Under the leadership of Prime Minister Modi and President Putin, the India–Russia relationship has demonstrated both resilience and adaptation, underscored by strategic pragmatism amid global power shifts.

Since 2014, key milestones have included deepened cooperation in defense, energy, and connectivity initiatives, such as the International North South Transport Corridor and the Chennai-Vladivostok route, aiming for diversified regional integration free from political agendas often associated with China’s Belt and Road Initiative .

The bilateral relationship remains rooted in Russia’s longstanding respect for India’s strategic autonomy.

Despite Western pressure, notably after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, India avoided condemning Moscow at international fora and significantly increased imports of discounted Russian oil, making Russia its largest oil supplier and propelling trade to record highs exceeding $50 billion .

Defense cooperation remains a cornerstone, as seen in the ongoing S-400 air defense acquisition despite US sanctions threats, joint ventures like BrahMos missiles, and substantial joint production, including AK-203 rifles .

High-level mechanisms such as annual summits and a 2+2 dialogue institutionalize partnership across trade, energy, and technology .

However, logistical bottlenecks caused by the Ukraine war have prompted new emphasis on local arms production and technology transfer .

India’s rivalry with China has been pivotal; following the 2020 border clashes, India sought to balance deepening defense ties with Russia while aligning strategically with the US and the Quad to contain China’s regional influence .

As Russia’s relationship with China has strengthened, India has maintained close engagement with Moscow—leveraging it as a continental balancer and, at times, receiving Russian diplomatic efforts to mediate India-China tensions .

Under the leadership of Prime Minister Modi and President Putin, the India–Russia relationship has demonstrated both resilience and adaptation, underscored by strategic pragmatism amid global power shifts.

Title:

Content: Russia / India / Political / Military
Modi Meets Putin, Putin Praises India as ‘ Strong and Reliable Ally ’
Russian President Vladimir Putin, who is visiting India, praised India as Moscow's "strong and reliable ally", Putin's visit focused on "energy" and "national defense", and the foreign ministers and defense ministers of the two sides held their first 2 + 2 meeting and signed a number of military cooperation agreements.
In a joint statement, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation and achieve the goal of 30 billion US dollars in bilateral trade by 2025.
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Indian diplomatic officials said on Monday that Russia had begun supplying India with S-400 long-range air defense systems.
During Putin's meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the two sides also signed a 10-year military cooperation agreement and an oil cooperation agreement.
In a joint statement issued after the meeting, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation, including joint research and development and production of military equipment.
The two sides also stressed the need to achieve the goal of 30 billion U.S. dollars in bilateral trade by 2025, and to strengthen cooperation in energy and satellite navigation.
The two sides pointed out that it is necessary for the Eurasian Economic Union and India to start negotiations on a free trade agreement on goods.
Speaking to the media before his meeting with Modi, Putin said: "We consider India to be a big country, a friendly country and a security ally."
Putin ’ s visit to India is aimed at strengthening ties with India ’ s traditional allies, which are being eroded by the United States.
To counter China ’ s rise, the Quadripartite Security Dialogue (Quad), established by the United States with India, Japan and Australia, has drawn the attention of Beijing and Moscow.
During the Cold War, India had close ties with the Soviet Union, a relationship that continues to this day, described by New Delhi as a “special and privileged strategic partnership. ”
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi met with visiting Russian President Vladimir Putin on Monday to discuss defense and trade relations between the two countries in an effort to strike a balance with the United States.
"There have been many fundamental changes and geopolitical elements in the world over the past few decades, but India's friendship with Russia remains the same," Modi said before meeting Putin.
India ’ s foreign ministry said the annual bilateral summit covered political and defense issues.
The two leaders also discussed the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan caused by the takeover of the Afghan government by the Taliban earlier this year.
India and Russia have long had close ties, and both sides have set a goal of reaching $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025.
Recently, however, India has drawn closer to the United States, believing that the United States is a key force against China.
India is also trying to manage its defense relations with Russia while strengthening its military ties with the United States, the sources said.
India, a major arms importer, relied heavily on the former Soviet Union for armaments during the Cold War, but now it is diversifying its procurement of arms, as well as buying US-made weapons.
During the period of former US President Trump, India signed more than $3 billion of arms purchase contracts with the United States, and the arms trade between the two countries has increased from zero in 2008 to $15 billion in 2019.
On the other hand, India's purchase of the Russian-made S-400 missile system to counter China has become a major problem in relations with the United States.
This sophisticated anti-missile system, once available, is expected to enable India to gain strategic deterrence power against China and Pakistan.
However, the United States has asked its partners not to purchase Russian-made armaments, or it may impose sanctions.
In addition, India and Russia held their first 2 + 2 meeting in New Delhi on Monday, where the two sides signed a number of cooperation agreements on "military and small arms".
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu arrived in New Delhi on Monday for a 2 + 2 meeting with Indian Foreign Minister Sujson and Defense Minister Manmohan Singh.
The 2 + 2 ministerial meeting was the first between India and Russia.
Singh tweeted after the meeting that discussions on defense cooperation between the two sides had been fruitful and that India cherished the "special strategic partnership" with Russia.
He added that the two sides have signed several agreements, contracts and protocols on small arms and military cooperation.
However, Singh and India ’ s Ministry of Defence have not issued a formal statement or press release disclosing details of the various agreements signed with Russia.
Indian media reported that one of the major agreements was the transfer of technology and local production of the Russian-made AK-203 assault rifle.
Under the agreement, India will produce more than 600,000 AK-203 assault rifles in India over the next 10 years through an Indian-Russian joint venture.
The report also said that another agreement is to extend the 10-year India-Russia military-technical cooperation agreement until 2031.
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Since 2014, key milestones have included deepened cooperation in defense, energy, and connectivity initiatives, such as the International North South Transport Corridor and the Chennai-Vladivostok route, aiming for diversified regional integration free from political agendas often associated with China’s Belt and Road Initiative .

Title:

Content:
India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday. At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

The 22nd Russia-India Annual Summit will lead to a greater collaboration between the two countries in Russian Far East and the Eurasian space, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), according to experts.

The 81-paragraphbilateral Joint Statement underscored the "shared vision" to enhance transport and connectivity cooperation, as well as a "solid commitment" to enhance economic linkages in Russia's resource-rich Far East, Pravesh Kumar Gupta, an Associate Fellow at New Delhi-based think tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), told Sputnik India.

The 22nd Annual Summit, a "unique and pivotal event in the current global geopolitical context" according to Gupta, exposed the disappointment of Western countries.

"Amidst global turbulence, the summit served as a crucial platform for leaders to engage in constructive discussions and strategic dialogues, with the aim of bolstering cooperation in vital areas such as trade, energy, connectivity, defence, and technology. This event has been widely acknowledged as a significant milestone in the ongoing development of the close ties between India and Russia, a success that stood in stark contrast to the disappointment felt by the Western world," the Indian think-tanker asserted.

Lauding the Summit outcomes, Gupta remarked that the leaders would intensify effort to develop "promising production and marketing chains in Eurasia" and stick to the new plan for the Far East in providing enhanced cooperation in different sectors, including transport and connectivity.

Specifically both leaders shared a vision pointing to three projects – International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor as well as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), or the Polar Route.

"Most importantly, these connectivity projects are free from any political agenda, unlike the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as clearly mentioned in the joint statement. Their implementation will be based on the principles of transparency, broad participation, local priorities, financial sustainability, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations," the VIF pundit underlined.

Gupta expressed confidence that the proposal to establish a joint working group on developing the NSR would speed up the project, which promised "significant cost savings and reduced shipping times" for goods traveling between Europe and Asia.

"The route's increased accessibility due to melting Arctic ice has sparked increased interest in its potential for commercial shipping and trade, offering a bright future for global trade," Gupta stated.

In the context of the INSTC, the expert underscored that it could turn out to be the most "cost-effective and favourable" connectivity project to increase Indian exports to Eurasia and vice-versa. He explained that the 7,200-kilometre-long multimodal corridor was in line with Moscow's geo-economic focus on Asia-Pacific following the Ukraine conflict.

Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'

In terms of bolstering cooperation in Asia-Pacific, or near India's own neighbourhood, Modi and Putin shared approaches on building a "new architecture" of a 'Greater Eurasian space'.

