Since Prime Minister Narendra Modi assumed office in 2014 and Vladimir Putin returned to the Russian presidency, the India–Russia relationship has sustained its characterization as a "special and privileged strategic partnership."

This relationship has continued to deepen through frequent high-level diplomatic engagements, including annual summits and '2+2' meetings involving foreign and defense ministers.

These mechanisms have facilitated signing numerous agreements spanning defense, trade, energy, technology, connectivity, and cultural exchange sectors, thereby maintaining a broad and multifaceted bilateral engagement.

Defense cooperation remains the cornerstone of the bilateral relationship.

Under Modi and Putin, this area has witnessed significant developments such as the signing of the 2021-2031 Military Technology Cooperation Agreement, symbolizing a long-term commitment to collaborative military technological advancement.

Joint ventures like the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile program exemplify successful cooperative ventures.

Additionally, India continues to procure sophisticated Russian defense systems like the S-400 air defense missile system, and ongoing negotiations indicate possible future logistics agreements that could grant Russian military access to Indian bases and vice versa.

Such cooperation affirms India’s reliance on Russian military hardware and technological support, which remains crucial despite India’s growing defense partnerships with Western countries.

Economically, bilateral trade between India and Russia has crossed the $50 billion mark, driven by diversified projects that go beyond traditional sectors.

Important infrastructure initiatives include the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), aimed at enhancing Eurasian connectivity by shortening cargo transit time between India and Russia.

Efforts to operationalize the Chennai-Vladivostok maritime link and the exploration of Arctic polar shipping routes highlight an expanding geographic scope for economic interaction, with an emphasis on developing linkages through the Russian Far East.

These initiatives reflect mutual interests in enhancing connectivity and promoting regional integration in the Eurasian region.

India's strategic autonomy has heavily influenced the trajectory of its ties with Russia, particularly amid the geopolitical volatility following Russia’s Ukraine invasion in 2022.

India has notably refrained from joining Western sanctions against Russia and has continued purchasing discounted Russian oil, making Russia one of India’s largest oil suppliers.

This stance has earned Russia’s respect and solidified trust, while simultaneously causing friction with Western nations advocating a united front against Russia.

India has leveraged this position to maintain its energy security without fully aligning with the West, thus preserving a delicate diplomatic balance.

India’s rivalry with China is a significant factor shaping Indo-Russian relations under Modi and Putin.

Russia has positioned itself as a strategic partner to India by supporting India as a counterweight to China's assertiveness in Asia.

This dynamic has reinforced defense and strategic ties, as Russia's longstanding defense supplies to India provide critical military capabilities needed to address security challenges along the China border.

However, Russia simultaneously maintains close ties with China, engaging in trilateral cooperation through the Russia-India-China (RIC) format.

Russia often plays a mediating role during India-China border tensions, striving to stabilize regional security while balancing relations with both Asian powers.

Despite this, India remains wary of overly deep trilateral engagement with China due to unresolved border disputes and mutual distrust.

Amid increasing border conflicts with China since 2020 and India’s evolving strategic alignments, India has also deepened security cooperation with the United States and allied partners like the Quad (United States, Japan, Australia, and India).

Despite this, India continues to heavily depend on Russian military supplies and Russian diplomatic support in regional affairs—particularly in the Indian Ocean region—where Russia acts as a strategic counterweight to Chinese expansion.

This dual-track strategy underscores India’s emphasis on strategic autonomy: simultaneously cultivating Western partnerships while preserving longstanding Russian ties.

Global developments—especially those emanating from the Ukraine war and resultant Western sanctions on Russia—have exerted complex effects on the bilateral relationship.

India’s refusal to adhere to sanctions has been interpreted by Russia as a significant affirmation of bilateral trust.

Pragmatism is evident in India’s adoption of rupee-ruble payment mechanisms for oil imports, allowing continued trade flows amidst global financial restrictions.

Meanwhile, India’s active involvement in multilateral platforms like BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and the G20 illustrates its pursuit of balanced global diplomacy, managing pressures from the West while accommodating Russia’s global position.

India’s simultaneous engagement with the Quad signals its aim to hedge against regional threats, chiefly from China, without severing ties with Russia.

In conclusion, the India–Russia relationship under Modi and Putin has evolved to balance longstanding traditional ties with emerging geopolitical realities.

The partnership remains robust in defense and energy cooperation, supported by comprehensive diplomatic engagement and expanding economic connectivity.

India’s rivalry with China has caused Russia to adopt a nuanced posture, positioning itself as a facilitator of stability between the two while concurrently supporting India’s security needs.

Global developments, notably the Ukraine conflict and shifting power alliances, have complicated but not diminished this relationship.

Instead, these challenges have reinforced India’s strategic autonomy approach, whereby it preserves a close relationship with Russia without compromising growing engagements with Western powers.

The India-Russia axis thus continues to be a crucial factor in shaping regional security and global power dynamics amidst the evolving geopolitical landscape.

Since Prime Minister Narendra Modi assumed office in 2014 and Vladimir Putin returned to the Russian presidency, the India–Russia relationship has sustained its characterization as a "special and privileged strategic partnership."

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Content: India, Russia express deep concern on situation in Middle East

Moscow: India and Russia have expressed “deep concern” on the situation in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Gaza and called for immediate and unconditional release of all hostages.

The joint Statement following the 22nd India-Russia Annual Summit said the two sides called for the effective implementation of the relevant United Nations General Assembly resolutions and United Nations Security Council resolution 2720 and for immediate safe and unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance in the Gaza Strip.

In the joint statement, India and Russia said, “The Sides expressed deep concern on the situation in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Gaza. In this regard, they called for the effective implementation of the relevant UNGA resolutions and UNSC resolution 2720 and for immediate safe and unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance at scale directly to the Palestinian civilian population throughout the Gaza Strip.”

“They also called for the effective implementation of the UNSC resolution 2728 for a lasting and sustainable ceasefire. They equally called for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages as well as humanitarian access to address their medical and other humanitarian needs,” it added.

The two nations affirmed their support for Palestine’s full membership in the United Nations and reiterated their commitment to the principle of the two-state solution.

