Russian deal. But all said and done, the future of India's relationship with Russia still has some shades of uncertainty. Primary amongst them is the ongoing escalation between Moscow and NATO in regards to Ukraine and eastern Europe. If Russia should choose to brave threats of western sanctions to take action in Ukraine, where does this leave India? Can India still continue its balancing game between east and west at a time when geopolitics are heating up to a boiling point? That remains to be seen.

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What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

The Soviet Union was India's greatest ally in the 20th century, supporting it in key conflicts like Kashmir and the Bangladesh Liberation War.

India has expanded its global ties, including with the US, while maintaining its strategic relationship with Russia.

Title:

Content: China
According to the American publication Politico, during a nearly two-hour conversation in video format on March 18, US President Joe Biden failed to convince Chinese President Xi Jinping to commit to using Chinese influence to stop the Russian special operation in Ukraine.
On the contrary, this conversation provoked the Chinese leader to implicit criticism of the US role in fueling the Ukrainian crisis.
Moreover, Beijing seems to be only strengthening its relations with Moscow and opposing Washington ’ s attempts to stop the special operation to denazize and demilitarize Ukraine.
A senior White House official said that Biden did not make any specific demands during the talks, but only outlined his vision of the situation in Ukraine, but nevertheless warned that Moscow ’ s support would have consequences for China.
Administration spokeswoman Jen Psaki confirmed that Washington could impose sanctions against China.
Xi Jinping ’ s rhetoric was less belligerent: he pointed out to Biden that the main priority in the situation in Ukraine remains the continuation of dialogue and the prevention of civilian casualties, the avoidance of a humanitarian crisis and an early ceasefire, and in the long term, mutual respect between major powers, the rejection of the mentality of the cold war and bloc confrontation, the consistent construction of a sustainable system of global and regional security.
In addition, the Chinese President told the American President that “the United States and NATO should promote dialogue with Russia, address the security concerns of the Russian Federation and Ukraine and the real cause of the Ukrainian crisis. ”
Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi is confident that China ’ s position is objective and fair, and time will show that it is on the right side of history.
The lack of substantive results from the March 18 talks casts doubt on whether the personal relationship between U.S. and Chinese leaders, dating back to Biden ’ s time as vice president, can indeed help bridge deep political differences between them.
Most likely, this will only strengthen the White House ’ s policy towards China, which is based on rallying Washington ’ s allies to counter Beijing ’ s influence in the Indo-Pacific region and beyond.
This is clearly evidenced by the words of the official representative of the State Department Ned Price, sounded on March 14:
“(At the talks of US National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan with the head of the office of the CCP Foreign Affairs Committee Yang Jiechi in Rome, the American delegation directly and unequivocally stated our concern about China ’ s support for Russia and the consequences that any such support would have in terms of China ’ s relations not only with us, but also with other countries around the world, including our allies and the Indo-Pacific. in the region."
It seems that the press Secretary of the American foreign Ministry speaks on behalf of not only the United States, but also India, Vietnam, Indonesia and other countries that allegedly act against China, providing support to Russia, thus misleading the public.
And not only this – earlier, the American media, namely the newspaper The Wall Street Journal and CNN, spread a message that Russia allegedly asked China for military assistance for a special operation in Ukraine.
This information, following the press Secretary of the President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Peskov denied the Ambassador of China to the United States Qin Gang.
The diplomat stressed that Beijing does not provide weapons and ammunition to any of the parties to the conflict, making every effort to resolve the crisis.
According to the Chinese newspaper Global Times, if China really puts pressure on Russia, it will undermine relations between Beijing and Moscow and sabotage mutual trust, which will be a huge strategic loss for both sides.
“This is what the US wants and is happy to see.
But how can Beijing and Moscow allow such an evil stunt to succeed? <... > Russia is an independent major power, and China has no power to influence its decision on Ukraine, which Moscow considers a matter of “life and death, ” the article says.
China not only did not follow the lead of the United States, but also went on the offensive: the official representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of China Zhao Lijian accused Washington of spreading disinformation against China on the Ukrainian issue, pursuing malicious goals and demanded the opening of American biological laboratories operating in Ukraine for independent research by international experts.
And about how the strengthening of the collective sanctions pressure of the West on Moscow and Beijing will affect the further development of Russian-Chinese relations, Wang Yi clearly explained:
“They are independent and independent, based on non-alignment with the blocs, the absence of confrontation and are not aimed at third parties, they also do not tolerate outside interference and provocations.
No matter how threatening the international situation may be, China and Russia will maintain their strategic resolve and continue to promote comprehensive partnership and strategic engagement in the new era.
The rock solid unity of Russia and China is an important stabilizing factor in maintaining regional and international peace and security in the midst of a shaky and constantly changing international environment. ”
In turn, his Russian counterpart Sergey Lavrov notes that relations between Russia and China have reached an unprecedented high level.
And that's not the limit.
“Now, of course, I think that this interaction will be strengthened, because in conditions when the West is simply rudely undermining all the foundations on which the international system is based, of course, we need to think about how the two great powers still continue to be in this world, ” the Russian Foreign Minister added.
India
No matter what Ned Price says, India has its own opinion of what is happening.
The American edition of Vox notes that the confrontation between the Russian Federation and the United States on the Ukrainian issue puts India in a difficult position, but the authorities of the country in this situation seek to maintain long-term relations with Moscow.
The author of the article Jen Kirby draws attention to the fact that during the Cold War, India adhered to the tactics of non-alignment and preservation of sovereignty, and, although the country ’ s foreign policy has changed since then, the idea of   autonomy is still embedded in its foundation.
Balancing between the two centers of power requires complex calculations from New Delhi, but such a strategy is in its interests: warm relations with the United States and sanctions pressure from the West do not prevent trade with Russia (moreover, the Indian authorities are developing a new foreign trade strategy to preserve the volume of exports and imports to Russia in the context of the crisis around Ukraine), negotiate the purchase of oil at a discount and closely cooperate in the military sphere (2 / 3 of the Indian arms market is Russian Federation products that require further maintenance).
The updated program of military-technical cooperation is designed for 10 years, until 2031.
There are a lot of areas and joint projects.
I do not think, I can even say that I am sure that the current situation will not affect or affect our military-technical cooperation in a minimal way, because many Russian companies working in the military-industrial complex in the field of cooperation with India have long been under unilateral sanctions from the United States, primarily.
And the expansion of restrictions, which was caused by the situation in Ukraine, does not fundamentally change anything.
As for the deliveries of the S-400 systems, they are going according to plan, and the restrictions that are additionally imposed on us now will not affect the supply and completion of this contract in any way, "Russian Ambassador to India Denis Alipov said.
To further strengthen trade cooperation, the parties are considering the possibility of abandoning mutual settlements from the dollar and the euro and switching to rubles, rupees, and yuan.
Payments directly in national currencies were practiced by the USSR and India from the 1970s to 1992 in the conditions of the cold war and anti-Soviet sanctions of the United States.
On March 15, Indian Foreign Minister Subramanyam Jaishankar, speaking before the upper house of parliament (Rajya Sabha), stressed that the position of the state on the Ukrainian conflict is unchanged and consistent: it calls for the immediate cessation of all hostilities and considers dialogue the only possible way to achieve peace.
“India understands not only the objectives of the operation itself, but also the origins of the security situation in Europe, all the circumstances of Russian-Ukrainian relations in recent years and decades.
This is one of the reasons that India is now taking a fairly balanced position in relation to the aggravation, ” Alipov said.
India needs a strong Russia that will help maintain the balance of power in Asia, Vox explains.
The rest of Asia
The determination not to succumb to Western pressure in the situation with the Ukrainian events was shown not only by such political and economic giants as China and India, but also by smaller countries of the Asian region.
Japanese media were surprised to find that the vast majority of ASEAN member states are neutral on the Ukrainian issue, and some even understand Russia ’ s actions.
The authorities of Myanmar do not consider the special operation of the Russian Federation in Ukraine as an aggression.
The official representative of the military authorities of Myanmar, General Zo Min Tun, said that Moscow has rightly put forward demands to ensure its own security - the US approach to the Russian borders can be considered as an attempt to undermine the sovereignty of the Russian Federation, and Ukraine acts exclusively in the interests of the bloc of Western countries.
Vietnam and Laos abstained in the UN vote on the anti-Russian resolution of the West.
Both of these countries, which have close ties with Russia in the field of supplies of military equipment and survived the horrors of war, do not want to arrange a political siege against Moscow.
The online edition of the Vietnamese Chamber of Commerce and Industry published an official position on the Ukrainian issue: “Ukraine first betrayed a close country to Russia in favor of its older brother (USA – ed.), but when the trouble happened, no one helped her.
Ukrainians once had the opportunity to choose and determine the direction of national development.
Unfortunately, they have made mistake after mistake, leaving the sovereignty and national security of their country in the hands of the collective West.
Indonesia and Thailand, the largest ASEAN players in terms of population and economic potential, also decided to take a neutral position, which in November 2022 will become the organizers of the G20 summit and the summit of the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), respectively, and Russia is a member of both these integration associations.
On March 3, ASEAN issued a statement of deep concern about the situation in Ukraine, not a word about Russia in the text at all, not to mention any criticism against it for the current situation.
The only member of the Association who made tough anti-Russian statements is Singapore, which greatly surprised the partners.
“For Singapore, the Russian special operation in Ukraine is not tangible at all.
Today, Singapore has no security problems.
However, there is fear that if one country is allowed to “bare ” its fangs and attack another, it could lead to a threat to Singapore ’ s security in the future.
Of course, this is primarily referring to China ’ s ambitious aspirations.
Villahari Koshikan, a former senior Singaporean diplomat, said: “There are still many people in Malaysia who still call Singapore a ‘ lost island ’.
Such an unpleasant prospect, in addition to the general orientation towards the United States and the West, pushes Singapore to conduct a line on the situation in Ukraine that generally falls out of the ASEAN general chorus, ” explains the Japanese newspaper Sankei Shimbun.
In general, the pro-Russian position on the special operation of the Russian Federation in Ukraine was not only officials, but also users of social networks of the south-eastern countries.
The Indian edition of India Narrative identifies two interrelated factors that led to this picture:
1.
the traditional tendency towards non - interference in the internal affairs of other countries and neutrality towards distant States;
2.
the geopolitical consequences of military action and the attendant concern caused by the sense of insecurity of small countries from large neighbors who pursue their foreign and defense policies based on fabricated history.
Russia will not take the initiative in establishing relations with the West, said Sergey Lavrov.
Russia has long had no hope for the West, but the light has not converged on it.
Russia after the Crimean events increased the pace and scale of cooperation with other regions of the world, and very effectively, as shown by the study of the international audit and consulting network FinExpertiza: the trade turnover of Russia with countries that did not support Western sanctions, amounted to about 46% in 2021.
“Russia has many reliable partners not only in the post-Soviet space, but also in China, Southeast Asia, and African countries.
This is a huge, promising market, while not torn apart by such contradictions as in Europe.
The fruits of this partnership and cooperation are more than obvious, ” Deputy Chairman of the Russian Security Council Dmitry Medvedev wrote in the Telegram channel.