Although, initially Russia was focused primarily on the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, the Ukrainian conflict completely changed the situation, Alexey Kupriyanov, an expert in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) at Moscow-based think tank IMEMO RAS told Sputnik India.

At the same time, the think-tanker highlighted that a growing trade turnover between Russia and India was pushing Moscow to return to the Indian Ocean Region, primarily to ensure the protecting of Russian vessels in areas not covered by Indian Navy's operations, which include the Red Sea and the Mediterranean region.

"In the long term, this means that Russian ships will soon operate more intensively in the Indian Ocean and expand their presence," Kupriyanov stressed.

It would bolster India's security efforts and help it manage the power competition between China and the US, even as Indian Navy has intensified inter-operability with western maritime forces in recent years, the expert asserted.

"Since India's focus is primarily on the eastern part of the region, Russian ships in the western part could help fill the vacuum of security there. This will reduce the need for East African countries to seek help from China and the US to combat pirates, smugglers and drug traffickers," Kupriyanov concluded.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

transportation
security & military
energy
infrastructure

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The bilateral relationship remains rooted in Russia’s longstanding respect for India’s strategic autonomy.

Title:

Content: 31 Dec, 2023 08:46

Deeper than diplomacy: There is a reason why New Delhi and Moscow rely on each other

Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy is the core strength of bilateral ties, as the Indian foreign minister’s latest visit proves

Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar’s five-day official visit to Russia was timely and significant for more than one reason.

India and Russia had held annual summits at the leadership level since 2000. This sent an important message in terms of the value attached by the two countries to bilateral ties, but it also conveyed a broader geopolitical message to other international partners of the two countries.

But this practice was broken largely because of Russia’s pre-occupation with the Ukraine conflict and its fallout. The last annual summit took place in 2021.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin could have held a summit on the margins of the BRICS summit in Johannesburg in South Africa or the G20 summit in New Delhi, but Putin did not attend either. While Jaishankar’s visit does not substitute for a summit meeting, it was intended to fill a political gap.

Jaishankar and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov have met six times during the year, and the Indian external affairs minister also met with Russian Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov during the year on the economic agenda. For Jaishankar to visit Russia before the end of the year, undeterred by the Russian winter and holiday season, reflects the importance both sides attach to the further expansion of ties.

Putin has on several occasions praised the Indian prime minister and positively noted the country’s economic progress. At the ‘Russia Calling’ Forum in early December this year, he said that despite pressure from others, he “cannot imagine that Modi could be frightened, intimidated or forced to take any actions, steps, decisions that would at variance with the national interest of India and the Indian people.” He noted that sometimes he is surprised at Modi’s tough stance on Indian national interests. He added that the policy pursued by Modi is the “main guarantor” of the developing bilateral ties.

This is high and unusual praise by Putin. It can be interpreted on several levels – particularly as an acknowledgement that India has resisted pressure from the US and others to condemn Russia over the Ukraine conflict, impose sanctions, and reduce defense ties with Russia. India has, on the contrary, bought discounted Russian oil to the point that Russia has become its biggest oil supplier. It has argued that ensuring this market flow of Russian oil has helped avoid a major spike in oil prices and checked global inflation. Indian-Russian trade has expanded, while the G7 has broken economic and trade ties with Russia.

India played a major role as G20 president in negotiating the part in the Leaders’ Declaration on the Ukraine conflict despite the hardening of the G7 position and that of Russia and China after the G20 summit in Bali. The final text does not mention Russia by name, while the G7 was satisfied that the general formulations in it could be sold as being directed at Russia’s military operation in Ukraine.

Not surprisingly, Putin complimented India for de-politicizing the G20. India chaired the SCO summit in July 2023 and participated in the BRICS summit in South Africa in August 2023. This countered G7 attempts to isolate Russia diplomatically. In fact, the New Delhi SCO Declaration spoke of more effective global institutions, a more representative, just, and multipolar world order based on international law and multilateralism, and criticized the unilateral application of economic sanctions – a clear critique of the Western-dominated global system.

It is against this backdrop that Putin received Jaishankar at the Kremlin, the first time that such a gesture has been made to him personally. The general unavailability of Putin to visiting foreign ministers is well-known.

Jaishankar delivered a personal message from Modi to Putin. During the meeting, Putin invited his “friend Modi” to visit Russia in 2024 and noted that Indian-Russian ties were on the whole developing well. He said that he had been briefing Modi on developments in Ukraine, remarking that he understands the Indian prime minister is willing to do his utmost to resolve the matter by peaceful means. He added that he would give additional information to Jaishankar on Ukraine.

India has continued to strengthen ties with the US, including in the defense domain. It is a member of the Quad and a strong supporter of the Indo-Pacific concept, both of which are intended to deter China’s regional ambitions. Russia has reservations about the Quad and the Indo-Pacific concept, which it sees as the US engaging in bloc politics in Asia.

Putin’s praise for Modi and India and the gesture of receiving Jaishankar takes into consideration these realities of India’s foreign policy which are meant to safeguard the larger national interests. At the core of this is Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy. Jaishankar’s high-profile visit and the vigorous language used to mark the importance of India’s traditional ties with Russia would have caught Washington’s attention.

Jaishankar noted that after talks with Lavrov, “what clearly came out was that India-Russia relations remain very steady, remain very strong, they are based on our strategic convergence, on our geopolitical interests, and because they are mutually beneficial.” The two leaders discussed political cooperation within international organizations such as BRICS, the SCO, etc.

Indian-Russian trade is at an all-time high, exceeding $50 billion last year, and should pass that figure this year. It includes energy, fertilizers, coking coal, and other items, for which long term arrangements were discussed. India intends to expand investments in Russia’s oil and gas sector.

On the nuclear side, two important amendments were agreed to which will take the Kudankulam nuclear power project forward. Mutual investments, progress on a bilateral investment treaty, and the resumption of negotiations between India and the Eurasian Economic Union for a free trade agreement will be resumed in the second half of January 2024.

Moscow and New Delhi will expand cooperation in the Russian Far East. India expects a large representation from this region at the Vibrant Gujarat Summit in January 2024.

Connectivity between India and Russia will be critical for expanding trade ties – connectivity from western India through the International North-South Transport Corridor, and connectivity from eastern India, from Chennai to Vladivostok, and the polar route. To promote tourism, India is open to increasing the number of flights from India every week.

The talks between Jaishankar and Lavrov were comprehensive. They discussed the global strategic situation, Ukraine, Gaza, the Indo-Pacific, ASEAN, Afghanistan, UN-related matters, the challenges facing the Global South, and the building of a multipolar order. China would undoubtedly have been discussed, but diplomatic discretion here would be normal.

In the joint press conference, Lavrov spoke of prospects for more defense cooperation, including joint production of modern weapons under New Delhi’s ‘Make in India’ program, and, importantly, expressed respect for India’s efforts to diversify its defense ties. He noted bilateral cooperation in rocket engine manufacturing and satellite navigation systems.

Jaishankar’s visit was productive in maintaining the momentum of Indian-Russian ties, which have been built over 60 years, a relationship that he believes is not just about politics, diplomacy, or economics, but is much deeper.

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Despite Western pressure, notably after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, India avoided condemning Moscow at international fora and significantly increased imports of discounted Russian oil, making Russia its largest oil supplier and propelling trade to record highs exceeding $50 billion .

Title:

Content: Homepage

Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad

  • In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia.
  • The move signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow, and shows the world India is pursuing its own agenda.
  • Modi is aiming to correct the trade imbalance and address China's Indo-Pacific activities.
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In a move likely to anger the US, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is visiting Russia on Monday for his first bilateral trip after winning a historic third term in office.

Modi's two-day visit to Russia — where he is scheduled to meet with President Vladimir Putin — is significant in that it signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow. It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

Vinay Kwatra, India's foreign secretary, told reporters in New Delhi that issues between Russia and India have "piled up" and "need to be addressed," per Bloomberg.

Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine. India is a major buyer of Russian oil. Russia is also India's biggest arms supplier.

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Kwatra underscored that the two countries' trade relationship has remained "resilient."

Still, Modi's trip will "rankle many Western observers," Ved Shinde, a researcher and contributor to Australia's Lowy Institute think tank, wrote in a note on Wednesday.

"Since the Ukraine war began, India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in the heart of Europe," Shinde added.

Modi's visit to Russia will make the US look bad

Just like Putin's visit to supply-chain hot spot Vietnam, India's engagement with Russia isn't a good look for the US, as it comes while Washington is isolating Putin's regime.