The joint statement reads, “They reaffirmed their support for Palestine’s full membership in the United Nations and reiterated their unwavering commitment to the principle of the two-state solution according to internationally accepted basis.”

The conflict in Gaza escalated after the October 7 attack by Hamas, where about 2,500 terrorists breached the border into Israel from the Gaza Strip, leading to casualties and the seizure of hostages.

Israel has since, characterised its Gaza offensive as targeting Hamas’ infrastructure with the goal to eliminate the entire terror group while making efforts to minimize civilian casualties.

The statement was issued after Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin held talks in Moscow.

India and Russia agreed to strengthen joint efforts to build an architecture of equal and indivisible regional security and to intensify consultations on complementarities between integration and development initiatives in Greater Eurasian space and the regions of the Indian and Pacific oceans.

The joint statement further said, “The Sides underlined the importance of strengthening cooperation within various regional fora, aimed at deepening regional peace and security, including East Asia Summit, ASEAN Regional Forum on Security (ARF), ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting Plus (ADMM-Plus).”

The two nations noted the importance of expanding efforts to combat climate change and achieving the goals of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement.

The joint statement reads, “The Sides noted the importance of expanding efforts to combat climate change and achieving the goals of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement.”

“In this regard, the Sides agreed to develop cooperation in the field of preventing climate change and adapting to it, including the exchange of experience on the organization and operation of greenhouse gas emission quota systems, the implementation of joint Russian-Indian investment projects in the field of low-carbon development, as well as sustainable and “green” financing,” it added.

The two nations agreed to continue interaction within G20, BRICS, and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) on key issues like increasing the sustainability and developing resiliency of international supply chains, compliance with free and fair trade rules and climate change, according to the joint statement.

India and Russia welcomed the launch of the BRICS Contact Group on Climate Change and Sustainable Development within the framework of the Environment Working Group under the Russian Chairship in BRICS in 2024.

During his visit to Russia, PM Modi held talks with Russian President Putin. The two leaders also visited the Rosatom Pavilion at the VDNKh Exhibition Centre in Moscow.

PM Modi was ceremoniously presented with the Order of St Andrew the Apostle the First-Called, Russia’s highest civilian honour, by Putin.

Notably, the award was bestowed on PM Modi in 2019, but he received it physically on Tuesday. The Prime Minister was presented with this award for his distinguished contribution to the development of a privileged strategic partnership between Russia and India and friendly ties between the two countries.

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What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

This relationship has continued to deepen through frequent high-level diplomatic engagements, including annual summits and '2+2' meetings involving foreign and defense ministers.

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Modi Dials Vladimir Putin To Discuss Ukraine War, Russian Presidency Of BRICS. Details Here

(MENAFN- Live Mint) "Prime Minister Narendra Modi held extensive talks with Russian leader Vladimir Putin on Monday, with both wishing the other well in upcoming polls. The top officials discussed a slew of issues - from the ongoing Ukraine war to Moscow's ongoing BRICS presidency.
“Had a good conversation with President Putin. We discussed various positive developments in our Special & Privileged Strategic Partnership and agreed to chalk out a roadmap for future initiatives. We also had a useful exchange of views on various regional and global issues, including Russia's Presidency of the BRICS,” Modi tweeted shared by the Kremlin indicate that the two officials also \"expressed interest in further intensifying mutually beneficial bilateral ties\" and touched upon \"the situation in Ukraine\".ALSO READ: BRICS 2024: Russia's chairmanship begins, Vladimir Putin shares motto, key focus and priorities | 5 pointsThe two leaders have also agreed“to continue personal contacts” and ramp up bilateral ties. The interaction comes mere weeks after India and Russia agreed to step up military and technical cooperation, including the manufacturing of modern weaponry.“Vladimir Putin and Narendra Modi expressed interest in further intensification of mutually beneficial bilateral ties and wished each other success in the upcoming elections: the presidential election in Russia and the parliamentary election in India,” the state-run Tass news agency quoted the Kremlin statement to add READ: Pakistan seeks BRICS membership, turns to Russia for supportExternal Affairs Minister S Jaishankar had visited Russia last month and held a \"wide-ranging and useful\" meeting with his counterpart Sergey Lavrov. The EAM had said at the time that they discussed the international situation and contemporary issues and exchanged views on the Indo-Pacific, the Ukraine conflict, the Gaza situation, Afghanistan and Central Asia, BRICS, SCO, G20 and the UN.(With inputs from agencies)

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

defense ministers' meetings
foreign ministers' meetings
Putin/ Modi annual summits

These mechanisms have facilitated signing numerous agreements spanning defense, trade, energy, technology, connectivity, and cultural exchange sectors, thereby maintaining a broad and multifaceted bilateral engagement.

Title:

Content: Putin has held successive summits with the leaders of India, the United States and China, what is the purpose of Russia's diplomatic drama?
Photo Credit: AP / Tachih Images
What we want you to know is
Russia is actively engaged in the world's two largest countries with the largest population, and it can be said that it is very serious business, as well as leading Russia's foreign policy, so as not to allow the United States to be ahead of the United States, but also to hinder the rise of China.
And India, in the big countries still have strategic autonomy, is also a winner.
Putin visits India for first time in six months, "Putin meeting" strengthens Russian-Indian relations
On December 6, the New York Times reported that Russian President Vladimir Putin and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi held their 21st summit in India, reaffirming the “special and privileged strategic partnership ” between India and Russia and witnessing the signing of 28 agreements and memorandums of understanding.
The defence agreement was signed by Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov, Defence Minister Sergey Shoigu, and Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh after a "2 + 2" meeting.
According to the report, the new defense agreement, which includes the potential US sanctions risk S-400 surface-to-air missile defense system, amounted to $5.4 billion. In 2020, the Trump administration imposed sanctions on Turkey for purchasing the weapon from Russia.
Indian Deputy Foreign Minister Harsh Shringla said at a press conference after the summit: "The delivery of the S-400 missile defense system has started and will continue."
It is important to note that both we and Russia have an independent foreign policy. ”
The 28 agreements and MOUs mentioned above cover trade, energy, technology, intellectual property, space, geological exploration, cultural exchanges and education.
According to the list released by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, nine of the agreements and memorandums signed are of an official nature, including: the 2021-2031 Military Technology Cooperation Agreement, the roadmap for cooperation in science, technology and innovation, and the space technology protection agreement; the rest are memorandums between industries, companies or academic institutions.
India and Russia have set a goal of raising bilateral trade to $30 billion by 2025, as well as broader inter-regional cooperation between the Russian Far East and Indian provinces.
This time Russia and India deepen relations, it is important to counter the United States' active deployment in the Indo-Pacific region.
Among them is Joe Biden, a member of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue at the heart of Indo-Pacific foreign policy: India.
Not only can Russia pull India ’ s important partner, but it also proves that Russia has other “good friends ” in the international community in addition to China at a time of tension with most Western countries and international isolation.
In addition, India is still under pressure from the United States to buy arms from Russia, on the one hand, to show its foreign policy autonomy and diversification, India in the procurement of weapons options, but also to try to achieve a balance in the United States, India, Russia triangle relations.
After all, since the outbreak of the border conflict between India and India in mid-2020, there has been a trend for India and the United States to get closer and closer.
It also includes the gradual deepening of the "quartet security dialogue."
Russia has a greater influence than the United States in coordinating border conflicts between China and India.
For example, in September 2021, the foreign ministers of China and India discussed border issues in Moscow, Russia, and issued a joint statement.
In addition, according to a report by the Russian News Agency on December 15, Russian presidential assistant Yuri Ushakov said: "Putin and Xi agreed to continue to exchange views on the 'Russia-India-China cooperation model' in order to try to hold the next trilateral summit within the framework of this model in the future."
US-Russia Video Summit: Biden, Putin Discuss "Ukraine Issue"
On December 7, US President Joe Biden and Russian President Vladimir Putin held a video summit, which was also the second time the two met in Geneva, Switzerland, in June this year.
According to a White House press release, the two sides discussed a number of US-Russian issues in the video.
During the meeting, Biden told Russia that the United States and its European allies have expressed strong concern about its actions in Ukraine.
He made it clear to Putin that the United States and its allies would respond economically or otherwise to an increase in military activity.
He also reiterated U.S. support for Ukraine ’ s sovereignty and territorial integrity, and called for a return to foreign interaction to reduce tensions.
The two sides also discussed the U.S.-Russia Dialogue on Strategic Stability, cyber-ransomware attacks, and cooperation on regional issues, such as Iran.
The Kremlin said in a statement after the meeting that Putin stressed that responsibility should not be transferred to Russia, all stemming from NATO ’ s dangerous intentions to conquer Ukrainian territory and establish military potential sites on the Russian-Ukrainian border.
Putin asked Biden to provide legally binding security guarantees against NATO ’ s eastward expansion and the deployment of offensive weapons systems in Russia ’ s neighbors.
But White House national security adviser Jake Sullivan told reporters that Biden made no promises or concessions to Putin ’ s demands, including not allowing Ukraine to join NATO and reducing U.S. forces in the region.
Speaking at a Council on Foreign Relations event on December 17, Sullivan said in response to Putin ’ s request: “The United States is ready to start a dialogue with Russia, and we will raise and discuss issues of concern to us. ”
In addition, according to the "Mist Valley Crystal Policy", a recent CNN "Wall Street Journal report, the Biden administration, in addition to maneuvering with Russia at the negotiating table, on the other hand, is also considering increasing military support for Ukraine.
Military support projects under consideration include Mi-17 helicopters and Stinger surface-to-air missiles.
However, a White House spokesman declined to discuss details of military support for Ukraine.
Putin, Xi Jinping Video Summit to Strengthen Bilateral Relations Against the West
Following the US-Russia Video Summit on December 7, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin held an hour-long video summit on December 15 to discuss a wide range of issues between China and Russia.
According to the BBC, the video summit is the 37th meeting of the leaders of China and Russia since 2013, and the frequent meeting reflects the unusual relationship between China and Russia.
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Defense cooperation remains the cornerstone of the bilateral relationship.

Title:

Content: Top

Old friends

X

On Monday, PM Modi spoke over the phone with Russian President Vladimir Putin. The phone call reportedly was a follow-up on many of the issues raised during Putin's recent India visit on December 6. According to a statement by the PMO, the two leaders have agreed to remain in regular touch with each other on a range of issues covered under the India-Russia Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership. Insofar as visits from foreign dignitaries and leaders go, Putin's visit to India earlier this month was arguably the most consequential development for India in the field of foreign affairs for quite some time. India, as may be known, has a long and storied relationship with Russia and its precursor, the Soviet Union. From the earliest days, the friendship between the two nations had a strong strategic undertone with both sides supporting each other on the world stage whenever necessary. Indeed, the Soviet Union was undeniably India's greatest ally in the 20th century against the machinations of the western powers like the US that did not take kindly to India announcing itself to be a 'socialist' nation. From Kashmir to the Bangladesh Liberation War, Russia has stood by India in defence of its strategic interests. As a proof of the relationship, a majority of military equipment India currently possesses was either directly supplied by Moscow or is otherwise of Russian origin. In recent years, with the fall of the Soviet Union and India's move towards liberalising its economy, India has ventured out into the world to make a new set of friends. This time around, it is India and the US that are getting along like a house on fire. India has deliberately sought to widen its field diplomatically and militarily in order to not be tied down to a single nation with the rather pragmatic understanding that there are no permanent relationships in international politics. In more recent times, Russia and India have somewhat drifted further apart as Russia bands together with India's rival China to take on the hegemony of the western world that is held up by the US. While India has no interest in joining the US in its power games against Russia, it is very much interested in leveraging its relationship with the west in its struggle to contain a belligerent China. It is here that India has had to perform a tremendous tight-rope walk, particularly following the 2014 annexation of Crimea by Russia. On the one hand, you have America that wishes to limit or even extinguish India's strategic relationship with Russia. On the other, you have Russia that is increasingly concerned and agitated by India drawing ever closer to the US's sphere of influence as it joins America in endeavours like the Quad grouping. Of particular concern to both sides is India's continuing dependence on Russia for military equipment. The US, already having sanctioned Turkey for the same, looks on menacingly as it threatens India with sanctions for buying the S-400 missile system. Russia, of course, is not only interested in keeping its old defence ties but even expanding them, as it has been recently teasing India with the possibility of being the first nation in the world to buy the improved S-500 missile system. In this regard, Putin's visit to India could be termed as symbolic. Since the beginning of the pandemic, Putin has only ventured out twice from his country, with the second trip being the one to India. His tone and body language during the meeting with PM Modi spoke volumes of the importance he attaches to maintaining the ties with India. Aside from underscoring the good working relationship he has with India's PM, the visit also highlighted that despite the recent turns of history, the two nations still have much to share and collectively work towards. Common concern in regards to the Taliban and Afghanistan is one such area that the two sides are looking to cooperate on in the near future. Another is strengthening existing defence ties between the two nations. Underscoring its strategic independence, India has decided to continue with its defence dealings with Russia, discussing the purchase of the S-400 missile system while also finalising a long-pending Rs 5,000 crore deal for the production of over five lakh AK-203 rifles in a joint Indo-Russian deal. But all said and done, the future of India's relationship with Russia still has some shades of uncertainty. Primary amongst them is the ongoing escalation between Moscow and NATO in regards to Ukraine and eastern Europe. If Russia should choose to brave threats of western sanctions to take action in Ukraine, where does this leave India? Can India still continue its balancing game between east and west at a time when geopolitics are heating up to a boiling point? That remains to be seen.