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Why India is walking the tightrope between the US and Russia
12: 56 7 / 6 / 2024
Why India is walking the tightrope between the US and Russia
05.07.2024
After the Cold War, which began in the 1950s, split the world into two camps, the newly independent India became the founder of the Non-Aligned Movement, a group of countries that did not side with either Washington or Moscow.
Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India retained some elements of this policy unchanged, while abandoning others.
In particular, Modi has strengthened ties with the United States, in which he sees a partner in the confrontation with a more assertive China.
At the same time, he continued to develop his country ’ s long-standing ties with Russia.
As a sign of Russia ’ s important role for India, Modi will meet with President Vladimir Putin on July 8 during his first foreign visit to a fellow leader after being elected for a third term.
But these relations are becoming increasingly complex as Russia strengthens ties with China, seeking its broader support.
China and India are not allies.
1.
Is India an ally of the United States?
India and the United States have been strategic partners for at least two decades, which means they can build relationships and cooperate militarily, but are not official treaty bound allies.
Although they have much in common – both countries are large and diverse democracies – New Delhi pursues its own interests in ways that sometimes conflict with US interests.
For example, India has refused to condemn Russia in the conflict with Ukraine, while an alleged plot of assassins in the United States has triggered a criminal investigation in which senior Indian officials are implicated, according to prosecutors.
The basis of relations remains the transformation of China into an assertive regional power.
China and India are long-time rivals with a bitter border dispute, and the US is seeking to draw India as a counterweight to Beijing ’ s rise.
India is part of the Quartet, a regional security dialogue with the United States, Japan and Australia.
A group of senior U.S. officials recently visited India to discuss cooperation in technology, security and foreign investment.
2.
What is India ’ s relationship with Russia?
Although India openly declared its non-alignment during the Cold War, it maintained warm relations with Moscow and was wary of the United States, which was closer to India ’ s main rival, Pakistan.
India and Russia maintain strong ties to this day.
The basis of this relationship is India ’ s status as a reliable buyer of Russian arms and crude oil.
Today, Russia remains India ’ s largest arms supplier, although, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, shipments have declined from about two-thirds of India ’ s arms imports more than a decade ago to just over one-third today as India seeks to diversify its sources of arms supplies.
Russia also remains India ’ s largest oil supplier, although sanctions imposed on Russian oil exports have affected Russian oil imports to India.
India also stands out among the leading democracies for its unwillingness to criticize Russia and abstained from voting at the United Nations, which condemned Russia for the conflict in Ukraine.
3.
What is India ’ s relationship with China?
Relations have been tense for years.
The source of tension was a territorial dispute along their common border that lasted decades and over which the two countries fought a war in 1962.
The dispute flared up again in 2020, culminating in a series of deadly skirmishes and prompting New Delhi to ban Chinese smartphone apps and limit Chinese investment in India.
Recently, there have been rumors of a relaxation of tension.
In May, Beijing appointed its first ambassador to India in 18 months.
After his arrival, he expressed a desire to improve relations between the two countries.
China also congratulated Modi on winning the election in June, and a Chinese official said the countries were on a "healthy and stable path."
The two countries agreed on further negotiations to resolve the border dispute.
4.
How are relations between Russia and China changing?
Russia and China have been rivals since the Sino-Soviet split during the Cold War (a rivalry that also brought Russia and India closer together).
But relations have noticeably warmed as both countries united in their opposition to the US-led international order.
The Russian president made his first foreign trip to Beijing after he was re-elected for a third presidential term in March.
At the July summit on security in Kazakhstan, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin said that relations between them are “the best in history, ” and both sides vowed to jointly defend“ calm and stability in the region. ”
China has become another major buyer of Russian oil, gas and coal, helping Russia counter Western sanctions.
5.
How does the United States view relations between India and Russia?
Washington still views India as a bulwark preventing China from spreading its influence in the Indo-Pacific region.
While he has occasionally criticized India for alleged human rights abuses and the treatment of minorities, India ’ s ties with Moscow have come at minimal political cost.
Following a recent visit by senior US officials, Deputy Secretary of State Kurt Campbell said the US side had raised the issue of India ’ s ties with Russia, as well as accusations of India ’ s involvement in a plot to murder for hire.
But he also said that the United States is confident in its relations with India and wants to expand cooperation between the two countries.
According to some analysts, the US sees India as an important ally in its quest to contain China, so it does not want to risk antagonizing officials in New Delhi.
Prepared by ProFinance.Ru based on Bloomberg materials.
Source - ProFinance.Ru
Permanent address of the article - https: / / centrasia.org / newsA.php? st = 1720259760
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Content: Russia-India coordination, balance, US-India approach?
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Source: Global Times
Author: Wang Shida
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke by telephone with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the 20th to further develop the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
At the beginning of this month, Russia and India held an annual leaders' summit, launched the first "2 + 2" dialogue between foreign ministers and defense ministers, and agreed to strengthen cooperation and coordination on bilateral and multilateral issues, and signed up to 28 cooperation agreements.
In just two weeks, the summit had two interactions, which sent a signal that Russian-Indian relations were more special than before.
From the interaction on the 6th, Putin led a strong delegation to visit India and held the annual Russian-Indian leaders' summit.
This is Putin's second overseas visit since the outbreak of the COVID-19 epidemic, highlighting the importance he attaches to the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
During the visit, Russia and India held their first "2 + 2" meeting, which will help deepen mutual understanding and strengthen the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two countries.
The most important of the 28 cooperation agreements signed by Russia and India is the Agreement on Military Technical Cooperation 2021-2031.
The document will provide guidance for Russian-Indian military cooperation in the next 10 years, especially to promote joint development and production of weapons and equipment.
It can be said that the foundation for the next stage of military interaction between Russia and India has been laid.
In addition, Russia and India are also actively discussing the signing of a military logistics agreement similar to the memorandum of understanding on logistics exchange between the two countries to facilitate the use of each other's military bases.
Once signed in the future, the Russian-Indian military relations will take another step forward.
The two leaders discussed how to implement the agreement reached at the December 6 meeting, agreed to maintain regular contact on all aspects covered by the Russian-Indian “special and privileged strategic partnership ”, continue to deepen bilateral cooperation and consultation and coordination in multilateral forums, and exchange views on international stability and security issues, including the situation in the Asia-Pacific region.
Since taking office as US president at the beginning of the year, Biden has inherited and strengthened the Indo-Pacific strategy of his predecessor, Trump, and has courted India as the key to its success.
To this end, Biden has made efforts to promote the upgrading and implementation of the four-nation mechanism.
In March this year, the four-nation mechanism held its first video summit, issued a joint declaration, and established three working groups to implement the summit consensus.
In September, the four-nation mechanism held its first offline summit, reiterating the implementation of cooperation in the fields of vaccines and high-quality infrastructure, and proposing to jointly train scientific and technological talents to create a "closed loop of scientific and technological talents of the four countries".
For example, the United States has continued to deepen the "comprehensive global strategic cooperative partnership" between the United States and India.
On March 19, U.S. Defense Secretary William Austin visited India, calling the U.S.-India relationship "a key pillar of a free and open Indo-Pacific."
Under the continued cozying up of the Biden administration, India's attitude of strategic autonomy has become blurred, and it has clearly moved closer to and tilted toward the United States in implementing its foreign policy of "multi-faceted alliance."
During his visit to the United States in September, Modi said that "the relationship between the United States and India has entered a critical transition period".
In the face of the continuous promotion of the "Indo-Pacific Strategy" by the United States and the drift and deviation of India in the two strategic directions of the Indo-Pacific Ocean and the Eurasian continent, Russia is certainly alert.
As early as the Cold War, Russia and India established a relatively special strategic cooperative partnership, even reaching the level of quasi-allies.
At the end of the Cold War, Russia pushed India to join strategic designs such as the "trilateral dialogue between China, Russia and India" in an attempt to promote the establishment of a fair and multipolar world order.
Russia also sees India as an important partner in the Indian Ocean region and an important contributor to the effects of radiation in the Indian Ocean region.
To this end, Russia has taken a series of actions, Foreign Minister Lavrov and other high-level leaders directly expressed opposition to the United States using the "Indo-Pacific strategy" as a tool to contain China and Russia and create regional division.
This round of Russian-Indian strategic coordination is also the proper meaning of Russia's anti-Indo-Pacific strategy.
In particular, Russia and India signed a major defense cooperation order, began the delivery of S-400 air defense system, and will soon sign a military logistics agreement, which is conducive to consolidating defense and military cooperation between the two countries, hedging the penetration and erosion of the traditional Russian arms market by the United States in the past 10 years, and preventing India from falling into the "Indo-Pacific camp" because of increased dependence on weapons and equipment.
Therefore, Russian-Indian interaction is conducive to maintaining the relative balance between the two camps of the Eurasian continent and the Indo-Pacific Ocean, as well as to global strategic stability and peace.
(The writer is deputy director of the South Asia Institute of the Chinese Institute of Modern International Relations)
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In December 1971, as the Indian Army tightened its noose against the Pakistani Army around Dhaka, then US president Richard Nixon asked his secretary of state Henry Kissinger to ask the Chinese if they could move, or threaten to move some forces to deter India from crushing Pakistani forces in the east. “They got to threaten or they got to move; one of the two” was Nixon’s explicit message. As the situation worsened for Pakistan, Nixon told Kissinger “But damnit, I am convinced that if the Chinese start moving, the Indians will be petrified”.