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The US has raised "some concerns" about India's relationship with Russia with New Delhi, Kurt Campbell, the US Deputy Secretary of State, said last month.

However, Washington acknowledges that India's ties with Russia are different from its ties with the US.

"We have many areas of alignment, but it is not surprising that there would be areas where we've had perhaps different perspectives, views, historical ties," Campbell said about America's relationship with India.

India, for its part, is looking to balance its relationship with the world's key powerbrokers — the US, Russia, and China.

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"There are different degrees in India's multi-alignment. Make no mistake — the United States and its allies are more consequential for India's future than its relationship with Russia," wrote Shinde.

India needs to leverage its historical ties with Russia to secure its economy and security, so Modi isn't just in Russia for a goodwill trip.

Reducing the trade imbalance

A key agenda item for the visit is to reduce a huge bilateral trade imbalance, said Kwatra.

India imports about $60 billion of goods a year from Russia, but Russia buys less than 10% of this amount from India, per Bloomberg.

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Modi may also touch on China's activities in the Indo-Pacific region, said Kwatra.

India is trying to manage its relationship with China, which has been testy since a border dispute in 2020. Modi skipped the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kazakhstan last week.

There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

At the summit last week, Putin said Russia's relationship with China is in the "best period in history."

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Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

"The reason for the time-tested stability in India-Russia ties is to maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland. That is, to balance China," wrote Shinde.

"Or to put it another way, don't go around making new adversaries when there are already two open fronts — China and Pakistan," Shinde added.

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Defense cooperation remains a cornerstone, as seen in the ongoing S-400 air defense acquisition despite US sanctions threats, joint ventures like BrahMos missiles, and substantial joint production, including AK-203 rifles .

Title:

Content: Russia-India coordination, balance, US-India approach?
Font Size:
Source: Global Times
Author: Wang Shida
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke by telephone with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the 20th to further develop the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
At the beginning of this month, Russia and India held an annual leaders' summit, launched the first "2 + 2" dialogue between foreign ministers and defense ministers, and agreed to strengthen cooperation and coordination on bilateral and multilateral issues, and signed up to 28 cooperation agreements.
In just two weeks, the summit had two interactions, which sent a signal that Russian-Indian relations were more special than before.
From the interaction on the 6th, Putin led a strong delegation to visit India and held the annual Russian-Indian leaders' summit.
This is Putin's second overseas visit since the outbreak of the COVID-19 epidemic, highlighting the importance he attaches to the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
During the visit, Russia and India held their first "2 + 2" meeting, which will help deepen mutual understanding and strengthen the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two countries.
The most important of the 28 cooperation agreements signed by Russia and India is the Agreement on Military Technical Cooperation 2021-2031.
The document will provide guidance for Russian-Indian military cooperation in the next 10 years, especially to promote joint development and production of weapons and equipment.
It can be said that the foundation for the next stage of military interaction between Russia and India has been laid.
In addition, Russia and India are also actively discussing the signing of a military logistics agreement similar to the memorandum of understanding on logistics exchange between the two countries to facilitate the use of each other's military bases.
Once signed in the future, the Russian-Indian military relations will take another step forward.
The two leaders discussed how to implement the agreement reached at the December 6 meeting, agreed to maintain regular contact on all aspects covered by the Russian-Indian “special and privileged strategic partnership ”, continue to deepen bilateral cooperation and consultation and coordination in multilateral forums, and exchange views on international stability and security issues, including the situation in the Asia-Pacific region.
Since taking office as US president at the beginning of the year, Biden has inherited and strengthened the Indo-Pacific strategy of his predecessor, Trump, and has courted India as the key to its success.
To this end, Biden has made efforts to promote the upgrading and implementation of the four-nation mechanism.
In March this year, the four-nation mechanism held its first video summit, issued a joint declaration, and established three working groups to implement the summit consensus.
In September, the four-nation mechanism held its first offline summit, reiterating the implementation of cooperation in the fields of vaccines and high-quality infrastructure, and proposing to jointly train scientific and technological talents to create a "closed loop of scientific and technological talents of the four countries".
For example, the United States has continued to deepen the "comprehensive global strategic cooperative partnership" between the United States and India.
On March 19, U.S. Defense Secretary William Austin visited India, calling the U.S.-India relationship "a key pillar of a free and open Indo-Pacific."
Under the continued cozying up of the Biden administration, India's attitude of strategic autonomy has become blurred, and it has clearly moved closer to and tilted toward the United States in implementing its foreign policy of "multi-faceted alliance."
During his visit to the United States in September, Modi said that "the relationship between the United States and India has entered a critical transition period".
In the face of the continuous promotion of the "Indo-Pacific Strategy" by the United States and the drift and deviation of India in the two strategic directions of the Indo-Pacific Ocean and the Eurasian continent, Russia is certainly alert.
As early as the Cold War, Russia and India established a relatively special strategic cooperative partnership, even reaching the level of quasi-allies.
At the end of the Cold War, Russia pushed India to join strategic designs such as the "trilateral dialogue between China, Russia and India" in an attempt to promote the establishment of a fair and multipolar world order.
Russia also sees India as an important partner in the Indian Ocean region and an important contributor to the effects of radiation in the Indian Ocean region.
To this end, Russia has taken a series of actions, Foreign Minister Lavrov and other high-level leaders directly expressed opposition to the United States using the "Indo-Pacific strategy" as a tool to contain China and Russia and create regional division.
This round of Russian-Indian strategic coordination is also the proper meaning of Russia's anti-Indo-Pacific strategy.
In particular, Russia and India signed a major defense cooperation order, began the delivery of S-400 air defense system, and will soon sign a military logistics agreement, which is conducive to consolidating defense and military cooperation between the two countries, hedging the penetration and erosion of the traditional Russian arms market by the United States in the past 10 years, and preventing India from falling into the "Indo-Pacific camp" because of increased dependence on weapons and equipment.
Therefore, Russian-Indian interaction is conducive to maintaining the relative balance between the two camps of the Eurasian continent and the Indo-Pacific Ocean, as well as to global strategic stability and peace.
(The writer is deputy director of the South Asia Institute of the Chinese Institute of Modern International Relations)
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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons supply
security & military
weapons joint production

High-level mechanisms such as annual summits and a 2+2 dialogue institutionalize partnership across trade, energy, and technology .

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

However, logistical bottlenecks caused by the Ukraine war have prompted new emphasis on local arms production and technology transfer .

Title:

Content: Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s recent two-day visit to Russia may have been watched more in the West than in India itself.
Modi received an official reception in Russia, where President Vladimir Putin, who faces Western sanctions over the war in Ukraine, described the Indian prime minister as his “best friend. ”
The visit, Modi ’ s first overseas trip after taking office for a new term, has been described as of international significance.
India is in a unique position as it enjoys long-term relations with Russia while at the same time getting closer to the United States and is now in a position to win the trust of both sides.
Thus, while India is unlikely to play the role of mediator, the South Asian country, during the crisis period, could play some role in helping to find a solution to the war in Ukraine.
But throughout the visit, Modi was clearly balancing India ’ s position between the two sides.
He has described Russia as a friend at all times, referring to how Moscow has advanced in the past to help New Delhi.
Russia shared nuclear technology with India at a time when no other country was willing to do so.
It is also supplying arms to India and helping to strengthen its defence deterrence amid border problems with neighbouring countries.
While India is now diversifying its defense purchases from Israel, the United States, and France, among others, 80 percent of India ’ s military equipment to date comes from Russia.
Russia has also become important since the outbreak of the Ukrainian war, to provide fuel at reduced prices, which is crucial for India, whose energy needs are growing exponentially.
Cheap fuel helped New Delhi adjust inflation in India.
At the same time, India ’ s relations with the United States have grown at a rapid pace in recent times.
Against this backdrop, the visit was also a lesson in skilful diplomatic manoeuvres, as Modi managed to strike a good balance between the two sides.
During the visit, Modi noted that his 17 meetings with Putin over the past decade have strengthened mutual trust and respect between the two sides.
The Indian prime minister not only called Russia a friend at all times, but also a “partner for better or worse. ”
The two leaders also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis.
The Indian prime minister reiterated his country's position that there could be no solutions to the crisis amid "guns, bullets and bombs".
"Whether it is a war, a conflict or a terrorist attack, anyone who believes in humanity suffers when there is a loss of life," he said, stressing that "when innocent children are killed, the heart bleeds and this pain is very frightening."
There is no doubt that Modi ’ s visit to Russia was significant.
Apart from the international attention from a political point of view on its outcome, the visit is seen as adding to the continued momentum in relations between the two countries.
Economic relations in particular have received a boost since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis, mainly due to India ’ s imports of oil, fertilizers and gas at reduced prices.
Trade between India and Russia, which has been stagnant for years, rose from $15 billion in 2021-2022 to $65 billion in 2023-2024 after the outbreak of the Ukrainian war in 2022.
So, during Modi ’ s visit, the two sides also discussed ways to strengthen economic ties.
The two countries agreed to boost trade to $100 billion by 2030, reduce non-tariff barriers, reduce trade imbalances in Russia ’ s favor, improve connectivity and increase trade in agricultural goods.
They also discussed some outstanding problems that remain unresolved between the two countries, such as the issue of the growing trade imbalance.
The outbreak of the Ukrainian war, which was the reason for the strengthening of energy ties between the two countries, put pressure on the military relationship, delaying shipments of spare parts and new weapons.
For example, Russia has so far delivered only three of the five S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile systems, while the other two are behind schedule.
The delivery of spare parts and other military equipment remained an essential part of the discussions.
The two sides are now exploring the possibility of establishing partnerships in joint ventures in India for some important parts of arms.
Modi ’ s visit to Russia, while surprising to the West, was of great importance to India in pushing forward its relations with Russia.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons joint production