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons supply
security & military
weapons joint production

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

Under Modi and Putin, this area has witnessed significant developments such as the signing of the 2021-2031 Military Technology Cooperation Agreement, symbolizing a long-term commitment to collaborative military technological advancement.

Title:

Content: Russia-India coordination, balance, US-India approach?
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Source: Global Times
Author: Wang Shida
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke by telephone with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the 20th to further develop the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
At the beginning of this month, Russia and India held an annual leaders' summit, launched the first "2 + 2" dialogue between foreign ministers and defense ministers, and agreed to strengthen cooperation and coordination on bilateral and multilateral issues, and signed up to 28 cooperation agreements.
In just two weeks, the summit had two interactions, which sent a signal that Russian-Indian relations were more special than before.
From the interaction on the 6th, Putin led a strong delegation to visit India and held the annual Russian-Indian leaders' summit.
This is Putin's second overseas visit since the outbreak of the COVID-19 epidemic, highlighting the importance he attaches to the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
During the visit, Russia and India held their first "2 + 2" meeting, which will help deepen mutual understanding and strengthen the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two countries.
The most important of the 28 cooperation agreements signed by Russia and India is the Agreement on Military Technical Cooperation 2021-2031.
The document will provide guidance for Russian-Indian military cooperation in the next 10 years, especially to promote joint development and production of weapons and equipment.
It can be said that the foundation for the next stage of military interaction between Russia and India has been laid.
In addition, Russia and India are also actively discussing the signing of a military logistics agreement similar to the memorandum of understanding on logistics exchange between the two countries to facilitate the use of each other's military bases.
Once signed in the future, the Russian-Indian military relations will take another step forward.
The two leaders discussed how to implement the agreement reached at the December 6 meeting, agreed to maintain regular contact on all aspects covered by the Russian-Indian “special and privileged strategic partnership ”, continue to deepen bilateral cooperation and consultation and coordination in multilateral forums, and exchange views on international stability and security issues, including the situation in the Asia-Pacific region.
Since taking office as US president at the beginning of the year, Biden has inherited and strengthened the Indo-Pacific strategy of his predecessor, Trump, and has courted India as the key to its success.
To this end, Biden has made efforts to promote the upgrading and implementation of the four-nation mechanism.
In March this year, the four-nation mechanism held its first video summit, issued a joint declaration, and established three working groups to implement the summit consensus.
In September, the four-nation mechanism held its first offline summit, reiterating the implementation of cooperation in the fields of vaccines and high-quality infrastructure, and proposing to jointly train scientific and technological talents to create a "closed loop of scientific and technological talents of the four countries".
For example, the United States has continued to deepen the "comprehensive global strategic cooperative partnership" between the United States and India.
On March 19, U.S. Defense Secretary William Austin visited India, calling the U.S.-India relationship "a key pillar of a free and open Indo-Pacific."
Under the continued cozying up of the Biden administration, India's attitude of strategic autonomy has become blurred, and it has clearly moved closer to and tilted toward the United States in implementing its foreign policy of "multi-faceted alliance."
During his visit to the United States in September, Modi said that "the relationship between the United States and India has entered a critical transition period".
In the face of the continuous promotion of the "Indo-Pacific Strategy" by the United States and the drift and deviation of India in the two strategic directions of the Indo-Pacific Ocean and the Eurasian continent, Russia is certainly alert.
As early as the Cold War, Russia and India established a relatively special strategic cooperative partnership, even reaching the level of quasi-allies.
At the end of the Cold War, Russia pushed India to join strategic designs such as the "trilateral dialogue between China, Russia and India" in an attempt to promote the establishment of a fair and multipolar world order.
Russia also sees India as an important partner in the Indian Ocean region and an important contributor to the effects of radiation in the Indian Ocean region.
To this end, Russia has taken a series of actions, Foreign Minister Lavrov and other high-level leaders directly expressed opposition to the United States using the "Indo-Pacific strategy" as a tool to contain China and Russia and create regional division.
This round of Russian-Indian strategic coordination is also the proper meaning of Russia's anti-Indo-Pacific strategy.
In particular, Russia and India signed a major defense cooperation order, began the delivery of S-400 air defense system, and will soon sign a military logistics agreement, which is conducive to consolidating defense and military cooperation between the two countries, hedging the penetration and erosion of the traditional Russian arms market by the United States in the past 10 years, and preventing India from falling into the "Indo-Pacific camp" because of increased dependence on weapons and equipment.
Therefore, Russian-Indian interaction is conducive to maintaining the relative balance between the two camps of the Eurasian continent and the Indo-Pacific Ocean, as well as to global strategic stability and peace.
(The writer is deputy director of the South Asia Institute of the Chinese Institute of Modern International Relations)
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons supply
security & military
weapons joint production

Joint ventures like the BrahMos supersonic cruise missile program exemplify successful cooperative ventures.