It was an era of the cold war when Indian-Soviet relations were at their peak, and India, despite being a democracy, was perceived as a threat by the West. As the Chinese promptly refused and despite the threat of escalation, the West ultimately stood down, fearing that the Soviet response could trigger a larger conflict. From there on, the history is well documented on how the China-Pak-US axis played out in Asia much to counterbalance the rise of India in the region. The eruption of insurgency in Kashmir and the rise of the Taliban are all part of the same play.

After the Balakot strike in 2019, the Indian and Pakistani armies stood in a tense stand-off along their border. During this period, the US was planning the withdrawal of its troops from Afghanistan. In February 2020, they reached an agreement with the Taliban on the withdrawal of troops which was set for the following year. By May 2020, the Indian and Chinese forces were involved in a series of clashes around the Galwan valley in the border region of Ladakh. The idea was to petrify the Indians but that era had changed. The Chinese ended up with more than a bloody nose and a long stand-off ensued.

As India moved to reposition its forces from its western border towards the north and north-eastern border to counter the Chinese threat, Pakistan got ample time to realign its forces on the border with Afghanistan. A year later, Pakistan provided full support to the Taliban in taking control of Afghanistan after US troops withdrew from Kabul, leaving the power with the hardcore Islamist forces. Subsequently after a tense faceoff for more than a year, the Chinese ultimately reached an agreement with the Indian government and the stand-off largely ended. The US was able to meet its strategic goal of handing over power to the Taliban by covertly supporting Pakistan through China. The Nixon-Kissinger policy of deterring India through China was still very much in play.

Since 2018, India has been expanding its role in the South Asian region as an emerging power. New Delhi’s way of adopting an autonomous approach by using a multipolar model for engaging with foreign partners for its own strategic and economic benefits has worked well. It has earned India global respect and projected it as a responsible emerging nation. On one hand, India worked closely with the US and its allies in Afghanistan; on the other hand, India along with Iran, Russia and other Central Asian countries was working together towards an increasing role in Afghanistan.

India’s multipolar approach hasn’t augured well for Washington DC, as both Iran and Russia are viewed as serious potential threats by the US. The US-conceived Indo-Pacific strategic policy traditionally tilts towards China with the intent to keep Russia and Iran under check. Moreover, its strategic investment in Pakistan gives it unprecedented leverage in the region. The US also counterbalances the rising influence of India in the region by leveraging the Pakistan-China axis for its strategic benefits.

The world is currently in turmoil due to the Russia-Ukraine war. It has created an unprecedented energy crisis in Europe and in the rest of the world. The result has been high inflation across European countries, the UK and the US owing to the soaring oil and gas prices. European countries bear the maximum brunt of this crisis. With the onset of winter, the gas shortage crisis is going to hit Europe the most and is expected to have a devastating effect on its citizens.

As the US and the West imposed severe economic sanctions on Russia, the opportunity to buy oil and gas at cheaper prices opened up for other countries. The decision of India to abstain from the UN Security Council vote against Russia and of buying cheap Russian oil irked the US and its European allies. They had expected India to toe the line, and India’s refusal unsurprisingly triggered a textbook response from them. They predictively started supporting Pakistan, which has traditionally been a NATO ally and has supplied weapons to Ukraine against Russia recently.

The release of an IMF loan of $1.1 billion to save Pakistan from a complete economic collapse was the first step. It was followed by the release of $450 million package for the upkeep of Pakistan’s F16 fighter aircraft. The US ambassador to Pakistan’s visit to Pakistan-occupied Jammu and Kashmir (PoJK), which US officials very vocally termed as AJK (Azad Jammu and Kashmir), was clearly a signal for India on upsetting its claim on POJK and the rest of an integral part of Jammu and Kashmir. The Himalayan region has traditionally been used as a beating drum of convenience for Western powers to arm-twist India internationally for their own strategic benefits. So, a sudden flare-up in cross-border terrorism or along LoC (Line of Control) is a huge possibility in near future. There are reports of Pakistan rapidly arming terrorists with small arms left behind by the US in Afghanistan to infiltrate the Indian border into Jammu and Kashmir. The probable removal of Pakistan from the FATF grey list is also another measure of adding irritant towards India. Surprisingly it is coming at a time when US president Joe Biden has called Pakistan the “most dangerous country” with nuclear weapons and no cohesion.