India’s rivalry with China has been pivotal; following the 2020 border clashes, India sought to balance deepening defense ties with Russia while aligning strategically with the US and the Quad to contain China’s regional influence .

Title:

Content: The leaders of the three powers convened a virtual summit via video on Tuesday in an attempt to reshape the U.S.-led global order.
But apart from the unity implied by their common appearance, each seemed to focus on their own different goals.
For Russian President Vladimir Putin, that meant showing strength after the Wagner mercenary mutiny and claiming international support for his war in Ukraine.
For China's top leader, Xi Jinping, the summit is another opportunity to attack the United States by calling for an end to "hegemonism" and "power politics."
For Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the host of the meeting, it was a sign of India ’ s growing stature – and an insinuating attack on its main rival, Pakistan, by calling on other countries to unite to “fight terrorism. ”
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In the speeches of the leaders prepared in advance of the annual meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, no significant statements were made about the changes in the alliance.
But this forum – established in 2001 by China and Russia, with Pakistan and the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan – does allow us to see how a regional club set up to counter Western influence deals with conflicting priorities.
There is no mention of the growing friction between Beijing and New Delhi that has pushed historically non-aligned India closer to the United States.
If Putin wants other leaders to deliver loud statements of support to ease his weakened position at home and justify his war in Ukraine, he can only be content with conventional rhetoric and a wintry tone.
What ’ s more, under the watchful eye of the Biden administration and many other countries around the world, the forum essentially seems to be stating that the three leaders have taken control of their own domestic issues and are ready to embrace what Putin calls a new “multipolar ” world.
“They all have a motive to downplay things and make everything seem normal, ” said Chong Ka-ying, an associate professor of political science at the National University of Singapore.“ They show that things are under control, there are no cracks, and India wants to explore relations with the United States despite Russia ’ s problems. ”
On Tuesday, no leader needed to reshape his image more than Putin.
Last month, Wagner mercenaries tried to overthrow Russia ’ s military leadership, and Putin ’ s more than two decades of rule faced the biggest challenge.
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While Putin defused the crisis by agreeing with mercenary leader Prigozhin to travel to Belarus, the brief rebellion raised questions about his authority and future.
It was Putin ’ s first appearance at an international forum since the rebellion, and he thanked member states for their support after the mutiny, which he claimed did not have popular support in Russia.
"A profound responsibility for the fate of the motherland unites Russian politics and society as a whole, showing a united front against armed mutiny," Putin said, also seeking to use the summit as a sign of international support for his invasion of Ukraine.
Support from China is most important, and it is the only major power to provide diplomatic and economic cover for Russia.
China has done so because it has made a long-term bet on Putin as a necessary partner to challenge the United States.
The bet comes at a cost, however, as Beijing struggles to repair relations with Europe ’ s main economic partners.
China ’ s refusal to condemn the war in Ukraine has also drawn growing global attention to Beijing ’ s aggressive stance on Taiwan.
The virtual meeting provided Xi with an opportunity to advance China ’ s goal of wresting influence from the United States.
He hailed the SCO as a way to “improve global governance ” and promote“ Chinese-style modernization ” — a veiled expression of a world vision in which Beijing and its partners have a greater say in international rules and norms.
In this vision, India ’ s positioning remains to be seen.
India, China ’ s biggest emerging strategic rival, joined the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in 2017 and sees the forum as a way to balance its own relations with the West as well as with China and Russia.
India has maintained stable relations with Russia, mainly economic, after refusing to condemn the invasion of Ukraine.
But its relationship with China has deteriorated due to border disputes and its participation in the quadripartite security dialogue mechanism, including the United States, which focuses on security and which Beijing views as a tool to contain China.
Modi's high-profile visit to Washington last month heightened suspicions in China that India is pulling closer to the United States to contain China's rise.
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Despite these tensions, India has a sweet spot in the forum.
Its dependence on the Central Asian countries for energy and maintaining its influence in Afghanistan could have spillover effects on Pakistan.
Modi praised the forum as an "important platform" for peace and prosperity, but urged the group to condemn countries that "use terrorism as a tool of their policies."
The remarks were directed at Pakistan, which India accuses of funding militants in the disputed Kashmir region.
“India will not abandon or withdraw from the SCO because it will lose its foothold in Central Asia and cede the Eurasian region to India ’ s main rival, China, ” said Sriram Chorya, dean of the School of International Affairs at Jindal Global University near New Delhi.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

As Russia’s relationship with China has strengthened, India has maintained close engagement with Moscow—leveraging it as a continental balancer and, at times, receiving Russian diplomatic efforts to mediate India-China tensions .

Title:

Content: Day 2: India forges ahead: Strengthening Defence Ties Amidst Challenges with Russian-Origin Equipment

The Working Group Meeting between India and Russia aims to foster stronger defence ties between the two countries.

Amidst ongoing challenges with Russian-origin defence equipment, India is actively working on enhancing its military cooperation with key nations. As part of this effort, the third Meeting of the Indian-Russian Intergovernmental Commission on Military and Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-M&MTC) is going on in New Delhi. On day one of the two day the meeting, chaired by Lt Gen Johnson P Mathew from the Indian side and Lt Gen Dylevskii Igor Nikolaevich from the Russian side, focused on addressing issues related to spare parts and maintenance of the Russian equipment utilized by the Indian armed forces.

The Working Group Meeting between India and Russia aims to foster stronger defence ties between the two countries. This strategic dialogue assumes added significance with India’s increasing dependence on Russian defence equipment, ranging from Sukhoi fighter jets to tanks and naval assets. The ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict has impacted military supplies to India, raising concerns over payment mechanisms and delays in deliveries. However, the Russian defence industry’s resilience and focus on production of various defence items have shown positive signs, ensuring continued support to India’s armed forces.

In the backdrop of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, India has consistently advocated for dialogue and diplomacy to resolve the crisis. Despite the challenges, India has strengthened its trade ties with Moscow and remains committed to enhancing defence cooperation. To achieve this goal, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has undertaken two successful visits to prominent nations, the United States and France, where key defence deals were announced.

The meeting is taking place close on the heels of the recently concluded visits of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the US and France. During his visit to the United States, PM Modi reaffirmed the strategic partnership between India and the US. Both nations inked significant defence deals aimed at bolstering India’s defence capabilities and strengthening military ties. Similarly, in Paris PM Modi engaged in fruitful discussions, resulting in important defence agreements that will pave the way for enhanced cooperation between the two countries’ armed forces.

India’s commitment to bolstering its defence capabilities and cooperation remains unwavering, even amidst challenges with Russian-origin equipment. The recent Working Group Meeting with Russia reflects the nation’s determination to find solutions collaboratively.

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First published on: 19-07-2023 at 11:02 IST
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In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?