Title:

Content:
In the shifting sands of geopolitics, several changes in the past few weeks would make agile diplomacy the key instrument of foreign affairs for any country. First up is the difficult, India-US-Russia tightrope trick. Russia last week announced their new foreign policy, which emphasises the deepening of ties with strategic allies India and China. The Russian NSA and his Indian counterpart also got into a huddle on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, NSA-level meeting, to discuss expanding the bilateral defence partnership. It now emerges that the two sides could have discussed expanding the partnership for joint research and manufacturing of next-generation supersonic BrahMos missile systems.

Russia seems to have greater technological know-how for the development of this high-speed (at least five times faster than the speed of sound with higher degrees of manoeuvrability) missiles, ahead of both China and US. Meanwhile, India is all set to enhance its naval capabilities including its ability for defending its sea frontiers, from the recent acquisition of superior technology helicopters, missiles and torpedoes capable of taking down submarines, from the US. The initial reluctance from the US to have India as a strategic defence partner in the Indo-Pacific region now seems to have given way to a pragmatic approach, keeping in mind India’s strategic defence needs, and its centrality to the Indo-Pacific.

The Indo-Pacific region, at one point in time, relegated to appendix sections of Washington’s foreign policy books, has found complete bipartisan support from opposite ends of the political spectrum in US politics. The imminent threat is the rising heft of China in the region, which has assumed the role of being the biggest bully, having clawed into some of the most influential national economies in the region. Most of the influence China wields in the Indo-Pacific rides on its opaque infrastructure funding policies, which have forced many of these growth-hungry economies to fall into a fatal debt trap. These economic blunders in turn give China the upper hand to start influencing the nation’s domestic politics, which goes well with the dragon’s expansionist agenda.

However, the US has taken note and brokered a peace truce between Japan and South Korea, the two technology-aided Asian giants. These two countries, even though not too warm to each other due to historical reasons, are joined in the common threat of an aggressive China in their backyard. The US knows that any future dominance in the global world order would be defined by technological advancements, and the ability to integrate technology into their defence equipment. Every breakthrough, every new use case and standard set, for emerging technology such as Artificial Intelligence would be critical for the race to the top.

It has already operationalised the US-India initiative on Critical and Emerging technologies, to expand the existing defence industrial partnership and strategic technology partnership to a wider set of stakeholders. Meanwhile, discussions regarding supply chain resilience, expansion and cooperation, on new technology form the pillars for all QUAD discussions, which has the US, India, Japan and Australia, as its members. The US is also aggressively pushing countries in South and South-Southeast Asia into a like-minded bloc of partners through the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework initiative, where India is also a founding member. China meanwhile has also managed to stitch together one of the largest free trade agreements in the world, through the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, giving it market access to most of the economies in the region. India chose to sit out of RCEP, citing the unfair advantage accrued to China.

Against this backdrop, the guns are still blazing in eastern provinces of Ukraine. Many expect China and India to play the silent backroom boys role to broker peace between Ukraine and Russia. It is going to be volatile situations ahead for every country.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons supply
security & military
weapons joint production

Additionally, India continues to procure sophisticated Russian defense systems like the S-400 air defense missile system, and ongoing negotiations indicate possible future logistics agreements that could grant Russian military access to Indian bases and vice versa.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Such cooperation affirms India’s reliance on Russian military hardware and technological support, which remains crucial despite India’s growing defense partnerships with Western countries.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Economically, bilateral trade between India and Russia has crossed the $50 billion mark, driven by diversified projects that go beyond traditional sectors.

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Content: 31 Dec, 2023 08:46

Deeper than diplomacy: There is a reason why New Delhi and Moscow rely on each other

Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy is the core strength of bilateral ties, as the Indian foreign minister’s latest visit proves

Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar’s five-day official visit to Russia was timely and significant for more than one reason.

India and Russia had held annual summits at the leadership level since 2000. This sent an important message in terms of the value attached by the two countries to bilateral ties, but it also conveyed a broader geopolitical message to other international partners of the two countries.

But this practice was broken largely because of Russia’s pre-occupation with the Ukraine conflict and its fallout. The last annual summit took place in 2021.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin could have held a summit on the margins of the BRICS summit in Johannesburg in South Africa or the G20 summit in New Delhi, but Putin did not attend either. While Jaishankar’s visit does not substitute for a summit meeting, it was intended to fill a political gap.

Jaishankar and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov have met six times during the year, and the Indian external affairs minister also met with Russian Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov during the year on the economic agenda. For Jaishankar to visit Russia before the end of the year, undeterred by the Russian winter and holiday season, reflects the importance both sides attach to the further expansion of ties.

Putin has on several occasions praised the Indian prime minister and positively noted the country’s economic progress. At the ‘Russia Calling’ Forum in early December this year, he said that despite pressure from others, he “cannot imagine that Modi could be frightened, intimidated or forced to take any actions, steps, decisions that would at variance with the national interest of India and the Indian people.” He noted that sometimes he is surprised at Modi’s tough stance on Indian national interests. He added that the policy pursued by Modi is the “main guarantor” of the developing bilateral ties.

This is high and unusual praise by Putin. It can be interpreted on several levels – particularly as an acknowledgement that India has resisted pressure from the US and others to condemn Russia over the Ukraine conflict, impose sanctions, and reduce defense ties with Russia. India has, on the contrary, bought discounted Russian oil to the point that Russia has become its biggest oil supplier. It has argued that ensuring this market flow of Russian oil has helped avoid a major spike in oil prices and checked global inflation. Indian-Russian trade has expanded, while the G7 has broken economic and trade ties with Russia.

India played a major role as G20 president in negotiating the part in the Leaders’ Declaration on the Ukraine conflict despite the hardening of the G7 position and that of Russia and China after the G20 summit in Bali. The final text does not mention Russia by name, while the G7 was satisfied that the general formulations in it could be sold as being directed at Russia’s military operation in Ukraine.

