Under Prime Minister Modi and President Putin, the India–Russia relationship has both broadened and become more intricate in the face of shifting global power dynamics and regional rivalries.

The partnership is defined by a robust foundation in defense, with continued joint development and procurement of advanced military platforms (such as the S-400 missile system and BrahMos missile) forming a pillar of India’s strategy to address regional security threats, particularly from China.

Even as India diversifies its defense imports by engaging with the US and the West, it remains deeply reliant on Russian hardware, a dynamic that Moscow reinforces by offering next-generation systems and technology transfers while voicing unease over India’s growing participation in US-led coalitions like the Quad and Indo-Pacific initiatives.

Russia regards these initiatives as potential threats to its regional influence; India, in turn, balances these frictions by emphasizing its strategic autonomy and maintaining high-level diplomatic channels, including the “2+2” dialogue, to regularly recalibrate ties and manage mutual concerns .

Economic ties have deepened notably.

Bilateral trade hit record highs, particularly as India increased purchases of discounted Russian oil after Western sanctions following the Ukraine war, making Russia one of India’s top energy suppliers .

Large-scale infrastructure projects, such as the International North South Transport Corridor (INTSC), Chennai–Vladivostok Corridor, and the Northern Sea Route, underscore efforts to boost connectivity and create alternative, cost-effective links independent of Western or Chinese (Belt and Road) influences.

These projects not only support trade—estimates suggest India–Russia annual trade surpassed $50 billion in 2023—but are also strategic tools for both countries to assert influence in Eurasia and the Indian Ocean .

These multilateral venues thus serve as both arenas for cooperation and sources of tension.

Under Prime Minister Modi and President Putin, the India–Russia relationship has both broadened and become more intricate in the face of shifting global power dynamics and regional rivalries.

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'India great power and a time-tested friend', says Russia's Vladimir Putin

India, Russia hold 21st summit, and first 2+2 dialogue; sign 28 agreements

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indian government | India-Russia ties | Narendra Modi

Ajai Shukla  |  New Delhi

Prime Minister Narendra Modi receives Russian President Vladimir Putin at Hyderabad House in New Delhi, on Monday (Photo: PTI)

New Delhi and Moscow on Monday issued to the world a high-visibility reminder about their “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership”, as Prime Minister and Russian President held the 21st India-Russia Summit, an annual ritual missed only in 2020 due to the pandemic.

Leading into the 21st summit meeting, India and Russia held their first-ever 2 + 2 Ministerial Dialogue, in which External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh together held strategic discussions with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu.

“We perceive India as a great power, a friendly nation and a time-tested friend. The relations between our countries are growing and I am looking into the future,” Putin said in his initial comments.

Putin also expressed concern over the developments in Afghanistan and said India and Russia will continue to coordinate on major challenges facing the region.

Modi said Putin’s second visit abroad during the Covid-19 pandemic reflected his personal commitment to the and that the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two sides was getting stronger. In the last few decades, the world witnessed many fundamental changes and different kinds of geopolitical equations and variables, but the friendship of India and Russia remained constant, Modi said. “Your visit to India is a reflection of your commitment to ties with India,” the PM said.

Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla said 28 agreements were concluded between India and Russia after Modi-Putin meet. After the 2+2 meeting, Jaishankar tweeted: “A productive exchange of perspectives on cross-cutting and inter-related issues. Will be reporting it to the Annual Summit later today.”

Earlier on Monday, there was a meeting of the apex body that governs defence relations between the two: The Indo-Russian Inter-Governmental Commission on Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-MTC), co-chaired by the two defence ministers, Singh and Shoigu.

India’s military uses Russian weaponry extensively, such as Sukhoi-30MKI fighter aircraft, T-90S tanks and BMP infantry combat vehicles, Talwar-class frigates, and Kilo-class submarines. The two sides have jointly produced the highly regarded BrahMos cruise missile system.

During the 17th annual summit, the two countries concluded deals on India’s procurement of five units of the S-400 air defence systems for an estimated ~37,000 crore, constructing Talwar-class frigates under Project 1135.6, and a shareholders’ agreement on a joint venture (JV) to manufacture Kamov-226T helicopters in India.

The S400 is regarded as the world’s premier long-range missile system, with the ability to shoot down enemy aircraft at ranges up to 400 kilometres. During the confrontation over the last two years between the Chinese and Indian armies in Ladakh, China deployed the S400 along the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

On March 3, 2019, in Amethi, Modi announced another JV —Indo-Russian Rifles — that would manufacture 750,000 AK-203 assault rifles in Korwa under the “Make in India” programme for an estimated $687 million. Russia is also competing for a ~40,000-crore deal for building six submarines in India under Project 75I, and a ~50,000-60,000 crore agreement to manufacture 114 fighter aircraft in India.

To ensure that Russian defence equipment was not hampered by any shortfall in maintenance or spare parts, the two sides agreed during the 20th Annual Summit in Vladivostok in September 2019 to cooperate in producing spare parts for Russian/Soviet military equipment.

The India-Russia defence partnership is being tested by Washington, especially through the piece of legislation the US Congress passed in 2017, titled CAATSA (Countering America’s Adversaries through Sanctions Act). This provides for US sanctions on countries that have significant defence or intelligence relations with Russia, Iran, or North Korea. India’s purchase of the S400 missile system is regarded as a potential trigger for Washington to impose sanctions.

While the US Congress has created a “CAATSA waiver” for close partners such as India, the US president is required to determine whether to exercise that waiver. So far, President Joe Biden has not stated a preference.

India, which faces a growing threat from China, is determined to buy the S400 from Russia. Asked whether New Delhi would bow to CAATSA pressure, India’s foreign ministry spokesperson said last week: “India and the US have a special global strategic partnership. And we also have a very special and privileged strategic partnership with Russia. And as you’re all aware, we pursue an independent foreign policy. This applies to our defence acquisitions, and supplies which are and will continue to be guided by our security interest.”

New Delhi and Moscow have identified trade and economic relations as a priority area. Modi and Putin have set a bilateral investment target of $50 billion and a bilateral trade target of $30 billion by 2025. (With inputs from PTI)

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First Published: Tue, December 07 2021. 01:24 IST
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The partnership is defined by a robust foundation in defense, with continued joint development and procurement of advanced military platforms (such as the S-400 missile system and BrahMos missile) forming a pillar of India’s strategy to address regional security threats, particularly from China.