Under the leadership of Prime Minister Modi and President Putin, the India–Russia relationship has demonstrated both resilience and adaptation, underscored by strategic pragmatism amid global power shifts.

Since 2014, key milestones have included deepened cooperation in defense, energy, and connectivity initiatives, such as the International North South Transport Corridor and the Chennai-Vladivostok route, aiming for diversified regional integration free from political agendas often associated with China’s Belt and Road Initiative .

The bilateral relationship remains rooted in Russia’s longstanding respect for India’s strategic autonomy.

Despite Western pressure, notably after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, India avoided condemning Moscow at international fora and significantly increased imports of discounted Russian oil, making Russia its largest oil supplier and propelling trade to record highs exceeding $50 billion .

Defense cooperation remains a cornerstone, as seen in the ongoing S-400 air defense acquisition despite US sanctions threats, joint ventures like BrahMos missiles, and substantial joint production, including AK-203 rifles .

High-level mechanisms such as annual summits and a 2+2 dialogue institutionalize partnership across trade, energy, and technology .

However, logistical bottlenecks caused by the Ukraine war have prompted new emphasis on local arms production and technology transfer .

India’s rivalry with China has been pivotal; following the 2020 border clashes, India sought to balance deepening defense ties with Russia while aligning strategically with the US and the Quad to contain China’s regional influence .

As Russia’s relationship with China has strengthened, India has maintained close engagement with Moscow—leveraging it as a continental balancer and, at times, receiving Russian diplomatic efforts to mediate India-China tensions .

This balancing act reflects India’s broader strategy of “multiple alignment”—cooperating with Russia and the West to maximize autonomy and manage risks posed by a rising China .

Under the leadership of Prime Minister Modi and President Putin, the India–Russia relationship has demonstrated both resilience and adaptation, underscored by strategic pragmatism amid global power shifts.

Title:

Content: Russia / India / Political / Military
Modi Meets Putin, Putin Praises India as ‘ Strong and Reliable Ally ’
Russian President Vladimir Putin, who is visiting India, praised India as Moscow's "strong and reliable ally", Putin's visit focused on "energy" and "national defense", and the foreign ministers and defense ministers of the two sides held their first 2 + 2 meeting and signed a number of military cooperation agreements.
In a joint statement, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation and achieve the goal of 30 billion US dollars in bilateral trade by 2025.
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Indian diplomatic officials said on Monday that Russia had begun supplying India with S-400 long-range air defense systems.
During Putin's meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the two sides also signed a 10-year military cooperation agreement and an oil cooperation agreement.
In a joint statement issued after the meeting, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation, including joint research and development and production of military equipment.
The two sides also stressed the need to achieve the goal of 30 billion U.S. dollars in bilateral trade by 2025, and to strengthen cooperation in energy and satellite navigation.
The two sides pointed out that it is necessary for the Eurasian Economic Union and India to start negotiations on a free trade agreement on goods.
Speaking to the media before his meeting with Modi, Putin said: "We consider India to be a big country, a friendly country and a security ally."
Putin ’ s visit to India is aimed at strengthening ties with India ’ s traditional allies, which are being eroded by the United States.
To counter China ’ s rise, the Quadripartite Security Dialogue (Quad), established by the United States with India, Japan and Australia, has drawn the attention of Beijing and Moscow.
During the Cold War, India had close ties with the Soviet Union, a relationship that continues to this day, described by New Delhi as a “special and privileged strategic partnership. ”
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi met with visiting Russian President Vladimir Putin on Monday to discuss defense and trade relations between the two countries in an effort to strike a balance with the United States.
"There have been many fundamental changes and geopolitical elements in the world over the past few decades, but India's friendship with Russia remains the same," Modi said before meeting Putin.
India ’ s foreign ministry said the annual bilateral summit covered political and defense issues.
The two leaders also discussed the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan caused by the takeover of the Afghan government by the Taliban earlier this year.
India and Russia have long had close ties, and both sides have set a goal of reaching $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025.
Recently, however, India has drawn closer to the United States, believing that the United States is a key force against China.
India is also trying to manage its defense relations with Russia while strengthening its military ties with the United States, the sources said.
India, a major arms importer, relied heavily on the former Soviet Union for armaments during the Cold War, but now it is diversifying its procurement of arms, as well as buying US-made weapons.
During the period of former US President Trump, India signed more than $3 billion of arms purchase contracts with the United States, and the arms trade between the two countries has increased from zero in 2008 to $15 billion in 2019.
On the other hand, India's purchase of the Russian-made S-400 missile system to counter China has become a major problem in relations with the United States.
This sophisticated anti-missile system, once available, is expected to enable India to gain strategic deterrence power against China and Pakistan.
However, the United States has asked its partners not to purchase Russian-made armaments, or it may impose sanctions.
In addition, India and Russia held their first 2 + 2 meeting in New Delhi on Monday, where the two sides signed a number of cooperation agreements on "military and small arms".
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu arrived in New Delhi on Monday for a 2 + 2 meeting with Indian Foreign Minister Sujson and Defense Minister Manmohan Singh.
The 2 + 2 ministerial meeting was the first between India and Russia.
Singh tweeted after the meeting that discussions on defense cooperation between the two sides had been fruitful and that India cherished the "special strategic partnership" with Russia.
He added that the two sides have signed several agreements, contracts and protocols on small arms and military cooperation.
However, Singh and India ’ s Ministry of Defence have not issued a formal statement or press release disclosing details of the various agreements signed with Russia.
Indian media reported that one of the major agreements was the transfer of technology and local production of the Russian-made AK-203 assault rifle.
Under the agreement, India will produce more than 600,000 AK-203 assault rifles in India over the next 10 years through an Indian-Russian joint venture.
The report also said that another agreement is to extend the 10-year India-Russia military-technical cooperation agreement until 2031.
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Since 2014, key milestones have included deepened cooperation in defense, energy, and connectivity initiatives, such as the International North South Transport Corridor and the Chennai-Vladivostok route, aiming for diversified regional integration free from political agendas often associated with China’s Belt and Road Initiative .

Title:

Content:
India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday. At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

The 22nd Russia-India Annual Summit will lead to a greater collaboration between the two countries in Russian Far East and the Eurasian space, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), according to experts.

The 81-paragraphbilateral Joint Statement underscored the "shared vision" to enhance transport and connectivity cooperation, as well as a "solid commitment" to enhance economic linkages in Russia's resource-rich Far East, Pravesh Kumar Gupta, an Associate Fellow at New Delhi-based think tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), told Sputnik India.

The 22nd Annual Summit, a "unique and pivotal event in the current global geopolitical context" according to Gupta, exposed the disappointment of Western countries.

"Amidst global turbulence, the summit served as a crucial platform for leaders to engage in constructive discussions and strategic dialogues, with the aim of bolstering cooperation in vital areas such as trade, energy, connectivity, defence, and technology. This event has been widely acknowledged as a significant milestone in the ongoing development of the close ties between India and Russia, a success that stood in stark contrast to the disappointment felt by the Western world," the Indian think-tanker asserted.

Lauding the Summit outcomes, Gupta remarked that the leaders would intensify effort to develop "promising production and marketing chains in Eurasia" and stick to the new plan for the Far East in providing enhanced cooperation in different sectors, including transport and connectivity.

Specifically both leaders shared a vision pointing to three projects – International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor as well as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), or the Polar Route.

"Most importantly, these connectivity projects are free from any political agenda, unlike the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as clearly mentioned in the joint statement. Their implementation will be based on the principles of transparency, broad participation, local priorities, financial sustainability, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations," the VIF pundit underlined.

Gupta expressed confidence that the proposal to establish a joint working group on developing the NSR would speed up the project, which promised "significant cost savings and reduced shipping times" for goods traveling between Europe and Asia.

"The route's increased accessibility due to melting Arctic ice has sparked increased interest in its potential for commercial shipping and trade, offering a bright future for global trade," Gupta stated.

In the context of the INSTC, the expert underscored that it could turn out to be the most "cost-effective and favourable" connectivity project to increase Indian exports to Eurasia and vice-versa. He explained that the 7,200-kilometre-long multimodal corridor was in line with Moscow's geo-economic focus on Asia-Pacific following the Ukraine conflict.

Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'

In terms of bolstering cooperation in Asia-Pacific, or near India's own neighbourhood, Modi and Putin shared approaches on building a "new architecture" of a 'Greater Eurasian space'.