Not surprisingly, Putin complimented India for de-politicizing the G20. India chaired the SCO summit in July 2023 and participated in the BRICS summit in South Africa in August 2023. This countered G7 attempts to isolate Russia diplomatically. In fact, the New Delhi SCO Declaration spoke of more effective global institutions, a more representative, just, and multipolar world order based on international law and multilateralism, and criticized the unilateral application of economic sanctions – a clear critique of the Western-dominated global system.

It is against this backdrop that Putin received Jaishankar at the Kremlin, the first time that such a gesture has been made to him personally. The general unavailability of Putin to visiting foreign ministers is well-known.

Jaishankar delivered a personal message from Modi to Putin. During the meeting, Putin invited his “friend Modi” to visit Russia in 2024 and noted that Indian-Russian ties were on the whole developing well. He said that he had been briefing Modi on developments in Ukraine, remarking that he understands the Indian prime minister is willing to do his utmost to resolve the matter by peaceful means. He added that he would give additional information to Jaishankar on Ukraine.

India has continued to strengthen ties with the US, including in the defense domain. It is a member of the Quad and a strong supporter of the Indo-Pacific concept, both of which are intended to deter China’s regional ambitions. Russia has reservations about the Quad and the Indo-Pacific concept, which it sees as the US engaging in bloc politics in Asia.

Putin’s praise for Modi and India and the gesture of receiving Jaishankar takes into consideration these realities of India’s foreign policy which are meant to safeguard the larger national interests. At the core of this is Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy. Jaishankar’s high-profile visit and the vigorous language used to mark the importance of India’s traditional ties with Russia would have caught Washington’s attention.

Jaishankar noted that after talks with Lavrov, “what clearly came out was that India-Russia relations remain very steady, remain very strong, they are based on our strategic convergence, on our geopolitical interests, and because they are mutually beneficial.” The two leaders discussed political cooperation within international organizations such as BRICS, the SCO, etc.

Indian-Russian trade is at an all-time high, exceeding $50 billion last year, and should pass that figure this year. It includes energy, fertilizers, coking coal, and other items, for which long term arrangements were discussed. India intends to expand investments in Russia’s oil and gas sector.

On the nuclear side, two important amendments were agreed to which will take the Kudankulam nuclear power project forward. Mutual investments, progress on a bilateral investment treaty, and the resumption of negotiations between India and the Eurasian Economic Union for a free trade agreement will be resumed in the second half of January 2024.

Moscow and New Delhi will expand cooperation in the Russian Far East. India expects a large representation from this region at the Vibrant Gujarat Summit in January 2024.

Connectivity between India and Russia will be critical for expanding trade ties – connectivity from western India through the International North-South Transport Corridor, and connectivity from eastern India, from Chennai to Vladivostok, and the polar route. To promote tourism, India is open to increasing the number of flights from India every week.

The talks between Jaishankar and Lavrov were comprehensive. They discussed the global strategic situation, Ukraine, Gaza, the Indo-Pacific, ASEAN, Afghanistan, UN-related matters, the challenges facing the Global South, and the building of a multipolar order. China would undoubtedly have been discussed, but diplomatic discretion here would be normal.

In the joint press conference, Lavrov spoke of prospects for more defense cooperation, including joint production of modern weapons under New Delhi’s ‘Make in India’ program, and, importantly, expressed respect for India’s efforts to diversify its defense ties. He noted bilateral cooperation in rocket engine manufacturing and satellite navigation systems.

Jaishankar’s visit was productive in maintaining the momentum of Indian-Russian ties, which have been built over 60 years, a relationship that he believes is not just about politics, diplomacy, or economics, but is much deeper.

Where India Meets Russia – We are now on WhatsApp! Follow and share RT India in English and in Hindi

The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RT.

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How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Important infrastructure initiatives include the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), aimed at enhancing Eurasian connectivity by shortening cargo transit time between India and Russia.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Efforts to operationalize the Chennai-Vladivostok maritime link and the exploration of Arctic polar shipping routes highlight an expanding geographic scope for economic interaction, with an emphasis on developing linkages through the Russian Far East.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

These initiatives reflect mutual interests in enhancing connectivity and promoting regional integration in the Eurasian region.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India's strategic autonomy has heavily influenced the trajectory of its ties with Russia, particularly amid the geopolitical volatility following Russia’s Ukraine invasion in 2022.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India has notably refrained from joining Western sanctions against Russia and has continued purchasing discounted Russian oil, making Russia one of India’s largest oil suppliers.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

This stance has earned Russia’s respect and solidified trust, while simultaneously causing friction with Western nations advocating a united front against Russia.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

India has leveraged this position to maintain its energy security without fully aligning with the West, thus preserving a delicate diplomatic balance.

Title:

Content: India Latest Stories Op - eds

Centre of Russian and Western tug of war, India honing non-alignment diplomatic skills

Diplomats rushing to New Delhi: There was exceptional diplomatic traffic in March end as Foreign Ministers of Russia, Mexico and China, UK’s foreign secretary, US deputy national security advisor and Netherland’s security advisor rushed to New Delhi. Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida had visited earlier. Leaders across the world have India on their minds, hence converging on India. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has triggered sharp polarization between two major blocs—America, Western allies and the Indo-Pacific on one side; and Russia and China on the other.

India, America, Quad and the West: India-US ties have developed in recent years. The US, Japan, Australia, and India have formed the Quad grouping to counter an imperialist China. Trade volume with the US and its allies has increased. These trade ties, plus Japan’s recently announced investments are vital for India. India has strategic convergence with the US, other Quad countries and some western nations on Chinese aggression. But can India trust America?

India-(Soviet) Russia ties: India has longstanding military ties with Russia as the world’s largest buyer of Russian weapons. It procures 50-80% of its military requirement from Russia. India-USSR Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation, 1971 ensured India’s security for decades. During India-Pakistan war America backed Pakistan, sent Seventh naval fleet into the Bay of Bengal, and the UK sent aircraft carrier HMS Eagle to the Arabian Sea to browbeat India. Russia sent its naval forces to the Indian Ocean in India’s support. Diplomatically, the USSR vetoed all UN resolutions against India—the 1957 US-UK-Australia-Cuba joint-resolution for deployment of peacekeeping forces in Kashmir; Portugal resolution against India during Goa Liberation in 1961 and many more anti-India resolutions. The lone negative USSR vote prevented internationalization of Kashmir. Geographically, India relies on Russia to counter the threat from China and Pakistan.