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Old friends

X

On Monday, PM Modi spoke over the phone with Russian President Vladimir Putin. The phone call reportedly was a follow-up on many of the issues raised during Putin's recent India visit on December 6. According to a statement by the PMO, the two leaders have agreed to remain in regular touch with each other on a range of issues covered under the India-Russia Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership. Insofar as visits from foreign dignitaries and leaders go, Putin's visit to India earlier this month was arguably the most consequential development for India in the field of foreign affairs for quite some time. India, as may be known, has a long and storied relationship with Russia and its precursor, the Soviet Union. From the earliest days, the friendship between the two nations had a strong strategic undertone with both sides supporting each other on the world stage whenever necessary. Indeed, the Soviet Union was undeniably India's greatest ally in the 20th century against the machinations of the western powers like the US that did not take kindly to India announcing itself to be a 'socialist' nation. From Kashmir to the Bangladesh Liberation War, Russia has stood by India in defence of its strategic interests. As a proof of the relationship, a majority of military equipment India currently possesses was either directly supplied by Moscow or is otherwise of Russian origin. In recent years, with the fall of the Soviet Union and India's move towards liberalising its economy, India has ventured out into the world to make a new set of friends. This time around, it is India and the US that are getting along like a house on fire. India has deliberately sought to widen its field diplomatically and militarily in order to not be tied down to a single nation with the rather pragmatic understanding that there are no permanent relationships in international politics. In more recent times, Russia and India have somewhat drifted further apart as Russia bands together with India's rival China to take on the hegemony of the western world that is held up by the US. While India has no interest in joining the US in its power games against Russia, it is very much interested in leveraging its relationship with the west in its struggle to contain a belligerent China. It is here that India has had to perform a tremendous tight-rope walk, particularly following the 2014 annexation of Crimea by Russia. On the one hand, you have America that wishes to limit or even extinguish India's strategic relationship with Russia. On the other, you have Russia that is increasingly concerned and agitated by India drawing ever closer to the US's sphere of influence as it joins America in endeavours like the Quad grouping. Of particular concern to both sides is India's continuing dependence on Russia for military equipment. The US, already having sanctioned Turkey for the same, looks on menacingly as it threatens India with sanctions for buying the S-400 missile system. Russia, of course, is not only interested in keeping its old defence ties but even expanding them, as it has been recently teasing India with the possibility of being the first nation in the world to buy the improved S-500 missile system. In this regard, Putin's visit to India could be termed as symbolic. Since the beginning of the pandemic, Putin has only ventured out twice from his country, with the second trip being the one to India. His tone and body language during the meeting with PM Modi spoke volumes of the importance he attaches to maintaining the ties with India. Aside from underscoring the good working relationship he has with India's PM, the visit also highlighted that despite the recent turns of history, the two nations still have much to share and collectively work towards. Common concern in regards to the Taliban and Afghanistan is one such area that the two sides are looking to cooperate on in the near future. Another is strengthening existing defence ties between the two nations. Underscoring its strategic independence, India has decided to continue with its defence dealings with Russia, discussing the purchase of the S-400 missile system while also finalising a long-pending Rs 5,000 crore deal for the production of over five lakh AK-203 rifles in a joint Indo-Russian deal. But all said and done, the future of India's relationship with Russia still has some shades of uncertainty. Primary amongst them is the ongoing escalation between Moscow and NATO in regards to Ukraine and eastern Europe. If Russia should choose to brave threats of western sanctions to take action in Ukraine, where does this leave India? Can India still continue its balancing game between east and west at a time when geopolitics are heating up to a boiling point? That remains to be seen.

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Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Even as India diversifies its defense imports by engaging with the US and the West, it remains deeply reliant on Russian hardware, a dynamic that Moscow reinforces by offering next-generation systems and technology transfers while voicing unease over India’s growing participation in US-led coalitions like the Quad and Indo-Pacific initiatives.

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Content: Opinion

Treading a fine line

Ajit Doval’s high-stake visits to Russia and the US are reflective of India’s consistent efforts to balance ties with the rival superpowers; writes Vinay Kumar

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India’s security and strategic interests on important global platforms have been in focus over the last month as National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval made hectic trips to the US and Russia.

Doval headed to the United States in late January and held a meeting with his US counterpart, Jake Sullivan. Earlier this month, he paid a visit to Russia where he joined top security officials from China, Iran and a number of Central Asian states to participate in a multilateral meeting on Afghanistan.

NSA’s recent visits to the world’s most important political capitals underlined the importance that India attaches to striking a delicate balance in its relations with both the countries at a time when global security and geopolitical environment appear uncertain. His visits to Washington DC and Moscow show India’s priorities in forging vital initiatives.

In Washington, the two NSAs agreed upon a number of important arrangements under the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) which was launched in 2022 and has the potential to have a transformative impact on India’s partnership with the US in areas like military, science & technology and key high-tech fields.

Considering the fact that Russia and the US have been at loggerheads, more so in the wake of the Ukraine War which has completed one year, Doval’s trip assumes significance. The icing on the cake was that the NSA also had one-on-one meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a rare instance of President Putin meeting a top-ranking official from India. His meeting with Doval also pointed towards the continued importance which both sides accord to each other in taking forward their engagement. At a time when Russia continues to face confrontation with the West over the war in Ukraine, Doval’s meeting with President Putin carries a special context. India, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has lent its voice to the peace-making efforts in Ukraine, stressing that today’s era is not an era of war. In his telephonic conversation with President Putin last September, PM Modi voiced his concern, stressing upon the need to take the path of diplomacy and dialogue, a stance often reiterated at various global forums at the highest level.

While India, having to put up with the Chinese threat, has warmed up to the US, it has also taken pains to maintain its relationship with Russia; though Moscow, facing increased isolation in the global community over the war in Ukraine, does not appear to be too pleased with the initiatives surrounding the Indo-Pacific, with the active involvement of the US and further deepening of strategic defence and technological ties between New Delhi and Washington. India has also stressed upon furthering its cooperation with Russia in sectors such as trade, energy and defence.

With the US, under the iCET initiative, India is poised to forge closer cooperation in the areas of Artificial Intelligence (AI), 6G, quantum technologies etc. Other focus areas include defence innovation, technology cooperation and semiconductor supply chains. Doval stressed upon the need to pin down the deliverables in these key focus areas to ensure that no slip-ups or laxity creeps in. Co-production and technology development have left much to be desired, though India is now billed as a major defence partner of the US

The NSA’s discussions in Washington DC and Moscow also point towards India’s keen desire to safeguard its key interests, make advances in high-tech areas and, at the same time, be ready to hold on to its independent position and avoid landing in confrontationist stance, so far as the two rival powers are concerned, as new dynamics is emerging rather rapidly in the geopolitical arena.

Views expressed are personal

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Russia regards these initiatives as potential threats to its regional influence; India, in turn, balances these frictions by emphasizing its strategic autonomy and maintaining high-level diplomatic channels, including the “2+2” dialogue, to regularly recalibrate ties and manage mutual concerns .

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Economic ties have deepened notably.

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

rupee-ruble payments were introduced to avoid western sanctions on Russia

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Bilateral trade hit record highs, particularly as India increased purchases of discounted Russian oil after Western sanctions following the Ukraine war, making Russia one of India’s top energy suppliers .

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Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad

  • In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia.
  • The move signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow, and shows the world India is pursuing its own agenda.
  • Modi is aiming to correct the trade imbalance and address China's Indo-Pacific activities.
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In a move likely to anger the US, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is visiting Russia on Monday for his first bilateral trip after winning a historic third term in office.

Modi's two-day visit to Russia — where he is scheduled to meet with President Vladimir Putin — is significant in that it signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow. It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

Vinay Kwatra, India's foreign secretary, told reporters in New Delhi that issues between Russia and India have "piled up" and "need to be addressed," per Bloomberg.

Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine. India is a major buyer of Russian oil. Russia is also India's biggest arms supplier.

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Kwatra underscored that the two countries' trade relationship has remained "resilient."