Although, initially Russia was focused primarily on the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, the Ukrainian conflict completely changed the situation, Alexey Kupriyanov, an expert in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) at Moscow-based think tank IMEMO RAS told Sputnik India.

At the same time, the think-tanker highlighted that a growing trade turnover between Russia and India was pushing Moscow to return to the Indian Ocean Region, primarily to ensure the protecting of Russian vessels in areas not covered by Indian Navy's operations, which include the Red Sea and the Mediterranean region.

"In the long term, this means that Russian ships will soon operate more intensively in the Indian Ocean and expand their presence," Kupriyanov stressed.

It would bolster India's security efforts and help it manage the power competition between China and the US, even as Indian Navy has intensified inter-operability with western maritime forces in recent years, the expert asserted.

"Since India's focus is primarily on the eastern part of the region, Russian ships in the western part could help fill the vacuum of security there. This will reduce the need for East African countries to seek help from China and the US to combat pirates, smugglers and drug traffickers," Kupriyanov concluded.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

transportation
security & military
energy
infrastructure

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The bilateral relationship remains rooted in Russia’s longstanding respect for India’s strategic autonomy.

Title:

Content: 31 Dec, 2023 08:46

Deeper than diplomacy: There is a reason why New Delhi and Moscow rely on each other

Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy is the core strength of bilateral ties, as the Indian foreign minister’s latest visit proves

Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar’s five-day official visit to Russia was timely and significant for more than one reason.

India and Russia had held annual summits at the leadership level since 2000. This sent an important message in terms of the value attached by the two countries to bilateral ties, but it also conveyed a broader geopolitical message to other international partners of the two countries.

But this practice was broken largely because of Russia’s pre-occupation with the Ukraine conflict and its fallout. The last annual summit took place in 2021.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin could have held a summit on the margins of the BRICS summit in Johannesburg in South Africa or the G20 summit in New Delhi, but Putin did not attend either. While Jaishankar’s visit does not substitute for a summit meeting, it was intended to fill a political gap.

Jaishankar and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov have met six times during the year, and the Indian external affairs minister also met with Russian Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov during the year on the economic agenda. For Jaishankar to visit Russia before the end of the year, undeterred by the Russian winter and holiday season, reflects the importance both sides attach to the further expansion of ties.

Putin has on several occasions praised the Indian prime minister and positively noted the country’s economic progress. At the ‘Russia Calling’ Forum in early December this year, he said that despite pressure from others, he “cannot imagine that Modi could be frightened, intimidated or forced to take any actions, steps, decisions that would at variance with the national interest of India and the Indian people.” He noted that sometimes he is surprised at Modi’s tough stance on Indian national interests. He added that the policy pursued by Modi is the “main guarantor” of the developing bilateral ties.

This is high and unusual praise by Putin. It can be interpreted on several levels – particularly as an acknowledgement that India has resisted pressure from the US and others to condemn Russia over the Ukraine conflict, impose sanctions, and reduce defense ties with Russia. India has, on the contrary, bought discounted Russian oil to the point that Russia has become its biggest oil supplier. It has argued that ensuring this market flow of Russian oil has helped avoid a major spike in oil prices and checked global inflation. Indian-Russian trade has expanded, while the G7 has broken economic and trade ties with Russia.

India played a major role as G20 president in negotiating the part in the Leaders’ Declaration on the Ukraine conflict despite the hardening of the G7 position and that of Russia and China after the G20 summit in Bali. The final text does not mention Russia by name, while the G7 was satisfied that the general formulations in it could be sold as being directed at Russia’s military operation in Ukraine.

Not surprisingly, Putin complimented India for de-politicizing the G20. India chaired the SCO summit in July 2023 and participated in the BRICS summit in South Africa in August 2023. This countered G7 attempts to isolate Russia diplomatically. In fact, the New Delhi SCO Declaration spoke of more effective global institutions, a more representative, just, and multipolar world order based on international law and multilateralism, and criticized the unilateral application of economic sanctions – a clear critique of the Western-dominated global system.

It is against this backdrop that Putin received Jaishankar at the Kremlin, the first time that such a gesture has been made to him personally. The general unavailability of Putin to visiting foreign ministers is well-known.

Jaishankar delivered a personal message from Modi to Putin. During the meeting, Putin invited his “friend Modi” to visit Russia in 2024 and noted that Indian-Russian ties were on the whole developing well. He said that he had been briefing Modi on developments in Ukraine, remarking that he understands the Indian prime minister is willing to do his utmost to resolve the matter by peaceful means. He added that he would give additional information to Jaishankar on Ukraine.

India has continued to strengthen ties with the US, including in the defense domain. It is a member of the Quad and a strong supporter of the Indo-Pacific concept, both of which are intended to deter China’s regional ambitions. Russia has reservations about the Quad and the Indo-Pacific concept, which it sees as the US engaging in bloc politics in Asia.

Putin’s praise for Modi and India and the gesture of receiving Jaishankar takes into consideration these realities of India’s foreign policy which are meant to safeguard the larger national interests. At the core of this is Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy. Jaishankar’s high-profile visit and the vigorous language used to mark the importance of India’s traditional ties with Russia would have caught Washington’s attention.

Jaishankar noted that after talks with Lavrov, “what clearly came out was that India-Russia relations remain very steady, remain very strong, they are based on our strategic convergence, on our geopolitical interests, and because they are mutually beneficial.” The two leaders discussed political cooperation within international organizations such as BRICS, the SCO, etc.

Indian-Russian trade is at an all-time high, exceeding $50 billion last year, and should pass that figure this year. It includes energy, fertilizers, coking coal, and other items, for which long term arrangements were discussed. India intends to expand investments in Russia’s oil and gas sector.

On the nuclear side, two important amendments were agreed to which will take the Kudankulam nuclear power project forward. Mutual investments, progress on a bilateral investment treaty, and the resumption of negotiations between India and the Eurasian Economic Union for a free trade agreement will be resumed in the second half of January 2024.

Moscow and New Delhi will expand cooperation in the Russian Far East. India expects a large representation from this region at the Vibrant Gujarat Summit in January 2024.

Connectivity between India and Russia will be critical for expanding trade ties – connectivity from western India through the International North-South Transport Corridor, and connectivity from eastern India, from Chennai to Vladivostok, and the polar route. To promote tourism, India is open to increasing the number of flights from India every week.

The talks between Jaishankar and Lavrov were comprehensive. They discussed the global strategic situation, Ukraine, Gaza, the Indo-Pacific, ASEAN, Afghanistan, UN-related matters, the challenges facing the Global South, and the building of a multipolar order. China would undoubtedly have been discussed, but diplomatic discretion here would be normal.

In the joint press conference, Lavrov spoke of prospects for more defense cooperation, including joint production of modern weapons under New Delhi’s ‘Make in India’ program, and, importantly, expressed respect for India’s efforts to diversify its defense ties. He noted bilateral cooperation in rocket engine manufacturing and satellite navigation systems.

Jaishankar’s visit was productive in maintaining the momentum of Indian-Russian ties, which have been built over 60 years, a relationship that he believes is not just about politics, diplomacy, or economics, but is much deeper.

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Despite Western pressure, notably after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, India avoided condemning Moscow at international fora and significantly increased imports of discounted Russian oil, making Russia its largest oil supplier and propelling trade to record highs exceeding $50 billion .

Title:

Content: Homepage

Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad

  • In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia.
  • The move signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow, and shows the world India is pursuing its own agenda.
  • Modi is aiming to correct the trade imbalance and address China's Indo-Pacific activities.
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In a move likely to anger the US, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is visiting Russia on Monday for his first bilateral trip after winning a historic third term in office.

Modi's two-day visit to Russia — where he is scheduled to meet with President Vladimir Putin — is significant in that it signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow. It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

Vinay Kwatra, India's foreign secretary, told reporters in New Delhi that issues between Russia and India have "piled up" and "need to be addressed," per Bloomberg.

Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine. India is a major buyer of Russian oil. Russia is also India's biggest arms supplier.

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Kwatra underscored that the two countries' trade relationship has remained "resilient."

Still, Modi's trip will "rankle many Western observers," Ved Shinde, a researcher and contributor to Australia's Lowy Institute think tank, wrote in a note on Wednesday.

"Since the Ukraine war began, India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in the heart of Europe," Shinde added.