These moves suit China as it looks to rebuild its slowing economy back. It also gives Xi Jinping time to get elected for the third consecutive time hence strengthening his iron grip on China and pursuing the mutually laid policy of weakened Russia together. Despite these moves to throw India off balance, the geo-political churning happening in Afghanistan and Taiwan is expected to dent the US in the region more in the coming times. The West will be facing a much emboldened China in the eastern Pacific and an increasing radical Islamite terrorism threat emanating from Afghanistan. With China keeping its eyes firmly on consolidation in Taiwan, it will be unwilling to overly play the Pakistani misadventure games at the behest of the US. The US is set to lose its game against India as its supremacy will be further challenged in South Asia.

The Russia-Ukraine war is set to linger on through the winter. And as the energy crisis deepens further, the equation between the US and Europe is set to change. US foreign policy has always been aligned with the interests of the US alone. As Henry Kissinger famously said “America has no permanent friends or enemies, only interests”, other countries have taken the same cue and followed their own interests.

As the world is increasingly reluctant to play the great American game, it is time for Americans to respect the rules of their own game. By fuelling the endless wars of the military-industrial complex, America may sustain its dwindling economy for the time being but will ultimately bring a nuclear peril to the world.

As the new world order is set to lean more towards an autonomous multipolar direction, it’s the right opportunity to take a leaf from the Indian textbook of establishing stable multipolar relationships based on mutual respect, increased security and common economic benefits.

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Content: Reviving Russia ’ s Role in the Indo-Pacific
Raj Kumar Sharma
Fifty years ago, India and the former Soviet Union signed the Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation on 9 August 1971.
In addition to changing the characteristics of South Asian and world politics, the treaty can also be seen as a harbinger of this idea.
From the Indo-Pacific region between India and Russia.
Despite disagreements over this concept these days, it is easy to forget that India-Russia cooperation in the Indo-Pacific and Eurasia preceded India ’ s engagement with most other major powers.
1971 is known for another reason: China decided to abandon its ideological mentor, the Soviet Union, and allied itself with the United States to balance the Soviet Union.
Thus, India faced security threats from Pakistan ’ s allies – the United States and China – during the Indo-Pakistani War in 1971.
However, when the Indo-Pakistani War broke out in December 1971 and US naval forces attempted to threaten India ’ s security, the Soviet Union sent a nuclear-armed fleet from the Pacific Fleet stationed in Vladivostok to support India – this could be considered the beginning of the Indo-Pacific concept between India and Russia.
To silence China, the Soviet Union moved 40 military divisions to the Xinjiang border with China and 7 divisions to the Manchuria border.
These events 50 years ago showed that cooperation between India and Russia (the two Eurasian and Pacific powers) was an important component of the Indo-Pacific region long before the US supported the idea of the Indo-Pacific region.
However, geopolitics has now changed as the US now sees India as a partner in its fight against China.
On the other hand, Beijing has partnered with Moscow to challenge Washington.
Russia has expressed some doubts about the Indo-Pacific region.
First, the Indo-Pacific region is perceived by Russia as American, so Moscow completely rejects it.
However, the Asia-Pacific region that preceded the Indo-Pacific region was also an American construction that Russia adopted.
At the governmental level, Russia continues to oppose the Indo-Pacific region, but academia, think tanks, and even the media are starting to get involved in the idea, debates, discussions, seminars, and conferences on the subject.
From time to time, India assured Russia that New Delhi ’ s rapprochement with Washington would not come at Moscow ’ s expense.
In contrast to the United States ’ understanding of the concept of “free and open ” in the Indo-Pacific region, India has always indicated that it is interested in“ free, open and inclusive ” in the Indo-Pacific region, an understanding that reflects India ’ s desire for Russia.
be an active player in the region.
In fact, India has tried to link Russia with its Indo-Pacific initiatives so that the latter would look like an independent pole outside of China ’ s shadow, which has given the nature of the Indo-Pacific region a multipolarity.
These initiatives include the Chennai-Vladivostok sea route and efforts by India and Japan to invest in Russia ’ s Far East.
These initiatives are part of India ’ s policy in the Far East to reach the Asian part of Russia.
It is important to emphasize here that people-to-people contacts have been a key area of success in India ’ s relationship with the United States.
However, in relations between India and Russia, the situation is different.
As Russia has concerns about Chinese immigration to the Far East, state-facilitated immigration of Indian labor to Russia could bring political and economic benefits to both sides.
The Russian economy is recovering, but the epidemic is not over - Putin - Business and economy
From India ’ s perspective, the Indo-Pacific region is similar to the Great Russian-Eurasian Partnership aimed at avoiding Chinese domination of Eurasia.
This policy contains elements of cooperation as well as competition with China.
Faced with China ’ s advancement through the Silk Road Economic Belt in Russia ’ s sphere of influence in Eurasia, Russia has agreed to align its own initiative, the Eurasian Economic Union, with China ’ s Belt and Road Initiative, though there are more contradictions than similarities in these efforts.
Similarly, the Indo-Pacific region is India ’ s attempt to protect its neighbors from China ’ s assertive behavior.
Russia has the opportunity to cooperate with India in shaping the emerging order in the Indo-Pacific region, which can be done with historical trust between the two sides.
India pays more attention to the Indian Ocean, while the United States and its allies favor the Pacific, highlighting another difference in the Indo-American conceptual understanding of the Indo-Pacific.
India is not yet a major military power in the Pacific, but helping its naval forces achieve this goal will also help Russia meet China ’ s challenge to its dominance in the Arctic.
China defines itself as “close to the Arctic country, ” although it does not have a coastline in the Arctic.
Within the framework of the Polar Silk Road, China ’ s activity in the Arctic will increase in the coming years.
Even Chinese strategists have argued that whoever controls the Arctic sea route will control the global economy, and China should play an active role in this area.
Consequently, the Indo-Pacific region is an idea that can add value to Russian diplomacy in various regions, including the Asia-Pacific region and the Arctic.
After all, the Russian worldview is manifested in the symbol of the coat of arms, where the two-headed eagle looks simultaneously at the West and East.
Traditionally, Russian elites considered their country European, but it also has an Asia-Pacific character.
These elites, based in Moscow, which has been the traditional center of power in Russia, can compete with others who want Russia to be more active in the Pacific through its base in Vladivostok.
The Indo-Pacific region is not just the United States, and Russia ’ s worldview is likely to be incomplete without considering the Indo-Pacific region, where there is a potential risk of making it dependent on China.
Russia proposes new US administration not to publish INF Treaty - Business and economy
The author is a researcher at the Bharat Al Kindi Center.