Still, Modi's trip will "rankle many Western observers," Ved Shinde, a researcher and contributor to Australia's Lowy Institute think tank, wrote in a note on Wednesday.

"Since the Ukraine war began, India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in the heart of Europe," Shinde added.

Modi's visit to Russia will make the US look bad

Just like Putin's visit to supply-chain hot spot Vietnam, India's engagement with Russia isn't a good look for the US, as it comes while Washington is isolating Putin's regime.

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The US has raised "some concerns" about India's relationship with Russia with New Delhi, Kurt Campbell, the US Deputy Secretary of State, said last month.

However, Washington acknowledges that India's ties with Russia are different from its ties with the US.

"We have many areas of alignment, but it is not surprising that there would be areas where we've had perhaps different perspectives, views, historical ties," Campbell said about America's relationship with India.

India, for its part, is looking to balance its relationship with the world's key powerbrokers — the US, Russia, and China.

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"There are different degrees in India's multi-alignment. Make no mistake — the United States and its allies are more consequential for India's future than its relationship with Russia," wrote Shinde.

India needs to leverage its historical ties with Russia to secure its economy and security, so Modi isn't just in Russia for a goodwill trip.

Reducing the trade imbalance

A key agenda item for the visit is to reduce a huge bilateral trade imbalance, said Kwatra.

India imports about $60 billion of goods a year from Russia, but Russia buys less than 10% of this amount from India, per Bloomberg.

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Modi may also touch on China's activities in the Indo-Pacific region, said Kwatra.

India is trying to manage its relationship with China, which has been testy since a border dispute in 2020. Modi skipped the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kazakhstan last week.

There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

At the summit last week, Putin said Russia's relationship with China is in the "best period in history."

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Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

"The reason for the time-tested stability in India-Russia ties is to maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland. That is, to balance China," wrote Shinde.

"Or to put it another way, don't go around making new adversaries when there are already two open fronts — China and Pakistan," Shinde added.

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Large-scale infrastructure projects, such as the International North South Transport Corridor (INTSC), Chennai–Vladivostok Corridor, and the Northern Sea Route, underscore efforts to boost connectivity and create alternative, cost-effective links independent of Western or Chinese (Belt and Road) influences.

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India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday. At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

The 22nd Russia-India Annual Summit will lead to a greater collaboration between the two countries in Russian Far East and the Eurasian space, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), according to experts.

The 81-paragraphbilateral Joint Statement underscored the "shared vision" to enhance transport and connectivity cooperation, as well as a "solid commitment" to enhance economic linkages in Russia's resource-rich Far East, Pravesh Kumar Gupta, an Associate Fellow at New Delhi-based think tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), told Sputnik India.

The 22nd Annual Summit, a "unique and pivotal event in the current global geopolitical context" according to Gupta, exposed the disappointment of Western countries.

"Amidst global turbulence, the summit served as a crucial platform for leaders to engage in constructive discussions and strategic dialogues, with the aim of bolstering cooperation in vital areas such as trade, energy, connectivity, defence, and technology. This event has been widely acknowledged as a significant milestone in the ongoing development of the close ties between India and Russia, a success that stood in stark contrast to the disappointment felt by the Western world," the Indian think-tanker asserted.

Lauding the Summit outcomes, Gupta remarked that the leaders would intensify effort to develop "promising production and marketing chains in Eurasia" and stick to the new plan for the Far East in providing enhanced cooperation in different sectors, including transport and connectivity.

Specifically both leaders shared a vision pointing to three projects – International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor as well as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), or the Polar Route.

"Most importantly, these connectivity projects are free from any political agenda, unlike the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as clearly mentioned in the joint statement. Their implementation will be based on the principles of transparency, broad participation, local priorities, financial sustainability, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations," the VIF pundit underlined.

Gupta expressed confidence that the proposal to establish a joint working group on developing the NSR would speed up the project, which promised "significant cost savings and reduced shipping times" for goods traveling between Europe and Asia.

"The route's increased accessibility due to melting Arctic ice has sparked increased interest in its potential for commercial shipping and trade, offering a bright future for global trade," Gupta stated.

In the context of the INSTC, the expert underscored that it could turn out to be the most "cost-effective and favourable" connectivity project to increase Indian exports to Eurasia and vice-versa. He explained that the 7,200-kilometre-long multimodal corridor was in line with Moscow's geo-economic focus on Asia-Pacific following the Ukraine conflict.

Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'

In terms of bolstering cooperation in Asia-Pacific, or near India's own neighbourhood, Modi and Putin shared approaches on building a "new architecture" of a 'Greater Eurasian space'.

Although, initially Russia was focused primarily on the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, the Ukrainian conflict completely changed the situation, Alexey Kupriyanov, an expert in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) at Moscow-based think tank IMEMO RAS told Sputnik India.

At the same time, the think-tanker highlighted that a growing trade turnover between Russia and India was pushing Moscow to return to the Indian Ocean Region, primarily to ensure the protecting of Russian vessels in areas not covered by Indian Navy's operations, which include the Red Sea and the Mediterranean region.

"In the long term, this means that Russian ships will soon operate more intensively in the Indian Ocean and expand their presence," Kupriyanov stressed.

It would bolster India's security efforts and help it manage the power competition between China and the US, even as Indian Navy has intensified inter-operability with western maritime forces in recent years, the expert asserted.

"Since India's focus is primarily on the eastern part of the region, Russian ships in the western part could help fill the vacuum of security there. This will reduce the need for East African countries to seek help from China and the US to combat pirates, smugglers and drug traffickers," Kupriyanov concluded.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What vision of global dynamics do India and Russia share?

polycentric system of international relations

These projects not only support trade—estimates suggest India–Russia annual trade surpassed $50 billion in 2023—but are also strategic tools for both countries to assert influence in Eurasia and the Indian Ocean .

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

These multilateral venues thus serve as both arenas for cooperation and sources of tension.

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Content: India, Russia express deep concern on situation in Middle East

Moscow: India and Russia have expressed “deep concern” on the situation in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Gaza and called for immediate and unconditional release of all hostages.

The joint Statement following the 22nd India-Russia Annual Summit said the two sides called for the effective implementation of the relevant United Nations General Assembly resolutions and United Nations Security Council resolution 2720 and for immediate safe and unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance in the Gaza Strip.

In the joint statement, India and Russia said, “The Sides expressed deep concern on the situation in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Gaza. In this regard, they called for the effective implementation of the relevant UNGA resolutions and UNSC resolution 2720 and for immediate safe and unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance at scale directly to the Palestinian civilian population throughout the Gaza Strip.”

“They also called for the effective implementation of the UNSC resolution 2728 for a lasting and sustainable ceasefire. They equally called for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages as well as humanitarian access to address their medical and other humanitarian needs,” it added.

The two nations affirmed their support for Palestine’s full membership in the United Nations and reiterated their commitment to the principle of the two-state solution.

The joint statement reads, “They reaffirmed their support for Palestine’s full membership in the United Nations and reiterated their unwavering commitment to the principle of the two-state solution according to internationally accepted basis.”

The conflict in Gaza escalated after the October 7 attack by Hamas, where about 2,500 terrorists breached the border into Israel from the Gaza Strip, leading to casualties and the seizure of hostages.