Modi's visit to Russia will make the US look bad

Just like Putin's visit to supply-chain hot spot Vietnam, India's engagement with Russia isn't a good look for the US, as it comes while Washington is isolating Putin's regime.

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The US has raised "some concerns" about India's relationship with Russia with New Delhi, Kurt Campbell, the US Deputy Secretary of State, said last month.

However, Washington acknowledges that India's ties with Russia are different from its ties with the US.

"We have many areas of alignment, but it is not surprising that there would be areas where we've had perhaps different perspectives, views, historical ties," Campbell said about America's relationship with India.

India, for its part, is looking to balance its relationship with the world's key powerbrokers — the US, Russia, and China.

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"There are different degrees in India's multi-alignment. Make no mistake — the United States and its allies are more consequential for India's future than its relationship with Russia," wrote Shinde.

India needs to leverage its historical ties with Russia to secure its economy and security, so Modi isn't just in Russia for a goodwill trip.

Reducing the trade imbalance

A key agenda item for the visit is to reduce a huge bilateral trade imbalance, said Kwatra.

India imports about $60 billion of goods a year from Russia, but Russia buys less than 10% of this amount from India, per Bloomberg.

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Modi may also touch on China's activities in the Indo-Pacific region, said Kwatra.

India is trying to manage its relationship with China, which has been testy since a border dispute in 2020. Modi skipped the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kazakhstan last week.

There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

At the summit last week, Putin said Russia's relationship with China is in the "best period in history."

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Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

"The reason for the time-tested stability in India-Russia ties is to maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland. That is, to balance China," wrote Shinde.

"Or to put it another way, don't go around making new adversaries when there are already two open fronts — China and Pakistan," Shinde added.

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Defense cooperation remains a cornerstone, as seen in the ongoing S-400 air defense acquisition despite US sanctions threats, joint ventures like BrahMos missiles, and substantial joint production, including AK-203 rifles .

Title:

Content: Russia-India coordination, balance, US-India approach?
Font Size:
Source: Global Times
Author: Wang Shida
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke by telephone with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the 20th to further develop the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
At the beginning of this month, Russia and India held an annual leaders' summit, launched the first "2 + 2" dialogue between foreign ministers and defense ministers, and agreed to strengthen cooperation and coordination on bilateral and multilateral issues, and signed up to 28 cooperation agreements.
In just two weeks, the summit had two interactions, which sent a signal that Russian-Indian relations were more special than before.
From the interaction on the 6th, Putin led a strong delegation to visit India and held the annual Russian-Indian leaders' summit.
This is Putin's second overseas visit since the outbreak of the COVID-19 epidemic, highlighting the importance he attaches to the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
During the visit, Russia and India held their first "2 + 2" meeting, which will help deepen mutual understanding and strengthen the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two countries.
The most important of the 28 cooperation agreements signed by Russia and India is the Agreement on Military Technical Cooperation 2021-2031.
The document will provide guidance for Russian-Indian military cooperation in the next 10 years, especially to promote joint development and production of weapons and equipment.
It can be said that the foundation for the next stage of military interaction between Russia and India has been laid.
In addition, Russia and India are also actively discussing the signing of a military logistics agreement similar to the memorandum of understanding on logistics exchange between the two countries to facilitate the use of each other's military bases.
Once signed in the future, the Russian-Indian military relations will take another step forward.
The two leaders discussed how to implement the agreement reached at the December 6 meeting, agreed to maintain regular contact on all aspects covered by the Russian-Indian “special and privileged strategic partnership ”, continue to deepen bilateral cooperation and consultation and coordination in multilateral forums, and exchange views on international stability and security issues, including the situation in the Asia-Pacific region.
Since taking office as US president at the beginning of the year, Biden has inherited and strengthened the Indo-Pacific strategy of his predecessor, Trump, and has courted India as the key to its success.
To this end, Biden has made efforts to promote the upgrading and implementation of the four-nation mechanism.
In March this year, the four-nation mechanism held its first video summit, issued a joint declaration, and established three working groups to implement the summit consensus.
In September, the four-nation mechanism held its first offline summit, reiterating the implementation of cooperation in the fields of vaccines and high-quality infrastructure, and proposing to jointly train scientific and technological talents to create a "closed loop of scientific and technological talents of the four countries".
For example, the United States has continued to deepen the "comprehensive global strategic cooperative partnership" between the United States and India.
On March 19, U.S. Defense Secretary William Austin visited India, calling the U.S.-India relationship "a key pillar of a free and open Indo-Pacific."
Under the continued cozying up of the Biden administration, India's attitude of strategic autonomy has become blurred, and it has clearly moved closer to and tilted toward the United States in implementing its foreign policy of "multi-faceted alliance."
During his visit to the United States in September, Modi said that "the relationship between the United States and India has entered a critical transition period".
In the face of the continuous promotion of the "Indo-Pacific Strategy" by the United States and the drift and deviation of India in the two strategic directions of the Indo-Pacific Ocean and the Eurasian continent, Russia is certainly alert.
As early as the Cold War, Russia and India established a relatively special strategic cooperative partnership, even reaching the level of quasi-allies.
At the end of the Cold War, Russia pushed India to join strategic designs such as the "trilateral dialogue between China, Russia and India" in an attempt to promote the establishment of a fair and multipolar world order.
Russia also sees India as an important partner in the Indian Ocean region and an important contributor to the effects of radiation in the Indian Ocean region.
To this end, Russia has taken a series of actions, Foreign Minister Lavrov and other high-level leaders directly expressed opposition to the United States using the "Indo-Pacific strategy" as a tool to contain China and Russia and create regional division.
This round of Russian-Indian strategic coordination is also the proper meaning of Russia's anti-Indo-Pacific strategy.
In particular, Russia and India signed a major defense cooperation order, began the delivery of S-400 air defense system, and will soon sign a military logistics agreement, which is conducive to consolidating defense and military cooperation between the two countries, hedging the penetration and erosion of the traditional Russian arms market by the United States in the past 10 years, and preventing India from falling into the "Indo-Pacific camp" because of increased dependence on weapons and equipment.
Therefore, Russian-Indian interaction is conducive to maintaining the relative balance between the two camps of the Eurasian continent and the Indo-Pacific Ocean, as well as to global strategic stability and peace.
(The writer is deputy director of the South Asia Institute of the Chinese Institute of Modern International Relations)
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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons supply
security & military
weapons joint production

High-level mechanisms such as annual summits and a 2+2 dialogue institutionalize partnership across trade, energy, and technology .

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

However, logistical bottlenecks caused by the Ukraine war have prompted new emphasis on local arms production and technology transfer .

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Content: Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s recent two-day visit to Russia may have been watched more in the West than in India itself.
Modi received an official reception in Russia, where President Vladimir Putin, who faces Western sanctions over the war in Ukraine, described the Indian prime minister as his “best friend. ”
The visit, Modi ’ s first overseas trip after taking office for a new term, has been described as of international significance.
India is in a unique position as it enjoys long-term relations with Russia while at the same time getting closer to the United States and is now in a position to win the trust of both sides.
Thus, while India is unlikely to play the role of mediator, the South Asian country, during the crisis period, could play some role in helping to find a solution to the war in Ukraine.
But throughout the visit, Modi was clearly balancing India ’ s position between the two sides.
He has described Russia as a friend at all times, referring to how Moscow has advanced in the past to help New Delhi.
Russia shared nuclear technology with India at a time when no other country was willing to do so.
It is also supplying arms to India and helping to strengthen its defence deterrence amid border problems with neighbouring countries.
While India is now diversifying its defense purchases from Israel, the United States, and France, among others, 80 percent of India ’ s military equipment to date comes from Russia.
Russia has also become important since the outbreak of the Ukrainian war, to provide fuel at reduced prices, which is crucial for India, whose energy needs are growing exponentially.
Cheap fuel helped New Delhi adjust inflation in India.
At the same time, India ’ s relations with the United States have grown at a rapid pace in recent times.
Against this backdrop, the visit was also a lesson in skilful diplomatic manoeuvres, as Modi managed to strike a good balance between the two sides.
During the visit, Modi noted that his 17 meetings with Putin over the past decade have strengthened mutual trust and respect between the two sides.
The Indian prime minister not only called Russia a friend at all times, but also a “partner for better or worse. ”
The two leaders also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis.
The Indian prime minister reiterated his country's position that there could be no solutions to the crisis amid "guns, bullets and bombs".
"Whether it is a war, a conflict or a terrorist attack, anyone who believes in humanity suffers when there is a loss of life," he said, stressing that "when innocent children are killed, the heart bleeds and this pain is very frightening."
There is no doubt that Modi ’ s visit to Russia was significant.
Apart from the international attention from a political point of view on its outcome, the visit is seen as adding to the continued momentum in relations between the two countries.
Economic relations in particular have received a boost since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis, mainly due to India ’ s imports of oil, fertilizers and gas at reduced prices.
Trade between India and Russia, which has been stagnant for years, rose from $15 billion in 2021-2022 to $65 billion in 2023-2024 after the outbreak of the Ukrainian war in 2022.
So, during Modi ’ s visit, the two sides also discussed ways to strengthen economic ties.
The two countries agreed to boost trade to $100 billion by 2030, reduce non-tariff barriers, reduce trade imbalances in Russia ’ s favor, improve connectivity and increase trade in agricultural goods.
They also discussed some outstanding problems that remain unresolved between the two countries, such as the issue of the growing trade imbalance.
The outbreak of the Ukrainian war, which was the reason for the strengthening of energy ties between the two countries, put pressure on the military relationship, delaying shipments of spare parts and new weapons.
For example, Russia has so far delivered only three of the five S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile systems, while the other two are behind schedule.
The delivery of spare parts and other military equipment remained an essential part of the discussions.
The two sides are now exploring the possibility of establishing partnerships in joint ventures in India for some important parts of arms.
Modi ’ s visit to Russia, while surprising to the West, was of great importance to India in pushing forward its relations with Russia.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons joint production