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Content: 2 July 2024, Tuesday, 16: 46
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Bloomberg: India will prevent Putin from getting closer to China
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has launched the plan.
Russia ’ s active rapprochement with China worries India, which is countering its growing influence in the region.
Concerned about the expansion of the “limitless partnership ”, Prime Minister Narendra Modi next week will go to Moscow for talks with Vladimir Putin, writes Bloomberg.
It will be his first visit to Russia since the start of Putin ’ s war in Ukraine and his first trip abroad since Modi took office as prime minister for the third time.
While Moscow will try to present the meeting as proof that Russia has not been isolated since Western sanctions were imposed, Modi ’ s trip is more motivated by a desire to reaffirm the status quo in bilateral relations and limit China ’ s influence, experts and experts close to the Indian government say.
India is wary of Moscow ’ s growing dependence on Beijing, says Swasti Rao, a research fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defense Studies and Analysis at the Indian Ministry of Defense:
The deepening of strategic interaction between Russia and China makes New Delhi uncomfortable, as it is like a best friend sleeping with the enemy.
Given our concerns, it makes sense for the prime minister to go there and talk to Putin at the highest level.
Like China, India has taken advantage of the difficult situation that Russia has found itself in because of the sanctions.
It has more than 20 times increased purchases of Russian oil compared to 2021, saving 13 billion thanks to discounts on it, according to the April report of the rating agency ICRA.
It continues to purchase services and components from Russia to service previously purchased weapons, although major deals do not seem to be going any more.
In 2019-2023, according to the Stockholm Peace Research Institute, India for the first time since the early 1960s purchased less than half of the weapons from Russia / the USSR: the share of imports was only 36% compared to 76% in 2009-2013.
Russia has lost the Indian arms market, which has dominated for more than half a century
Russia has lost the Indian arms market, which has dominated for more than half a century
The meeting between Modi and Putin is expected to discuss the supply of logistics to India to strengthen cooperation between the armed forces of the two countries and resume discussions on joint development of a fifth-generation fighter, but breakthrough agreements in either this or other areas are likely not, informed Indian officials told Bloomberg.
Also, according to them, cooperation in nuclear energy will be discussed.
Payments in rupees for Russian oil for a long time hung on accounts in Indian banks, all of them accumulated by $8 billion.
Although the countries agreed to continue to pay for oil in UAE dirhams and increase purchases of Indian goods, their annual exports to Russia still do not exceed $5 billion.
Fearing sanctions and difficulties with calculations, Indian business is not eager to increase turnover.
Modi ’ s visit is “maintaining the status quo, ” Alexei Zakharov, an expert on India at HSE, told Bloomberg:“ Relations are not deteriorating, but there is no particular desire to improve them. ”
This is the second time that Putin ’ s turn to the East has caused concern among the leading countries in the region.
Thus, Chinese leaders may believe that Putin ’ s rapprochement with North Korea and the conclusion of a military alliance with it during a recent visit to Pyongyang may reduce the dependence of Russia and North Korea on Beijing and provoke unnecessary tension in the region.
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Content: All news

Senior Russian diplomat hopeful India aware of risks behind US idea to create repairs hub

Sergey Ryabkov described the ongoing defense cooperation between the United States and India as rather active

SOCHI, June 23. /TASS/. Moscow is confident that New Delhi is fully aware of the risks inherent in a US proposal to create a maintenance and repairs hub for warplanes and warships in India, Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov told TASS on Friday.

"Of course, I cannot but state that the United States has intensified attempts to bring India into its geopolitical structures. Toward that end, both formal and informal bodies are being set up. Other Western countries, too, have also been seeking closer ties with India," he noted.

When asked to comment on the US plans to build a hub for maintenance and repair of its warships and aircraft in India, Ryabkov said, "I am confident that our Indian partners, being quite experienced and well versed in the intricacies of contemporary global politics, are fully away of the risks that all of this may entail."

The senior Russian diplomat described the ongoing defense cooperation between the United States and India as rather active. "Meanwhile, India has been and remains one of our largest partners in this domain," he insisted.

According to Ryabkov, Russia will continue to deepen its partnership, including defense ties, with India, despite US chicanery. Moscow and New Delhi have been developing a number of lucrative projects of interest to the Indian side, the senior Russian diplomat said.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

India's growing ties with the US, including the Quad grouping, have raised Russian concerns amidst India's rivalry with China.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India and Russia continue to cooperate on key issues like defense and trade, with Russia being a major supplier of military equipment to India.

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'India great power and a time-tested friend', says Russia's Vladimir Putin

India, Russia hold 21st summit, and first 2+2 dialogue; sign 28 agreements

Topics
indian government | India-Russia ties | Narendra Modi

Ajai Shukla  |  New Delhi

Prime Minister Narendra Modi receives Russian President Vladimir Putin at Hyderabad House in New Delhi, on Monday (Photo: PTI)

New Delhi and Moscow on Monday issued to the world a high-visibility reminder about their “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership”, as Prime Minister and Russian President held the 21st India-Russia Summit, an annual ritual missed only in 2020 due to the pandemic.

Leading into the 21st summit meeting, India and Russia held their first-ever 2 + 2 Ministerial Dialogue, in which External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh together held strategic discussions with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu.

“We perceive India as a great power, a friendly nation and a time-tested friend. The relations between our countries are growing and I am looking into the future,” Putin said in his initial comments.

Putin also expressed concern over the developments in Afghanistan and said India and Russia will continue to coordinate on major challenges facing the region.

Modi said Putin’s second visit abroad during the Covid-19 pandemic reflected his personal commitment to the and that the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two sides was getting stronger. In the last few decades, the world witnessed many fundamental changes and different kinds of geopolitical equations and variables, but the friendship of India and Russia remained constant, Modi said. “Your visit to India is a reflection of your commitment to ties with India,” the PM said.

Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla said 28 agreements were concluded between India and Russia after Modi-Putin meet. After the 2+2 meeting, Jaishankar tweeted: “A productive exchange of perspectives on cross-cutting and inter-related issues. Will be reporting it to the Annual Summit later today.”

Earlier on Monday, there was a meeting of the apex body that governs defence relations between the two: The Indo-Russian Inter-Governmental Commission on Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-MTC), co-chaired by the two defence ministers, Singh and Shoigu.

India’s military uses Russian weaponry extensively, such as Sukhoi-30MKI fighter aircraft, T-90S tanks and BMP infantry combat vehicles, Talwar-class frigates, and Kilo-class submarines. The two sides have jointly produced the highly regarded BrahMos cruise missile system.

During the 17th annual summit, the two countries concluded deals on India’s procurement of five units of the S-400 air defence systems for an estimated ~37,000 crore, constructing Talwar-class frigates under Project 1135.6, and a shareholders’ agreement on a joint venture (JV) to manufacture Kamov-226T helicopters in India.

The S400 is regarded as the world’s premier long-range missile system, with the ability to shoot down enemy aircraft at ranges up to 400 kilometres. During the confrontation over the last two years between the Chinese and Indian armies in Ladakh, China deployed the S400 along the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

On March 3, 2019, in Amethi, Modi announced another JV —Indo-Russian Rifles — that would manufacture 750,000 AK-203 assault rifles in Korwa under the “Make in India” programme for an estimated $687 million. Russia is also competing for a ~40,000-crore deal for building six submarines in India under Project 75I, and a ~50,000-60,000 crore agreement to manufacture 114 fighter aircraft in India.

To ensure that Russian defence equipment was not hampered by any shortfall in maintenance or spare parts, the two sides agreed during the 20th Annual Summit in Vladivostok in September 2019 to cooperate in producing spare parts for Russian/Soviet military equipment.

The India-Russia defence partnership is being tested by Washington, especially through the piece of legislation the US Congress passed in 2017, titled CAATSA (Countering America’s Adversaries through Sanctions Act). This provides for US sanctions on countries that have significant defence or intelligence relations with Russia, Iran, or North Korea. India’s purchase of the S400 missile system is regarded as a potential trigger for Washington to impose sanctions.

While the US Congress has created a “CAATSA waiver” for close partners such as India, the US president is required to determine whether to exercise that waiver. So far, President Joe Biden has not stated a preference.

India, which faces a growing threat from China, is determined to buy the S400 from Russia. Asked whether New Delhi would bow to CAATSA pressure, India’s foreign ministry spokesperson said last week: “India and the US have a special global strategic partnership. And we also have a very special and privileged strategic partnership with Russia. And as you’re all aware, we pursue an independent foreign policy. This applies to our defence acquisitions, and supplies which are and will continue to be guided by our security interest.”

New Delhi and Moscow have identified trade and economic relations as a priority area. Modi and Putin have set a bilateral investment target of $50 billion and a bilateral trade target of $30 billion by 2025. (With inputs from PTI)

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First Published: Tue, December 07 2021. 01:24 IST
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

PM Modi and President Putin have set targets of $50 billion in bilateral investment and $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025.

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The India-Russia defense partnership is being tested by Washington through the Countering America's Adversaries through Sanctions Act (CAATSA).

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India will continue defense dealings with Russia, including purchasing the S-400 missile system and producing AK-203 rifles.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
weapons joint production

India's relationship with Russia remains uncertain due to the escalating tensions between Moscow and NATO over Ukraine and eastern Europe.

PM Modi and President Putin have pledged to continue developing their relations, with Modi praising Putin's leadership and thanking him for his congratulations on India's election win.