Israel has since, characterised its Gaza offensive as targeting Hamas’ infrastructure with the goal to eliminate the entire terror group while making efforts to minimize civilian casualties.

The statement was issued after Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin held talks in Moscow.

India and Russia agreed to strengthen joint efforts to build an architecture of equal and indivisible regional security and to intensify consultations on complementarities between integration and development initiatives in Greater Eurasian space and the regions of the Indian and Pacific oceans.

The joint statement further said, “The Sides underlined the importance of strengthening cooperation within various regional fora, aimed at deepening regional peace and security, including East Asia Summit, ASEAN Regional Forum on Security (ARF), ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting Plus (ADMM-Plus).”

The two nations noted the importance of expanding efforts to combat climate change and achieving the goals of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement.

The joint statement reads, “The Sides noted the importance of expanding efforts to combat climate change and achieving the goals of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement.”

“In this regard, the Sides agreed to develop cooperation in the field of preventing climate change and adapting to it, including the exchange of experience on the organization and operation of greenhouse gas emission quota systems, the implementation of joint Russian-Indian investment projects in the field of low-carbon development, as well as sustainable and “green” financing,” it added.

The two nations agreed to continue interaction within G20, BRICS, and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) on key issues like increasing the sustainability and developing resiliency of international supply chains, compliance with free and fair trade rules and climate change, according to the joint statement.

India and Russia welcomed the launch of the BRICS Contact Group on Climate Change and Sustainable Development within the framework of the Environment Working Group under the Russian Chairship in BRICS in 2024.

During his visit to Russia, PM Modi held talks with Russian President Putin. The two leaders also visited the Rosatom Pavilion at the VDNKh Exhibition Centre in Moscow.

PM Modi was ceremoniously presented with the Order of St Andrew the Apostle the First-Called, Russia’s highest civilian honour, by Putin.

Notably, the award was bestowed on PM Modi in 2019, but he received it physically on Tuesday. The Prime Minister was presented with this award for his distinguished contribution to the development of a privileged strategic partnership between Russia and India and friendly ties between the two countries.

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Under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin, the India–Russia relationship has evolved in response to dramatic changes in global power dynamics, the shifting priorities of each country, and regional security challenges, including India’s complex rivalry with China.

This period has been marked by efforts to safeguard historical ties, especially in defense and energy, while adapting to changing geopolitical circumstances and economic interests.

Since 2014, Modi and Putin have overseen regular high-level political engagement, such as the 21st and 22nd annual summits, which reinforced their “special and privileged strategic partnership.”

These meetings have produced wide-ranging agreements across trade, connectivity, defense, technology, and energy.

Notably, the two sides prioritized projects like the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), the Chennai–Vladivostok maritime corridor, and the Northern Sea Route.

Unlike China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), these projects have been explicitly emphasized by both leaders as adhering to principles of transparency, sovereignty, and freedom from hidden political agendas – a response both to regional expectations and to reservations about China’s ambitions in Eurasia and the Indo-Pacific .

Defense cooperation has remained the cornerstone of the partnership.

Russia continues to supply the bulk of India’s military equipment, including platforms like the Sukhoi-30MKI fighters, T-90S tanks, and Kilo-class submarines.

Joint projects such as the BrahMos missile system and defense deals on S-400 air defense systems and Kamov helicopters highlight the sustained technology transfer and co-production elements that Russia offers, which few countries can match.

Additionally, Russia is actively competing for further submarine and jet contracts in alignment with India’s ‘Make in India’ initiative.

Strategic autonomy has been a consistent priority for India, and despite US sanctions and overtures from other potential defense partners, India has persisted with Russian defense procurement, especially after its border clashes with China .

Indian policymakers have sought to diversify arms imports and partnerships in recent years, developing closer ties with the United States, France, and Israel.

However, the practical realities of India’s equipment inventory, decades of technical integration with Russian systems, and Russia’s responsiveness to Indian requirements continue to ensure Moscow’s centrality to Indian security planning.

The annual 2+2 Ministerial Dialogues further institutionalize cooperation, covering issues ranging from regional security (including Afghanistan and Eurasia) to novel mechanisms for military logistics and joint technology development .

Economic cooperation, though not historically as robust as defense ties, has deepened.

The two countries have set ambitious targets for expanding bilateral investment to $50 billion and trade to $30 billion by 2025.

The Ukraine conflict has intensified Western scrutiny of Indian-Russian trade, but India has not only resisted calls to curtail energy ties with Russia, it has significantly increased discounted crude oil imports from Russia, helping to buoy Moscow’s economy amidst sanctions.

For India, this ensures energy security at favorable prices.

Both countries are also boosting cooperation in fertilizers, nuclear technology (notably at the Kudankulam nuclear plant), and green energy sectors, with long-term agreements aimed at sustained mutual benefit .

A defining element of Modi-Putin diplomacy has been mutual recognition of each other’s strategic autonomy.

Putin has commended Modi for a foreign policy that is consistently India-first.

Even with India’s increasing engagement in the Quad and Indo-Pacific partnerships, and strengthening ties with the US, Russia demonstrates pragmatism by maintaining defense and technological cooperation.

Moscow expresses reservations about US-led security groupings, which it sees as directed against both Russia and China, but refrains from letting this disrupt its ties to India.

The countries’ joint statements frequently affirm a commitment to a multipolar world order, advancing global governance models outside Western frameworks, notably within BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and G20 .

India’s rivalry with China has been a significant, sometimes paradoxical, factor shaping the India–Russia relationship under Modi and Putin.

Moscow and Beijing have built their own partnership, especially in response to Western pressure; yet, Russia remains one of India’s primary defense partners.

Both India and China have acquired the Russian S-400 air defense system, which each country has deployed along their shared and contested border.

India’s insistence on finalizing this deal even under the threat of US sanctions demonstrates its intent to balance Chinese influence and safeguard its sovereignty, while also keeping Russia invested in India’s security needs and priorities .

At the multilateral level, India works alongside Russia within BRICS and the SCO, platforms that both Moscow and Beijing use to push back against Western dominance.

India’s active role in these organizations sometimes complicates its balancing act, as it navigates ties with both Russia and China in the same institutional spaces where border tensions frequently color Indian diplomatic priorities.

Nevertheless, India’s engagement in such forums is seen as indirectly buttressing Russia’s position in the face of Western diplomatic isolation efforts .

The evolving economic and security order in Eurasia and the Indo-Pacific has also prompted Russia and India to explore new frameworks for connectivity and cooperation, such as the INSTC and Chennai–Vladivostok maritime corridor.

These are partly motivated by a desire to create alternatives to China-centric trade and infrastructure models, enhancing regional connectivity without depending on the BRI.

Such projects, according to official statements from both leaders, are designed to respect sovereignty and avoid the pitfalls associated with debt-driven infrastructure investment .

In conclusion, under Modi and Putin, the India–Russia relationship has retained its foundational strengths in defense, energy, and diplomatic engagement, while adapting to the rise of new global and regional power equations.

India’s rivalry with China has reinforced India’s need for military and diplomatic support from Russia, even as it seeks to hedge by strengthening ties with the US and other partners.