Russia supports India in multilateral fora like the U.N. (for the UNSC membership and vetoes supporting Indian interests), Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), BRICS (Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa), and Russia-India-China (RIC) trilateral. India needs Russia for defense and strategic purposes, and a rupee-ruble platform for oil import, hence can’t be overtly anti-Russia. Russia wants that even if India does not support invasion of Ukraine, it should tread the middle-ground path and continue trading with it. The US and the Western bloc are irritated that India is not publicly criticizing Russia.

Switching from American SWIFT to Russia’s SPFS: American sanctions cut-off several Russian banks from SWIFT payment system. Helpless Russia enforced Rouble payments through messaging system SPFS for defence, oil and gas transactions. India is buying Russian oil crude braving mounting international pressure. A rupee- ruble-denominated payment system benefits both India and Russia amidst America-Australia condemnation that circumvention undermines the sanctions.

Rationale for India’s non-aligned policy: Ukraine conflict showcases India’s NAM 2.0. India was co-founder of Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in 1961 for independence in thought and action from Cold war blocs and following the same policy over Ukraine. The West misinterprets India’s neutral stance as Russia-centric, hence irked and unhappy. America initially condemned but now threatens India of “consequences” and mulls sanctions under CAATSA over the S-400 deal with Russia. India’s non-alignment is on test.  America says Russia won’t defend India against Chinese violation at LAC.

America and Britain urge India for a pro-Ukraine role in the conflict. India’s non-alignment thus gets traction from several directions by global powers. America won’t sanction India— a partner in QUAD to balance out China, a huge market, a destination for American investment and American exports—to face huge financial costs. Indian diaspora can dent politically. Australia divulged that QUAD understands Indian position on Russia and has accepted the same. India’s neutral position on a safe diplomatic pedestal protects its own national interests. The world needs India more so than ever, as much as India needs the world.

India’s delicate balancing act: Deftly balancing the diverging interests of the West, Russia and its own, India abstained from Ukraine-related resolutions moved by the West and Russia, reflecting nonaligned, geographical, security and economic compulsions. Russian vetoes have saved India, hence India has not gone against Russia for neutrality. India staying in touch with Russia is beneficial for humanity.

India the center of global wartime diplomacy: Global leaders rushing to Delhi makes India the center of global wartime diplomacy. Foreign dignitaries are unbalanced with completely divergent agenda. For present Eurasian politics has diverted world’s attention from the ever-volatile Indo-Pacific. India supplied humanitarian assistance to Ukraine, and reaching out to world leaders – Russian, Ukrainian, and European Council, Polish, and French Presidents— for dialogue, peaceful resolution, and immediate ceasefire.

Pragmatic India prefers not to be on the wrong side of Russia than being on the “right side of history. India’s silent diplomacy is navigating the conflict with phenomenal dexterity—expressing veiled concern for Russian invasion and maintaining an important strategic and security relationship.

India abstained from the UNSC Resolution criticizing the invasion, citing ‘legitimate security interests’ of Russia and respecting the ‘sovereignty and territorial integrity of states’ of Ukraine. Both Russia and Ukraine have appealed to India for mediation. Defusing the crisis will benefit humanity. Let’s try to win the Ukraine war without moving a soldier, a ship or an airplane.

By Himanshu Sharma, Editor

Twitter : @Himansh

Email : info@newdelhitimes.com

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India’s rivalry with China is a significant factor shaping Indo-Russian relations under Modi and Putin.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Russia has positioned itself as a strategic partner to India by supporting India as a counterweight to China's assertiveness in Asia.

Title:

Content: English Edition
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    Russia will support India in a stand-off against ally China. Here's why

    Synopsis

    Not that sentiment plays no role in relations between nations. It does. The immense soft power that the West wields over nations like India colours the discourse, and could even impede rational pursuit of the national interest. So how does the national self-interest of Russia, China and the US play out vis-à-vis India?

    Modern chess evolved from the game Indians called chaturanga, meaning four angas or anatomical parts. The four elements of the ancient Indian army were the infantry, the cavalry, the elephantry and the chariots. Moving pieces to gain advantage, anticipating the opponent’s countermoves, is the nub of the game.

    Geopolitics is a lot like playing chess. You position your pieces to gain advantage, not because you like or dislike any particular piece. You could sacrifice the queen, if that is the path to victory, as unsentimentally as you would take the opponent’s rook. It is that lack of sentiment that many people fail to appreciate when they reach facile conclusions on the relations between nations. In the popular mind, Indo-Russian relations are about Raj Kapoor songs and lingering gratitude for the Soviet navy’s interception of the US 7th Fleet’s Task Force 74 as it moved towards the Bay of Bengal, to threaten India during the 1971 war in East Pakistan.

    In the same vein of humanising international relations, many conclude that Russia’s indebtedness to China for its support during the ongoing Ukraine war, economically and politically, would rupture Russia’s support for India in the face of Chinese aggression. Whatever the sentiment, Russia would continue to support India. Because that is in Russia’s own interest.

    National Interest…
    Not that sentiment plays no role in relations between nations. It does. The immense soft power that the West wields over nations like India colours the discourse, and could even impede rational pursuit of the national interest. So how does the national self-interest of Russia, China and the US play out vis-à-vis India?

    The expansion of Nato to include assorted former Soviet bloc countries has been an attempt to underline Russia’s loss of salience as a global power. The West loved Boris Yeltsin and his chums, who not just disbanded the Soviet Union, but also eviscerated Russia’s economy by handing over valuable economic assets to their cronies — the so-called oligarchs —as well as by failing to put in place a functional system of governance and regulation, without which a market cannot function.

    Vladimir Putin put an end to this dissolution of Russian power, when he took office in 2000. He even sought Nato membership for Russia, a request that was dismissed out of hand by the West. It was only after Nato decided to offer membership to Georgia and Ukraine that Putin turned actively hostile to the West. He attacked Georgia in 2008, putting paid to any plan for Georgia to join Nato. In 2014, when a pro-West popular uprising threw out a pro-Russian regime in Ukraine, Putin moved in, to annex Crimea, which, till 1954, had been part of Russia, and hosts the base of Russia’s warm water navy.