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Content: Putin and Modi pledge close cooperation during official talks in Moscow - Sunrise Gate
Tuesday 9 July 2024 7: 08 PM Cairo Cairo 24 °
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Putin and Modi pledge close cooperation during official talks in Moscow
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Published on: Tuesday 9 July 2024 - 6: 45 PM | Last updated on Tuesday 9 July 2024 - 6: 45 PM
Russian President Vladimir Putin and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, during official talks in Moscow, hailed the close and decades-long bilateral ties between their countries.
Speaking at the Kremlin meeting, Putin said India and Russia had a "distinct strategic partnership".
India ’ s commerce ministry said trade between the two countries had risen by 60 percent last year.
India ’ s imports of oil and fertilizers from Russia accounted for the largest share of trade.
During a meeting with representatives of the Indian community in Moscow, Modi said: "Every Indian feels that Russia is a friend of India in the good and bad...
This relationship is built on a strong foundation of mutual trust and respect. ”
Modi, 73, also praised Putin ’ s leadership qualities.
Speaking ahead of official talks between the Russian and Indian delegations in the Kremlin, Modi said the two countries would continue to develop their relations and achieve new goals.
"I say with confidence, based on our past experience, that we will work together in the future, deepen all aspects of our cooperation and achieve new goals," Modi said.
Modi thanked Putin for his warm welcome and congratulations on winning India ’ s June election.
Modi said: “We have achieved an unprecedented victory in the Indian elections and thank you for congratulating us on the victory.
You also won the election last March and I congratulate you again. ”
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India and Russia have a strategic partnership, with trade rising 60 percent last year, driven largely by Indian imports of Russian oil and fertilizers.

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

The Russian Ambassador to India expects a significant joint statement to follow the upcoming Putin-Modi summit.

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Content: Russian Ambassador to India spoke about the upcoming meeting between Putin and Modi
Russian Ambassador to India Nikolai Kudashev revealed the details of the upcoming meeting of Russian leader Vladimir Putin and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
• RIA News
“This will be a great political event, especially in demand now, when the demand for the development of bilateral relations and the formation of a space of cooperation in Eurasia is growing.
We can reasonably expect a large-scale joint political statement following the summit, ” RIA Novosti quoted him as saying.
According to him, work on the relevant statement is already underway and this “will be a document of great importance ”, covering almost all aspects of international cooperation between the two countries – from the UN agenda, reforming this organization to resolving regional crises and advancing in the bilateral dimension.
"As for such a traditionally sensitive area of our relations as military-technical ties, we can expect progress here," the ambassador added.
Earlier it became known that Putin will visit India on December 6, where he will hold a meeting with the Prime Minister of the country.
The parties will discuss the development of relations of a particularly privileged bilateral strategic partnership.
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What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

India has historically relied on Russia for defense supplies and support on key issues like Kashmir and border tensions.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The Ukraine war and Western sanctions have weakened Russia, eroding its ability to produce advanced electronics and defense goods.

Title:

Content: India’s Long Infatuation with Russia Must End

Seven months after China and Russia announced their "no limits" partnership, the two countries seem closer than ever. In the face of growing Chinese belligerence, this augurs ill for India, which should urgently reconsider its long-standing diplomatic and strategic dependence on a weakening Russia.

NEW DELHI – During a parliamentary debate in April, I expressed my concerns about India’s relationship with Russia. My words were met with grim-faced silence. But the events of the last five months have only strengthened my case.

The debate was on the Ukraine war. While deploring India’s reluctance to call a Russian shovel a spade, I acknowledged that India has historically depended on the Kremlin for defense supplies and spare parts, and appreciated Russia’s long-standing support on vital issues like Kashmir and border tensions with China and Pakistan. But the Ukraine war and Western sanctions had weakened Russia considerably, I noted. The ban on semiconductor chips, for example, had significantly eroded its ability to produce advanced electronics and defense goods that form the basis of India’s dependence.

Worse still, I argued, the war had highlighted and reinforced Russia’s reliance on China as its principal global partner – a relationship that would intensify as Russia grew weaker. India could then scarcely depend on the Kremlin to counter Chinese aggression, exemplified by the People’s Liberation Army’s territorial encroachments and killing of 20 Indian soldiers in June 2020.

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How has Russia/ India arms trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

The war has highlighted Russia's reliance on China as its principal global partner, a relationship that will intensify as Russia weakens.

India is concerned it cannot rely on Russia to counter Chinese aggression, such as the 2020 killing of 20 Indian soldiers.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India is balancing ties with the US and Russia to counter China's growing assertiveness while maintaining its strategic independence.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The US sees India as a bulwark against China's influence in the Indo-Pacific, but has concerns over India's Russia ties and alleged involvement in a murder plot.

Russia and China have warmed their relations, united in opposing the US-led order, with Xi and Putin calling their ties "the best in history".

India and China have a tense relationship due to a decades-long territorial dispute along their border, which led to a war in 1962.

Beijing has appointed its first ambassador to India in 18 months, signaling a desire to improve relations between the two countries.

India and Russia maintain strong ties, with Russia being India's largest arms supplier, accounting for over one-third of its imports.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
commerce

The Indo-Pacific region is a significant area of cooperation between India and Russia, with a history of collaboration dating back to the 1970s.

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

India views the Indo-Pacific region as similar to the Great Russian-Eurasian Partnership, aiming to counter Chinese domination of Eurasia through cooperation and competition with China.

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Russia's Eurasian Economic Union will align with China's Belt and Road Initiative, despite their contradictions.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

India's Indo-Pacific strategy aims to counter China, offering Russia a chance to cooperate in shaping the regional order.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The US now views India as a partner against China, while Beijing has allied with Moscow to counter Washington.

Russia is skeptical of the Indo-Pacific concept, seeing it as American, but its academia, think tanks, and media are showing interest.

India has assured Russia that its ties with the US won't come at Moscow's expense and wants Russia to be an active player in a "free, open and inclusive" Indo-Pacific region.

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

China's rise has triggered a regional power shift, but while it promotes a multipolar world, it is unwilling to accommodate India's interests in a multipolar Asia.

Title:

Content: ISSN 2330-717X

India Rethinks Ties With China – Analysis

By

By B R Deepak*

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The rise of China triggered a regional power shift that has been felt across East Asia and into the Himalayas. As China changes the status quo of the Indo-Pacific, it talks of promoting a multipolar world. But in practice it has a problem with multipolar Asia and is unwilling to accommodate India’s interests. In response to this, India is aligning itself more closely with the United States and its allies.

When evaluating India’s policy choices in East Asia, history cannot be overlooked. India–China rapprochement in the late 1970s, amid the Cold War and the rise of globalisation, saw the two countries grow closer. Their budding relationship found common ground in being at the same stage of development.

It was through this parity that a series of confidence-building measures (CBMs) were signed, enabling India and China to normalise and diversify their relationship into other areas. They became part of various multilateral mechanisms such as the Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, East Asia Summit and the BRICS grouping (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa).

Trade flourished and Chinese investment in India’s telecom, electronics, solar and, most notably, digital sectors increased by leaps and bounds. While India had a twinge of envy for China’s rise, it saw opportunities for win–win cooperation. Yet over the past two decades, India has become increasingly wary of the dangers of widening economic, military and technological asymmetries between the two countries.

The power shift in Asia has resulted in Chinese behavioural changes. With its growing regional power, China has felt less compulsion to abide by the CBMs. It has started flexing its muscles along the disputed border regions between India and China, resulting in bloodshed and prolonged standoffs.

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Until very recently, India acted like a ‘swing state’ between major powers in the region and avoided taking sides. This can be gleaned from India’s initial lukewarm reception to the idea of the Quad. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s keynote address at the 2018 Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore wished for India and China to ‘work together in trust and confidence, sensitive to each other’s interests’.

Many believe it was the 2017 border standoff in Doklam that pushed India to rethink its involvement in the Quad. If that is the case, the 2020 border clash in Galwan likely played a decisive role in India’s move to incorporate the Quad and the Indo-Pacific Strategy into its military and foreign policy.

It is unsurprising that Chinese scholars now see India’s ‘Act East Policy’ and other sub-regional and multilateral mechanisms as subservient to the Indo-Pacific strategy. These multilaterals include the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation, the Security and Growth for All in the Region vision and the Indian Ocean Rim Association — many of which are designed to counterbalance China’s growing influence.