Russia, for its part, values India as a balancing presence in Asia and a major strategic market, and pragmatically accommodates India’s multi-alignment strategies despite tightening ties with China.

This multifaceted partnership now revolves around mutual respect for autonomy, shared interests in regional connectivity, and a joint desire to shape a more multipolar world order, even as they manage inherent tensions linked to their respective relations with China and the West.

Under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin, the India–Russia relationship has evolved in response to dramatic changes in global power dynamics, the shifting priorities of each country, and regional security challenges, including India’s complex rivalry with China.

Title:

Content: Russia invites India to participate in the VII Eastern Economic Forum, which will be held from 5 to 8 September in Vladivostok.
On July 29, the Russian Federation officially invited India to participate in the 7th Eastern Economic Forum.
[EEF] Discuss issues related to the Far East and the Arctic.
“The Indian delegation is invited to participate in the Arctic part of the 7th Eastern Economic Forum in Vladivostok from September 5 to 8, 2022, within the framework of which a presentation of investment opportunities in the regions of Russia will be held, ” the Russian Foreign Ministry said in a statement.
approval.
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Chairman of the Committee of Senior Officials of the Arctic Council, Ambassador-at-Large of the Russian Foreign Ministry for Arctic Cooperation Nikolai Korchunov met with Secretary of State Sanjay Verma [West] Ministry of Foreign Affairs of India.
The parties held consultations on the upcoming summit scheduled for next month.
Korchunov in Moscow discussed with his Indian counterpart Verma the issues of the Arctic, as well as the prospects for increasing investment in the Far Eastern region.
The consultations were attended by representatives of the Ministry of the Russian Federation for the Development of the Far East and the Arctic, Rosatom State Corporation, the Research Institute of the Arctic and Antarctic, the Association of Indigenous Peoples of the North, Siberia and the Far East, the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs reported on July 29.
The parties focused on deepening Russian-Indian cooperation in high latitudes in bilateral and multilateral formats, including the Arctic Council.
It was also noted that there is a great potential for enhancing cooperation in the field of economy, transport, science and culture, including communication through regional and public organizations.
Last year, Prime Minister Narendra Modi attended the WEF summit via video conference.
The Prime Minister of India stressed the importance of India-Russia relations and potential areas of cooperation in line with the Special and Outstanding Strategic Partnership.
India ’ s commitment as Russia ’ s “reliable partner ”
Russian President Vladimir Putin also made a working visit to New Delhi in December 2021 to attend the annual India-Russia summit to highlight his commitment to the long-standing and proven partnership between India and Moscow.
The leaders of the two allied countries agreed to expand bilateral cooperation in key areas: political and strategic, economy, energy, military and security, science and technology, culture and humanitarian cooperation.
Leader of India Narendra Modi and President of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin.
Credit: PTI
Prime Minister Narendra Modi praised Russia ’ s vision for the development of Russia ’ s Far East and reaffirmed India ’ s commitment as a reliable partner of Russia in accordance with the Eastern Legal Policy.
The two countries have established new economic cooperation in the field of diamonds, coke, steel, wood, etc. The WEF was established in 2015 by a decree of the President of the Russian Federation and is held annually in the Russian city of Vladivostok.
It includes several partner countries from the Asia-Pacific region.
The team of the International Red Cross could not get to Mariupol and will try tomorrow

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

This period has been marked by efforts to safeguard historical ties, especially in defense and energy, while adapting to changing geopolitical circumstances and economic interests.

Title:

Content: You are here: Home » Current Affairs » News » National
Business Standard

'India great power and a time-tested friend', says Russia's Vladimir Putin

India, Russia hold 21st summit, and first 2+2 dialogue; sign 28 agreements

Topics
indian government | India-Russia ties | Narendra Modi

Ajai Shukla  |  New Delhi

Prime Minister Narendra Modi receives Russian President Vladimir Putin at Hyderabad House in New Delhi, on Monday (Photo: PTI)

New Delhi and Moscow on Monday issued to the world a high-visibility reminder about their “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership”, as Prime Minister and Russian President held the 21st India-Russia Summit, an annual ritual missed only in 2020 due to the pandemic.

Leading into the 21st summit meeting, India and Russia held their first-ever 2 + 2 Ministerial Dialogue, in which External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh together held strategic discussions with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu.

“We perceive India as a great power, a friendly nation and a time-tested friend. The relations between our countries are growing and I am looking into the future,” Putin said in his initial comments.

Putin also expressed concern over the developments in Afghanistan and said India and Russia will continue to coordinate on major challenges facing the region.

Modi said Putin’s second visit abroad during the Covid-19 pandemic reflected his personal commitment to the and that the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two sides was getting stronger. In the last few decades, the world witnessed many fundamental changes and different kinds of geopolitical equations and variables, but the friendship of India and Russia remained constant, Modi said. “Your visit to India is a reflection of your commitment to ties with India,” the PM said.

Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla said 28 agreements were concluded between India and Russia after Modi-Putin meet. After the 2+2 meeting, Jaishankar tweeted: “A productive exchange of perspectives on cross-cutting and inter-related issues. Will be reporting it to the Annual Summit later today.”

Earlier on Monday, there was a meeting of the apex body that governs defence relations between the two: The Indo-Russian Inter-Governmental Commission on Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-MTC), co-chaired by the two defence ministers, Singh and Shoigu.

India’s military uses Russian weaponry extensively, such as Sukhoi-30MKI fighter aircraft, T-90S tanks and BMP infantry combat vehicles, Talwar-class frigates, and Kilo-class submarines. The two sides have jointly produced the highly regarded BrahMos cruise missile system.

During the 17th annual summit, the two countries concluded deals on India’s procurement of five units of the S-400 air defence systems for an estimated ~37,000 crore, constructing Talwar-class frigates under Project 1135.6, and a shareholders’ agreement on a joint venture (JV) to manufacture Kamov-226T helicopters in India.

The S400 is regarded as the world’s premier long-range missile system, with the ability to shoot down enemy aircraft at ranges up to 400 kilometres. During the confrontation over the last two years between the Chinese and Indian armies in Ladakh, China deployed the S400 along the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

On March 3, 2019, in Amethi, Modi announced another JV —Indo-Russian Rifles — that would manufacture 750,000 AK-203 assault rifles in Korwa under the “Make in India” programme for an estimated $687 million. Russia is also competing for a ~40,000-crore deal for building six submarines in India under Project 75I, and a ~50,000-60,000 crore agreement to manufacture 114 fighter aircraft in India.

To ensure that Russian defence equipment was not hampered by any shortfall in maintenance or spare parts, the two sides agreed during the 20th Annual Summit in Vladivostok in September 2019 to cooperate in producing spare parts for Russian/Soviet military equipment.

The India-Russia defence partnership is being tested by Washington, especially through the piece of legislation the US Congress passed in 2017, titled CAATSA (Countering America’s Adversaries through Sanctions Act). This provides for US sanctions on countries that have significant defence or intelligence relations with Russia, Iran, or North Korea. India’s purchase of the S400 missile system is regarded as a potential trigger for Washington to impose sanctions.

While the US Congress has created a “CAATSA waiver” for close partners such as India, the US president is required to determine whether to exercise that waiver. So far, President Joe Biden has not stated a preference.