India’s rivalry with China has been pivotal; following the 2020 border clashes, India sought to balance deepening defense ties with Russia while aligning strategically with the US and the Quad to contain China’s regional influence .

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Content: The leaders of the three powers convened a virtual summit via video on Tuesday in an attempt to reshape the U.S.-led global order.
But apart from the unity implied by their common appearance, each seemed to focus on their own different goals.
For Russian President Vladimir Putin, that meant showing strength after the Wagner mercenary mutiny and claiming international support for his war in Ukraine.
For China's top leader, Xi Jinping, the summit is another opportunity to attack the United States by calling for an end to "hegemonism" and "power politics."
For Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the host of the meeting, it was a sign of India ’ s growing stature – and an insinuating attack on its main rival, Pakistan, by calling on other countries to unite to “fight terrorism. ”
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In the speeches of the leaders prepared in advance of the annual meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, no significant statements were made about the changes in the alliance.
But this forum – established in 2001 by China and Russia, with Pakistan and the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan – does allow us to see how a regional club set up to counter Western influence deals with conflicting priorities.
There is no mention of the growing friction between Beijing and New Delhi that has pushed historically non-aligned India closer to the United States.
If Putin wants other leaders to deliver loud statements of support to ease his weakened position at home and justify his war in Ukraine, he can only be content with conventional rhetoric and a wintry tone.
What ’ s more, under the watchful eye of the Biden administration and many other countries around the world, the forum essentially seems to be stating that the three leaders have taken control of their own domestic issues and are ready to embrace what Putin calls a new “multipolar ” world.
“They all have a motive to downplay things and make everything seem normal, ” said Chong Ka-ying, an associate professor of political science at the National University of Singapore.“ They show that things are under control, there are no cracks, and India wants to explore relations with the United States despite Russia ’ s problems. ”
On Tuesday, no leader needed to reshape his image more than Putin.
Last month, Wagner mercenaries tried to overthrow Russia ’ s military leadership, and Putin ’ s more than two decades of rule faced the biggest challenge.
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While Putin defused the crisis by agreeing with mercenary leader Prigozhin to travel to Belarus, the brief rebellion raised questions about his authority and future.
It was Putin ’ s first appearance at an international forum since the rebellion, and he thanked member states for their support after the mutiny, which he claimed did not have popular support in Russia.
"A profound responsibility for the fate of the motherland unites Russian politics and society as a whole, showing a united front against armed mutiny," Putin said, also seeking to use the summit as a sign of international support for his invasion of Ukraine.
Support from China is most important, and it is the only major power to provide diplomatic and economic cover for Russia.
China has done so because it has made a long-term bet on Putin as a necessary partner to challenge the United States.
The bet comes at a cost, however, as Beijing struggles to repair relations with Europe ’ s main economic partners.
China ’ s refusal to condemn the war in Ukraine has also drawn growing global attention to Beijing ’ s aggressive stance on Taiwan.
The virtual meeting provided Xi with an opportunity to advance China ’ s goal of wresting influence from the United States.
He hailed the SCO as a way to “improve global governance ” and promote“ Chinese-style modernization ” — a veiled expression of a world vision in which Beijing and its partners have a greater say in international rules and norms.
In this vision, India ’ s positioning remains to be seen.
India, China ’ s biggest emerging strategic rival, joined the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in 2017 and sees the forum as a way to balance its own relations with the West as well as with China and Russia.
India has maintained stable relations with Russia, mainly economic, after refusing to condemn the invasion of Ukraine.
But its relationship with China has deteriorated due to border disputes and its participation in the quadripartite security dialogue mechanism, including the United States, which focuses on security and which Beijing views as a tool to contain China.
Modi's high-profile visit to Washington last month heightened suspicions in China that India is pulling closer to the United States to contain China's rise.
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Despite these tensions, India has a sweet spot in the forum.
Its dependence on the Central Asian countries for energy and maintaining its influence in Afghanistan could have spillover effects on Pakistan.
Modi praised the forum as an "important platform" for peace and prosperity, but urged the group to condemn countries that "use terrorism as a tool of their policies."
The remarks were directed at Pakistan, which India accuses of funding militants in the disputed Kashmir region.
“India will not abandon or withdraw from the SCO because it will lose its foothold in Central Asia and cede the Eurasian region to India ’ s main rival, China, ” said Sriram Chorya, dean of the School of International Affairs at Jindal Global University near New Delhi.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

As Russia’s relationship with China has strengthened, India has maintained close engagement with Moscow—leveraging it as a continental balancer and, at times, receiving Russian diplomatic efforts to mediate India-China tensions .

Title:

Content: Day 2: India forges ahead: Strengthening Defence Ties Amidst Challenges with Russian-Origin Equipment

The Working Group Meeting between India and Russia aims to foster stronger defence ties between the two countries.

Amidst ongoing challenges with Russian-origin defence equipment, India is actively working on enhancing its military cooperation with key nations. As part of this effort, the third Meeting of the Indian-Russian Intergovernmental Commission on Military and Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-M&MTC) is going on in New Delhi. On day one of the two day the meeting, chaired by Lt Gen Johnson P Mathew from the Indian side and Lt Gen Dylevskii Igor Nikolaevich from the Russian side, focused on addressing issues related to spare parts and maintenance of the Russian equipment utilized by the Indian armed forces.

The Working Group Meeting between India and Russia aims to foster stronger defence ties between the two countries. This strategic dialogue assumes added significance with India’s increasing dependence on Russian defence equipment, ranging from Sukhoi fighter jets to tanks and naval assets. The ongoing Russia-Ukraine conflict has impacted military supplies to India, raising concerns over payment mechanisms and delays in deliveries. However, the Russian defence industry’s resilience and focus on production of various defence items have shown positive signs, ensuring continued support to India’s armed forces.

In the backdrop of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, India has consistently advocated for dialogue and diplomacy to resolve the crisis. Despite the challenges, India has strengthened its trade ties with Moscow and remains committed to enhancing defence cooperation. To achieve this goal, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has undertaken two successful visits to prominent nations, the United States and France, where key defence deals were announced.

The meeting is taking place close on the heels of the recently concluded visits of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the US and France. During his visit to the United States, PM Modi reaffirmed the strategic partnership between India and the US. Both nations inked significant defence deals aimed at bolstering India’s defence capabilities and strengthening military ties. Similarly, in Paris PM Modi engaged in fruitful discussions, resulting in important defence agreements that will pave the way for enhanced cooperation between the two countries’ armed forces.

India’s commitment to bolstering its defence capabilities and cooperation remains unwavering, even amidst challenges with Russian-origin equipment. The recent Working Group Meeting with Russia reflects the nation’s determination to find solutions collaboratively.

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First published on: 19-07-2023 at 11:02 IST
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