Whether or not these mechanisms serve the goals of the Indo-Pacific strategy, India has indeed shifted its gaze away from China and towards Southeast Asia to initiate connectivity projects. One of them — the India–Myanmar–Thailand Trilateral Highway — has been extended to run through Cambodia and Vietnam and is expected to be completed by 2023

India supports the idea of ‘ASEAN centrality’ and envisages a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific region built on a rules-based international order. This obvious rebalancing has enhanced India’s security cooperation with the United States and other regional middle powers. The institutionalisation of the India–US 2+2 dialogue, the Quad, the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework and the US–India Malabar exercises point to this growing cooperation.

The growing India–US partnership has riled China. Some Chinese scholars have claimed that India refuses to support the ‘One China Policy’ over the Kashmir issue, which is home to a long-standing territorial dispute between India and China. But the late Indian minister of external affairs Sushma Swaraj has also called upon China to respect its own ‘One India Policy’.

Compared to China, India is relatively weak in economic and political power. In 2021, China–ASEAN trade accounted for US$878.2 billion, outstripping India–ASEAN trade, which stood at US$78 billion. But East Asian countries have always been positively inclined towards India’s engagement in the region, though most do not support India’s self-proclaimed role as a ‘net security provider’ — a role that they believe should be reserved for the United States.

China believes that India’s Act East Policy ‘will allow India to intervene’ and ‘warm up’ to other countries on issues surrounding the South China Sea. This may become a drag on China–ASEAN relations in future. But China will not cede the space it once did before its rise.

Similar anxieties have been expressed by India over China’s attempts to increase its footprints in the Indian Ocean. The docking of the Yuan Wang 5 — a Chinese ‘spy ship’ — at Hambantota, Sri Lanka, was particularly concerning for India.

In the face of a prolonged standoff on the India–China border and the growing US–China rivalry, India finds itself leaning more towards the United States and its allies. India sees this as best for its economic and technological advancement and for the realisation of its larger global aspirations.

*About the author: B R Deepak is Professor of Chinese and China Studies at the Centre of Chinese and Southeast Asian Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

Source: This article was published by East Asia Forum

East Asia Forum

East Asia Forum is a platform for analysis and research on politics, economics, business, law, security, international relations and society relevant to public policy, centred on the Asia Pacific region. It consists of an online publication and a quarterly magazine, East Asia Forum Quarterly, which aim to provide clear and original analysis from the leading minds in the region and beyond.

India is aligning itself with the US and its allies, and history plays a role in its East Asia policy choices.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

India, an energy-deficient developing country, resisted pressure to stop buying discounted Russian oil despite growing US and European ties.

Title:

Content: What's new

France and India: Two Nuances of 'Strategic Autonomy'

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Commentary by Mathieu Droin , Rajesh Basrur , Nicolas Blarel , and Jyotsna Mehra

Published July 13, 2023

“We know India will be a very difficult superpower—like a big France.” This comment by a former deputy national security advisor of Japanese prime minister Abe Shinzo echoes a widely shared sentiment across G7 capitals. This is also certainly what many think in the United States vis-à-vis these two indispensable, yet volatile partners.

In collective fora, France and India indeed take pride in not being free riders, as nuclear powers with robust national militaries and capacities, as well as in being free thinkers, developing an outlook of their own on global issues. French president Emmanuel Macron’s motto “allied, but not aligned” echoes Indian external affairs minister Dr. S. Jaishankar’s insistence that India is “entitled to have its own side” This posture is best encapsulated in a concept that both countries have regularly been using: “strategic autonomy,” defined as the capability to make decisions independent from external pressure, especially from great powers, in the main policy areas. This commonality is regularly emphasized in bilateral encounters between the two states.

The visit of Indian prime minister Narendra Modi as a guest of honor for France’s National Day on July 14, also known as Bastille Day, will be an occasion to showcase the strength and depth of the bilateral relationship. France and India established a strategic partnership in 1998, but this partnership has really gained traction in the past decade, with close cooperation initiated or enhanced on a wide range of issues, including in sensitive and sovereign domains, buttressed by a flourishing defense trade cooperation that has placed France as India’s second-largest arms supplier after Russia. Modi’s visit will be the occasion for new announcements in the fields of defense, space, and nuclear technology.

The visit will also be an occasion for both countries to reaffirm how a shared quest for strategic autonomy is guiding this partnership. Their differing histories and geographies bring nuances and distinct threat perceptions, notably regarding the war in Ukraine and relations with Russia and China. But their overall like-minded vision on multipolarity and multilateralism offers great potential to expand cooperation and advance an original outlook, with one eye in Europe and the other in Asia.

The Roots of French and Indian Strategic Autonomy
Strategic autonomy has been central to the two states’ foreign policies since the late 1940s. In the French context, French president Charles de Gaulle wanted more autonomy vis-à-vis the United States. One direct application of this was France’s decision to leave NATO’s military command structure in 1966, though it remained a member of the alliance. In addition, de Gaulle pleaded for a dialogue with the Soviet Union, recognized the People’s Republic of China in 1964, and argued for the need for France to maintain the control of the strike capacity of its nuclear weapons.

Following independence, India, under Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, espoused a similar conviction in absolute sovereignty to maintain complete autonomy in international affairs, put into practice through the doctrine of nonalignment and neutrality from great power politics. India also developed its own indigenous nuclear program with an aim to develop energy and strategic autonomy. While contributing to the creation of the Non-Aligned Movement, India also remained a member of the British Commonwealth, negotiated defense equipment procurement from the United Kingdom and the United States, and later developed a strong partnership with the Soviet Union.

Concurrently, the shared understanding that strategic autonomy and sovereignty is only possible with strong indigenous capacities in key sectors has led to Indo-French cooperation in nuclear and space research since the 1950s. India’s defense contracts with France illustrated New Delhi and Paris’s common aim at maximizing their strategic autonomy. From India’s perspective, there has been a willingness to diversify its procurement sources beyond Russia. Political reliability and trust have been decisive criteria in choosing France as a prime partner. Defense deals have been determined not solely on the basis of the operational qualities of French equipment, but on guarantees that France will not stop the supply of spare parts and weapons, which other suppliers have not guaranteed. Third, India has wanted to transform its defense ties beyond buyer-seller relationships and to pursue opportunities for technological cooperation for co-development and coproduction of defense equipment, notably with France.

Over the last three decades, strategic autonomy has therefore been a feature of Indian and French foreign policies and has led both states to pursue closer, but not exclusive, ties with Washington while at times also developing ties with states that have been at odds with the United States, like Iran or Russia. Both states have historically lamented the rise of a bipolar order during the Cold War and of a unipolar order in the 1990s, while selectively aligning with great powers on specific instances, such as India’s support for the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, or France’s participation in the Iraq war in 1991 (but not in 2003).

Strategic Autonomy in the Modi and Macron Era
Like their predecessors, Modi and Macron have fostered strong links with major powers without becoming overly dependent on any one of them, maintaining distance from Cold War–style bloc competition. Both countries are more integrated in collective defense or security frameworks than they used to be 70 years ago, but Modi’s India remains formally opposed to joining a military alliance, while Macron’s is regularly critical of NATO, in a very Gaullist manner.

Modi has pursued autonomy by enhancing India’s nuclear weapons profile and building military and economic networks with multiple great powers such as the United States, France, and Japan. The resultant escalation of India’s standing from a struggling developing nation to an emerging economy and further to a rising power has given it a seat at numerous tables such as the four-nation Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (or “Quad,” with Australia, Japan, and the United States), the BRICS grouping (with Brazil, Russia, China, and South Africa), the G20, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and bolstered its claim to permanent membership of the UN Security Council. France is in an opposite position of having to justify its presence at almost every table, being today the only country that is a member of the G7, the UN Security Council, NATO, and the European Union. Paris thus compensates for its relative economic decline with important diplomatic activism, which has included a flurry of initiatives such as the European Political Community, the Paris Call for Trust and Security in Cyberspace, and the recently held Paris Summit for a New Global Financial Pact, to name a few.