India, which faces a growing threat from China, is determined to buy the S400 from Russia. Asked whether New Delhi would bow to CAATSA pressure, India’s foreign ministry spokesperson said last week: “India and the US have a special global strategic partnership. And we also have a very special and privileged strategic partnership with Russia. And as you’re all aware, we pursue an independent foreign policy. This applies to our defence acquisitions, and supplies which are and will continue to be guided by our security interest.”

New Delhi and Moscow have identified trade and economic relations as a priority area. Modi and Putin have set a bilateral investment target of $50 billion and a bilateral trade target of $30 billion by 2025. (With inputs from PTI)

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First Published: Tue, December 07 2021. 01:24 IST
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Since 2014, Modi and Putin have overseen regular high-level political engagement, such as the 21st and 22nd annual summits, which reinforced their “special and privileged strategic partnership.”

Title:

Content: 31 Dec, 2023 08:46

Deeper than diplomacy: There is a reason why New Delhi and Moscow rely on each other

Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy is the core strength of bilateral ties, as the Indian foreign minister’s latest visit proves

Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar’s five-day official visit to Russia was timely and significant for more than one reason.

India and Russia had held annual summits at the leadership level since 2000. This sent an important message in terms of the value attached by the two countries to bilateral ties, but it also conveyed a broader geopolitical message to other international partners of the two countries.

But this practice was broken largely because of Russia’s pre-occupation with the Ukraine conflict and its fallout. The last annual summit took place in 2021.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin could have held a summit on the margins of the BRICS summit in Johannesburg in South Africa or the G20 summit in New Delhi, but Putin did not attend either. While Jaishankar’s visit does not substitute for a summit meeting, it was intended to fill a political gap.

Jaishankar and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov have met six times during the year, and the Indian external affairs minister also met with Russian Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov during the year on the economic agenda. For Jaishankar to visit Russia before the end of the year, undeterred by the Russian winter and holiday season, reflects the importance both sides attach to the further expansion of ties.

Putin has on several occasions praised the Indian prime minister and positively noted the country’s economic progress. At the ‘Russia Calling’ Forum in early December this year, he said that despite pressure from others, he “cannot imagine that Modi could be frightened, intimidated or forced to take any actions, steps, decisions that would at variance with the national interest of India and the Indian people.” He noted that sometimes he is surprised at Modi’s tough stance on Indian national interests. He added that the policy pursued by Modi is the “main guarantor” of the developing bilateral ties.

This is high and unusual praise by Putin. It can be interpreted on several levels – particularly as an acknowledgement that India has resisted pressure from the US and others to condemn Russia over the Ukraine conflict, impose sanctions, and reduce defense ties with Russia. India has, on the contrary, bought discounted Russian oil to the point that Russia has become its biggest oil supplier. It has argued that ensuring this market flow of Russian oil has helped avoid a major spike in oil prices and checked global inflation. Indian-Russian trade has expanded, while the G7 has broken economic and trade ties with Russia.

India played a major role as G20 president in negotiating the part in the Leaders’ Declaration on the Ukraine conflict despite the hardening of the G7 position and that of Russia and China after the G20 summit in Bali. The final text does not mention Russia by name, while the G7 was satisfied that the general formulations in it could be sold as being directed at Russia’s military operation in Ukraine.

Not surprisingly, Putin complimented India for de-politicizing the G20. India chaired the SCO summit in July 2023 and participated in the BRICS summit in South Africa in August 2023. This countered G7 attempts to isolate Russia diplomatically. In fact, the New Delhi SCO Declaration spoke of more effective global institutions, a more representative, just, and multipolar world order based on international law and multilateralism, and criticized the unilateral application of economic sanctions – a clear critique of the Western-dominated global system.

It is against this backdrop that Putin received Jaishankar at the Kremlin, the first time that such a gesture has been made to him personally. The general unavailability of Putin to visiting foreign ministers is well-known.

Jaishankar delivered a personal message from Modi to Putin. During the meeting, Putin invited his “friend Modi” to visit Russia in 2024 and noted that Indian-Russian ties were on the whole developing well. He said that he had been briefing Modi on developments in Ukraine, remarking that he understands the Indian prime minister is willing to do his utmost to resolve the matter by peaceful means. He added that he would give additional information to Jaishankar on Ukraine.

India has continued to strengthen ties with the US, including in the defense domain. It is a member of the Quad and a strong supporter of the Indo-Pacific concept, both of which are intended to deter China’s regional ambitions. Russia has reservations about the Quad and the Indo-Pacific concept, which it sees as the US engaging in bloc politics in Asia.

Putin’s praise for Modi and India and the gesture of receiving Jaishankar takes into consideration these realities of India’s foreign policy which are meant to safeguard the larger national interests. At the core of this is Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy. Jaishankar’s high-profile visit and the vigorous language used to mark the importance of India’s traditional ties with Russia would have caught Washington’s attention.

Jaishankar noted that after talks with Lavrov, “what clearly came out was that India-Russia relations remain very steady, remain very strong, they are based on our strategic convergence, on our geopolitical interests, and because they are mutually beneficial.” The two leaders discussed political cooperation within international organizations such as BRICS, the SCO, etc.

Indian-Russian trade is at an all-time high, exceeding $50 billion last year, and should pass that figure this year. It includes energy, fertilizers, coking coal, and other items, for which long term arrangements were discussed. India intends to expand investments in Russia’s oil and gas sector.

On the nuclear side, two important amendments were agreed to which will take the Kudankulam nuclear power project forward. Mutual investments, progress on a bilateral investment treaty, and the resumption of negotiations between India and the Eurasian Economic Union for a free trade agreement will be resumed in the second half of January 2024.

Moscow and New Delhi will expand cooperation in the Russian Far East. India expects a large representation from this region at the Vibrant Gujarat Summit in January 2024.

Connectivity between India and Russia will be critical for expanding trade ties – connectivity from western India through the International North-South Transport Corridor, and connectivity from eastern India, from Chennai to Vladivostok, and the polar route. To promote tourism, India is open to increasing the number of flights from India every week.

The talks between Jaishankar and Lavrov were comprehensive. They discussed the global strategic situation, Ukraine, Gaza, the Indo-Pacific, ASEAN, Afghanistan, UN-related matters, the challenges facing the Global South, and the building of a multipolar order. China would undoubtedly have been discussed, but diplomatic discretion here would be normal.

In the joint press conference, Lavrov spoke of prospects for more defense cooperation, including joint production of modern weapons under New Delhi’s ‘Make in India’ program, and, importantly, expressed respect for India’s efforts to diversify its defense ties. He noted bilateral cooperation in rocket engine manufacturing and satellite navigation systems.

Jaishankar’s visit was productive in maintaining the momentum of Indian-Russian ties, which have been built over 60 years, a relationship that he believes is not just about politics, diplomacy, or economics, but is much deeper.

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What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

These meetings have produced wide-ranging agreements across trade, connectivity, defense, technology, and energy.

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Content:   1. You Are At:
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  3. India
  4. India, Russia looking at holding '2+2' dialogue alongside Modi-Putin summit

India, Russia looking at holding '2+2' dialogue alongside Modi-Putin summit

The pact will allow militaries of the two countries to use each other's bases for repair and replenishment of supplies, besides facilitating scaling up of overall defense cooperation.