Modi and Macron also have a shared aspiration to be “balance shapers,” not followers. Like Nehru and de Gaulle earlier, they favor a multipolar international order—one that allows no single power to be dominant and offers New Delhi and Paris the prospects of a major role in shaping the global agenda. To help them achieve their ambitions and to diminish their dependence on great powers, France and India both strive to build new, flexible partnerships. Indian policy has focused on a network of strategic partnerships characterized by defense cooperation that encompasses arms transfers, military exercises, and intelligence sharing but steers clear of integrating forces and war plans. Similarly, France is also closing ranks with selected partners to complement collective commitments within NATO or the European Union, via bilateral mutual defense clauses and via coalitions of European countries outside of the EU framework, such as the former Takuba grouping of special forces in the Sahel or the European Maritime Awareness operation in the Strait of Hormuz (EMASOH).

Strategic convergence between France and India is therefore obvious, but there are some limitations and nuances. First, although President Macron is keen on insisting on French history and advancing French soft power, Macron’s vision does not parallel the ideological revivalism of Modi’s India as a civilizational state through Hindutva (a right-wing ideology seeking to define Indian culture and nation around the values of Hinduism, literally meaning Hindu-ness). Second, and more practically, in terms of military readiness, though the contemporary Indian state has tended to be coercive internally, its external policies have been the opposite. India has not hesitated to employ force against combative neighbors like China and Pakistan, but it has exercised remarkable constraint, eschewing external intervention. By contrast, France has deployed its troops in numerous missions and operations through the European Union, NATO, and ad hoc coalitions.

Applied Strategic Autonomy
The conceptual like-mindedness around strategic autonomy translates into comparable foreign policies for France and India, especially in regard to their relations with major powers including the United States, China, and Russia.

Both countries have complex, often misunderstood relationships with the United States. They both aspire to a degree of independence from Washington policies, while being aware of their reliance on the United States for their defense and security. Therefore, critics of U.S. policies within Paris and Delhi are often seen as ungrateful by advocates of consolidated transatlantic and Indo-Pacific ties. But what the latter fail to capture is the vested U.S. interest in having capable and autonomous partners in key regions, even at the cost of painful diplomatic engagement and coordination. The best testament to this need to carefully cultivate these partnerships is that Macron and Modi are two of the three world leaders that have been invited by the Biden administration for state visits in Washington (along with South Korean president Yoon Suk Yeol).

Modi’s visit to Paris is expected to give a boost to India’s quest for equipment diversification and defense indigenization. There is widespread speculation over possible announcements on India’s procurement of Dassault Rafale multirole fighters and Scorpène-class submarines, as well as agreements on technology transfer.

The real stress test for Franco-Indian strategic cohesion lies in their respective assessment of how to engage other major, problematic, powers such as China and Russia. Locked in a military stand-off with Beijing in the Himalayas since April 2020, India has admitted that its relations with China are “not normal.” In April, President Macron sparked a major controversy across Western capitals and drew praise from Beijing when he reinvoked the idea of strategic autonomy following his pomp-heavy state visit to China. Notably, Macron suggested that Europe should not adapt itself to an American pace and a Chinese overreaction over the Taiwan issue, effectively calling on the European Union to steer clear of “crises that are not ours.” In addition to Macron displaying openness to expanding business ties with China and seeking China’s mediatory role in the Ukraine conflict, this visit has been portrayed as a form of French leniency toward Beijing, which could be a source of concern for Delhi. But reactions in Washington and New Delhi were mild as, in practice they work together closely on balancing their shared rival, China, in this region.

In fact, the Indo-Pacific concept has provided a useful frame for the thriving Franco-Indian relations. France, more than the other Quad partners, has a direct interest in the stability of the Indian Ocean, thanks to its overseas territories in the southern Indian Ocean and military bases in the northern Indian Ocean, Djibouti, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). This has given way to fruitful bilateral cooperation, enshrined in the Joint Strategic Vision of India-France Cooperation in the Indian Ocean Region adopted in 2018. Paris and New Delhi are also stepping up their joint engagement with like-minded partners, through trilateral formats with Australia and the UAE and strategic partnerships with countries such as Greece and Egypt. Not only do these Indo-French partnerships underline linkages between the Indo-Pacific and the Mediterranean, they also complement a traditionally Washington-led security architecture in the region, while enhancing regional economic integration, together with “mini-lateral” partnerships such as the I2U2 (India, Israel, the UAE, and the United States).

Respective strategic autonomy can also lead to dissonance, such as in France’s and India’s positions on the war in Ukraine. France has continued to extend political, financial, humanitarian, and military support to Ukraine. It has vociferously condemned Russia’s military intervention and supported multiple rounds of sanctions against Moscow. Concurrently, President Macron has repeatedly called on “fence sitters” to take sides in this conflict of global implications, including in a resounding speech to the UN General Assembly. Despite its rapidly growing ties with the United States and Europe, India, as an energy-deficient developing country, resisted pressure to stop purchases of discounted oil from its traditional partner, Russia. At the same time, in veiled attempts to criticize Russia, Prime Minister Modi told President Putin that today’s era is not one of war and has repeatedly called for peaceful resolution to the conflict, including from the floor of the U.S. Congress.

Beyond strategic competition, the two countries also strive to be identified as leaders among the “middle powers” and in redefining multilateralism. While India has been strengthening its partnerships with countries identified as part of “the West,” it continues to safeguard its diplomatic maneuverability by remaining actively involved in organizations such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization where Moscow and Beijing hold significant sway. India has been attending G7 meetings of advanced economies while using its G20 presidency to champion the interests of the developing world. Earlier this year, India hosted a first-of-a-kind summit of 125 Global South countries, which aimed to shed light on the disproportionate impact of global shock—from Covid-19 to the war in Ukraine—felt by the Global South. Even as France faces challenges in its ties with the Global South, particularly its former African colonies, it has been working on addressing gaps in the global financial architecture that disadvantage the developing world with the New Global Financing Pact. Together, the two are strengthening the multilateral architecture through organizations such as the International Solar Alliance, with a focus on transnational challenges.

Conclusion
A shared historical struggle to maintain strategic autonomy in a complex geopolitical landscape has helped both powers develop a degree of trust and a pragmatic partnership. Interestingly, both find the other partner valuable but not enough to develop a relationship of interdependence.

France is strong enough to have something to offer on the diplomatic, military, space, and nuclear sectors to India, but not strong enough to shape international order, norms, or rules, or to balance China if tensions escalate. For France, India is important, but not the most important partner when it comes to trade and defense cooperation in the context of threats like Russian aggression or terrorism in Africa.

Modi’s visit to Paris is therefore another important milestone to consolidate the Franco-Indian special relationship, but the latter remains unlikely to evolve into a proper military alliance. This fits with the objective of both states to maintain some strategic flexibility. Indeed, genuine strategic autonomy implies restrictions even to the closest of partnerships.

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India remains involved in BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization to maintain diplomatic flexibility with Moscow and Beijing.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

India attends G7 meetings and strengthens Western partnerships while striving to lead among middle powers and redefine multilateralism.

India and Russia have a "special and privileged strategic partnership" to consolidate their defense and military cooperation.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
weapons joint production

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

The partnership helps maintain balance and stability in Eurasia, the Indo-Pacific, and globally.

Russia promotes a multipolar world order, including through a trilateral dialogue with China and India.

What vision of global dynamics do India and Russia share?

polycentric system of international relations

The Russia-India Agreement on Military Technical Cooperation 2021-2031 will guide military cooperation for the next 10 years.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
weapons joint production

The agreement aims to promote joint development and production of military equipment between Russia and India.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
weapons joint production

India and Russia are developing lucrative projects and deepening their partnership, including defense ties, despite US opposition.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
weapons joint production

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

A senior Russian diplomat described US-India defense cooperation as active, while noting India remains one of Russia's largest defense partners.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Prime Minister Narendra Modi's upcoming Moscow visit aims to reaffirm bilateral relations with Russia and counter China's influence.

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India is wary of Moscow's growing dependence on Beijing.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India has increased its Russian oil purchases over 20 times since 2021, saving $13 billion through discounts.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The US Indo-Pacific policy aims to counterbalance China, Russia, Iran, and India's rising influence, leveraging the Pakistan-China axis for strategic benefits.