PTI
New Delhi Published on: November 17, 2021 23:36 IST

The first edition of India-Russia '2+2' defense and foreign ministerial dialogue may be held alongside a summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin that is likely to take place on December 6, people familiar with the developments said on Wednesday. The two sides are looking at holding the '2+2' dialogue around the time of the summit primarily due to scheduling issues, they said. External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh are scheduled to hold the dialogue with their Russian counterparts Sergey Lavrov and Sergey Shoygu.

Jaishankar and Singh were to travel to Moscow in the last week of November but the plan is being amended primarily due to the Winter session of Parliament that is scheduled from November 29.

The two ministers were also likely to travel to Washington for the India-US '2+2' dialogue with US Secretay of State Antony Blinken and Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin later this month or early December.

But, the people cited above said the talks are now likely to be pushed to January. Putin is likely to visit India for the bilateral summit with Modi on December 6. The summit is expected to produce specific outcomes in further expanding ties in areas of defense, trade, and energy.

It is learned that the two sides are going to firm up a number of agreements in the areas of defense, trade and investment, and science and technology at the summit.

A framework for military-technical cooperation is set to be renewed for the next decade at the summit besides announcing a joint commission on technology and science. India and Russia have also reached the final phase of negotiation for a logistics support agreement and it is likely to be signed either during the two-plus-two talks or at the summit.

The pact will allow militaries of the two countries to use each other's bases for repair and replenishment of supplies, besides facilitating scaling up of overall defense cooperation. The unfolding humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan and implications of the Taliban's takeover of Kabul for regional security are also expected to figure prominently at the summit.

The summit was postponed last year because of the COVID-19 pandemic. Both the countries have a mechanism under which India's prime minister and the Russian president hold a summit meeting annually to review the entire gamut of ties.

So far 20 Annual Summit meetings have taken place alternatively in India and Russia. Russia has been a time-tested partner for India and a key pillar of New Delhi's foreign policy.

Also Read: India starts receiving 'game changer' S-400 surface-to-air missile systems from Russia

Latest India News

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Notably, the two sides prioritized projects like the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), the Chennai–Vladivostok maritime corridor, and the Northern Sea Route.

Title:

Content:
India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday. At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

The 22nd Russia-India Annual Summit will lead to a greater collaboration between the two countries in Russian Far East and the Eurasian space, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), according to experts.

The 81-paragraphbilateral Joint Statement underscored the "shared vision" to enhance transport and connectivity cooperation, as well as a "solid commitment" to enhance economic linkages in Russia's resource-rich Far East, Pravesh Kumar Gupta, an Associate Fellow at New Delhi-based think tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), told Sputnik India.

The 22nd Annual Summit, a "unique and pivotal event in the current global geopolitical context" according to Gupta, exposed the disappointment of Western countries.

"Amidst global turbulence, the summit served as a crucial platform for leaders to engage in constructive discussions and strategic dialogues, with the aim of bolstering cooperation in vital areas such as trade, energy, connectivity, defence, and technology. This event has been widely acknowledged as a significant milestone in the ongoing development of the close ties between India and Russia, a success that stood in stark contrast to the disappointment felt by the Western world," the Indian think-tanker asserted.

Lauding the Summit outcomes, Gupta remarked that the leaders would intensify effort to develop "promising production and marketing chains in Eurasia" and stick to the new plan for the Far East in providing enhanced cooperation in different sectors, including transport and connectivity.

Specifically both leaders shared a vision pointing to three projects – International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor as well as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), or the Polar Route.

"Most importantly, these connectivity projects are free from any political agenda, unlike the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as clearly mentioned in the joint statement. Their implementation will be based on the principles of transparency, broad participation, local priorities, financial sustainability, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations," the VIF pundit underlined.

Gupta expressed confidence that the proposal to establish a joint working group on developing the NSR would speed up the project, which promised "significant cost savings and reduced shipping times" for goods traveling between Europe and Asia.

"The route's increased accessibility due to melting Arctic ice has sparked increased interest in its potential for commercial shipping and trade, offering a bright future for global trade," Gupta stated.

In the context of the INSTC, the expert underscored that it could turn out to be the most "cost-effective and favourable" connectivity project to increase Indian exports to Eurasia and vice-versa. He explained that the 7,200-kilometre-long multimodal corridor was in line with Moscow's geo-economic focus on Asia-Pacific following the Ukraine conflict.

Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'

In terms of bolstering cooperation in Asia-Pacific, or near India's own neighbourhood, Modi and Putin shared approaches on building a "new architecture" of a 'Greater Eurasian space'.

Although, initially Russia was focused primarily on the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, the Ukrainian conflict completely changed the situation, Alexey Kupriyanov, an expert in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) at Moscow-based think tank IMEMO RAS told Sputnik India.

At the same time, the think-tanker highlighted that a growing trade turnover between Russia and India was pushing Moscow to return to the Indian Ocean Region, primarily to ensure the protecting of Russian vessels in areas not covered by Indian Navy's operations, which include the Red Sea and the Mediterranean region.

"In the long term, this means that Russian ships will soon operate more intensively in the Indian Ocean and expand their presence," Kupriyanov stressed.

It would bolster India's security efforts and help it manage the power competition between China and the US, even as Indian Navy has intensified inter-operability with western maritime forces in recent years, the expert asserted.

"Since India's focus is primarily on the eastern part of the region, Russian ships in the western part could help fill the vacuum of security there. This will reduce the need for East African countries to seek help from China and the US to combat pirates, smugglers and drug traffickers," Kupriyanov concluded.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Unlike China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), these projects have been explicitly emphasized by both leaders as adhering to principles of transparency, sovereignty, and freedom from hidden political agendas – a response both to regional expectations and to reservations about China’s ambitions in Eurasia and the Indo-Pacific .

Defense cooperation has remained the cornerstone of the partnership.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons supply
security & military
weapons joint production

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

Russia continues to supply the bulk of India’s military equipment, including platforms like the Sukhoi-30MKI fighters, T-90S tanks, and Kilo-class submarines.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Joint projects such as the BrahMos missile system and defense deals on S-400 air defense systems and Kamov helicopters highlight the sustained technology transfer and co-production elements that Russia offers, which few countries can match.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons supply
security & military
weapons joint production

Additionally, Russia is actively competing for further submarine and jet contracts in alignment with India’s ‘Make in India’ initiative.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

commerce
weapons joint production
weapons supply
security & military
transportation

Strategic autonomy has been a consistent priority for India, and despite US sanctions and overtures from other potential defense partners, India has persisted with Russian defense procurement, especially after its border clashes with China .

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Indian policymakers have sought to diversify arms imports and partnerships in recent years, developing closer ties with the United States, France, and Israel.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

However, the practical realities of India’s equipment inventory, decades of technical integration with Russian systems, and Russia’s responsiveness to Indian requirements continue to ensure Moscow’s centrality to Indian security planning.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The annual 2+2 Ministerial Dialogues further institutionalize cooperation, covering issues ranging from regional security (including Afghanistan and Eurasia) to novel mechanisms for military logistics and joint technology development .

Title:

Content: India, Russia express deep concern on situation in Middle East

Moscow: India and Russia have expressed “deep concern” on the situation in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Gaza and called for immediate and unconditional release of all hostages.

The joint Statement following the 22nd India-Russia Annual Summit said the two sides called for the effective implementation of the relevant United Nations General Assembly resolutions and United Nations Security Council resolution 2720 and for immediate safe and unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance in the Gaza Strip.

In the joint statement, India and Russia said, “The Sides expressed deep concern on the situation in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Gaza. In this regard, they called for the effective implementation of the relevant UNGA resolutions and UNSC resolution 2720 and for immediate safe and unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance at scale directly to the Palestinian civilian population throughout the Gaza Strip.”

“They also called for the effective implementation of the UNSC resolution 2728 for a lasting and sustainable ceasefire. They equally called for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages as well as humanitarian access to address their medical and other humanitarian needs,” it added.

The two nations affirmed their support for Palestine’s full membership in the United Nations and reiterated their commitment to the principle of the two-state solution.

The joint statement reads, “They reaffirmed their support for Palestine’s full membership in the United Nations and reiterated their unwavering commitment to the principle of the two-state solution according to internationally accepted basis.”

The conflict in Gaza escalated after the October 7 attack by Hamas, where about 2,500 terrorists breached the border into Israel from the Gaza Strip, leading to casualties and the seizure of hostages.

Israel has since, characterised its Gaza offensive as targeting Hamas’ infrastructure with the goal to eliminate the entire terror group while making efforts to minimize civilian casualties.

The statement was issued after Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin held talks in Moscow.

India and Russia agreed to strengthen joint efforts to build an architecture of equal and indivisible regional security and to intensify consultations on complementarities between integration and development initiatives in Greater Eurasian space and the regions of the Indian and Pacific oceans.

The joint statement further said, “The Sides underlined the importance of strengthening cooperation within various regional fora, aimed at deepening regional peace and security, including East Asia Summit, ASEAN Regional Forum on Security (ARF), ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting Plus (ADMM-Plus).”

The two nations noted the importance of expanding efforts to combat climate change and achieving the goals of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement.

The joint statement reads, “The Sides noted the importance of expanding efforts to combat climate change and achieving the goals of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement.”

“In this regard, the Sides agreed to develop cooperation in the field of preventing climate change and adapting to it, including the exchange of experience on the organization and operation of greenhouse gas emission quota systems, the implementation of joint Russian-Indian investment projects in the field of low-carbon development, as well as sustainable and “green” financing,” it added.

The two nations agreed to continue interaction within G20, BRICS, and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) on key issues like increasing the sustainability and developing resiliency of international supply chains, compliance with free and fair trade rules and climate change, according to the joint statement.

India and Russia welcomed the launch of the BRICS Contact Group on Climate Change and Sustainable Development within the framework of the Environment Working Group under the Russian Chairship in BRICS in 2024.

During his visit to Russia, PM Modi held talks with Russian President Putin. The two leaders also visited the Rosatom Pavilion at the VDNKh Exhibition Centre in Moscow.

PM Modi was ceremoniously presented with the Order of St Andrew the Apostle the First-Called, Russia’s highest civilian honour, by Putin.

Notably, the award was bestowed on PM Modi in 2019, but he received it physically on Tuesday. The Prime Minister was presented with this award for his distinguished contribution to the development of a privileged strategic partnership between Russia and India and friendly ties between the two countries.

Back to top button

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

Economic cooperation, though not historically as robust as defense ties, has deepened.

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The two countries have set ambitious targets for expanding bilateral investment to $50 billion and trade to $30 billion by 2025.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The Ukraine conflict has intensified Western scrutiny of Indian-Russian trade, but India has not only resisted calls to curtail energy ties with Russia, it has significantly increased discounted crude oil imports from Russia, helping to buoy Moscow’s economy amidst sanctions.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

For India, this ensures energy security at favorable prices.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Both countries are also boosting cooperation in fertilizers, nuclear technology (notably at the Kudankulam nuclear plant), and green energy sectors, with long-term agreements aimed at sustained mutual benefit .

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

A defining element of Modi-Putin diplomacy has been mutual recognition of each other’s strategic autonomy.

Putin has commended Modi for a foreign policy that is consistently India-first.

Even with India’s increasing engagement in the Quad and Indo-Pacific partnerships, and strengthening ties with the US, Russia demonstrates pragmatism by maintaining defense and technological cooperation.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons supply
security & military
weapons joint production

Moscow expresses reservations about US-led security groupings, which it sees as directed against both Russia and China, but refrains from letting this disrupt its ties to India.

The countries’ joint statements frequently affirm a commitment to a multipolar world order, advancing global governance models outside Western frameworks, notably within BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and G20 .

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

What vision of global dynamics do India and Russia share?

polycentric system of international relations

India’s rivalry with China has been a significant, sometimes paradoxical, factor shaping the India–Russia relationship under Modi and Putin.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Moscow and Beijing have built their own partnership, especially in response to Western pressure; yet, Russia remains one of India’s primary defense partners.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Both India and China have acquired the Russian S-400 air defense system, which each country has deployed along their shared and contested border.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India’s insistence on finalizing this deal even under the threat of US sanctions demonstrates its intent to balance Chinese influence and safeguard its sovereignty, while also keeping Russia invested in India’s security needs and priorities .

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

At the multilateral level, India works alongside Russia within BRICS and the SCO, platforms that both Moscow and Beijing use to push back against Western dominance.

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

What vision of global dynamics do India and Russia share?

polycentric system of international relations

India’s active role in these organizations sometimes complicates its balancing act, as it navigates ties with both Russia and China in the same institutional spaces where border tensions frequently color Indian diplomatic priorities.

Nevertheless, India’s engagement in such forums is seen as indirectly buttressing Russia’s position in the face of Western diplomatic isolation efforts .

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

The evolving economic and security order in Eurasia and the Indo-Pacific has also prompted Russia and India to explore new frameworks for connectivity and cooperation, such as the INSTC and Chennai–Vladivostok maritime corridor.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

These are partly motivated by a desire to create alternatives to China-centric trade and infrastructure models, enhancing regional connectivity without depending on the BRI.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What vision of global dynamics do India and Russia share?

polycentric system of international relations

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Such projects, according to official statements from both leaders, are designed to respect sovereignty and avoid the pitfalls associated with debt-driven infrastructure investment .

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In conclusion, under Modi and Putin, the India–Russia relationship has retained its foundational strengths in defense, energy, and diplomatic engagement, while adapting to the rise of new global and regional power equations.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons supply
security & military
energy

India’s rivalry with China has reinforced India’s need for military and diplomatic support from Russia, even as it seeks to hedge by strengthening ties with the US and other partners.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Russia, for its part, values India as a balancing presence in Asia and a major strategic market, and pragmatically accommodates India’s multi-alignment strategies despite tightening ties with China.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

This multifaceted partnership now revolves around mutual respect for autonomy, shared interests in regional connectivity, and a joint desire to shape a more multipolar world order, even as they manage inherent tensions linked to their respective relations with China and the West.

What vision of global dynamics do India and Russia share?

polycentric system of international relations