    Extending Nato to Ukraine would bring Nato missiles to Russia’s borders. As it is, extension of Nato to Poland, Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia has brought St Petersburg within the range of short-range Nato missiles. The Cuban missile crisis, it may be recalled, had been about the US stomping into the ground Cuba’s sovereign right to place missiles of any nation it befriends on its territory. No power allows hostility that amounts to an existential threat to thrive in the immediate neighbourhood.

    By forcing Russia to docilely accept Nato missiles in Ukraine, the West wanted to tell Russia and the world that Russia no longer matters, despite all its nukes. It is this that Russia opposes, primarily, in its action against Ukraine. For the US, its geopolitical rival of significance is China. It is to contain China that George W Bush gave India its nuclear deal, thereby releasing India from assorted technology denial regimes, imposed originally to rid India of its nuclear ambitions. India continues to be a significant ally in the Asia-Pacific region for the US, in its quest to keep China in check. Hence its membership of the Quad. China does not want to be the sole focus of western hostility. Its interests are served by the West having to commit some of its men and materiel to Russia.

    That calls for retaining Russia as a significant geopolitical power. That is why China supports Russia over Ukraine.

    …Not Sentiment

    It is in India’s interest to retain Russia as a global power centre. The alternative is to confront the dual hegemony of the world by the US and China. Given China’s aggressive claims on Indian territory, that would redound to abject dependence on the US to resist China, scrapping India’s hopes for strategic autonomy.

    China wants Russia as a power centre that would consume the West’s attention and resources. Russia wants to retain its own geopolitical relevance. It has not invaded Ukraine and taken China’s help to give up that relevance. Just as the West gains by propping up India as a counterweight to China in Asia, Russia also gains by India’s ability to stem China’s rise to become the principal countervailing force against the US.

    In other words, the interests of Russia and the West converge in keeping India alive as a viable counterweight to China. China’s desire to have Russia as another pole of global power implicitly entails acceptance of India’s role as a counterweight to itself.

    Probably, China would count that as a pawn sacrifice.

    Views expressed are author's own

    Stories you might be interested in

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

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Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

This dynamic has reinforced defense and strategic ties, as Russia's longstanding defense supplies to India provide critical military capabilities needed to address security challenges along the China border.

Title:

Content: While the United States frequently forces China and India to denounce Russia, China and India stand together!
Obviously, this has made some people in the West and some media uneasy.
Because, it seems to be a classic case of the United States being strategically self-defeating.
The United States was too anxious to cause the action to deform.
Since this was the first visit by a Chinese foreign minister to India after the conflict in the Galvan Valley, it sent a special signal for Sino-Indian relations.
Some US media are worried that the US-India-Japan-Australia "four-party mechanism" alliance carefully crafted by Washington will be weakened as a result, and even affect the overall promotion of the US "Indo-Pacific strategy".
1
Chinese State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi will visit India on the 25th.
The news, issued by Reuters in the United Kingdom on the 23rd, has aroused the attention of international public opinion.
The report quoted an Indian official as saying that "although neither side has made an official announcement, this will be the highest level visit since the border conflict between the two countries worsened relations two years ago."
Wang Yi ’ s trip to South Asia began with a meeting of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in Pakistan, followed by a visit to Afghanistan, then a trip from Afghanistan to India on the 25th, and a visit to Nepal on the 25th.
It can be said that the horse does not stop.
The Indian government source, who asked to remain anonymous, told Reuters that Wang is expected to meet with Indian Foreign Minister Atal Bihari Sujssen and Indian national security adviser Doval, and while the agenda is not yet clear, it is expected to discuss the conflict in Ukraine.
The Indian Ministry of Foreign Affairs would not comment on the news.
A spokesman for the Chinese Foreign Ministry said at a regular press briefing on the 23rd that he had no information to provide at this time.
Relations between China and India became tense between May and June 2020, when there were confrontations between border guards in places such as the Galvan Valley on the Sino-Indian border.
In particular, on 15 June 2020, a deadly clash in the Galvan Valley killed 20 Indian and four Chinese soldiers.
Since then, Sino-Indian relations have been strained for a time, and Indian border patrol officers have even broken the rules that have been observed for decades and fired warning shots, even in confrontations with Chinese personnel.
Since then, India has restricted many Chinese companies from doing business in India, and has also stopped dozens of Chinese-developed apps.
However, the "knots" between the two countries always need to be unraveled, and both sides have this desire.
On the 11th of this month, the Chinese and Indian armies held the 15th round of military-level talks.
According to official information released after the meeting, the two sides followed the leaders' guidance on resolving the remaining issues as soon as possible. The two sides also reiterated that achieving a settlement of the remaining issues will help restore peace and tranquillity in the West Line of Actual Control and promote the development of bilateral relations.
In the meantime, both sides agreed to maintain security and stability on the frontline in the Western Sector. They agreed to maintain dialogue through military and diplomatic channels to reach a mutually acceptable solution as soon as possible.
According to some analysts, from the Indian side, on December 8, 2021, a Mi-17V5 helicopter flown by India's then defense chief Rawat and his wife crashed in the Gunur region of Tamil Nadu, killing 13 people including Rawat.
Rawat was a representative of the "hardliners" in the Indian Army, and his death weakened the faction.
So the mood in India is changing as well.
2
Of course, from the current reality, China and India have a very big "common point", that is, after the Russia-Ukraine conflict, neither followed the footsteps of the United States and the West, blindly condemning and sanctioning Russia.
Because both China and India have maintained a neutral attitude toward peace, the United States and the West have put public criticism and diplomatic pressure on China and India.
Some media in the United States claim that this is China's intention to hold India at a critical time.
India also has border issues, military needs, and traditional strategic considerations of “non-alliance ”.
Since Russia ’ s “special military action ” against Ukraine, India has twice abstained from voting on Russia-Ukraine issues in the United Nations Security Council.
Russia, on the other hand, has always regarded India as a friendly country.
Since the beginning of the Cold War, the Soviet Union has established diplomatic and economic relations with India.
Moreover, Pakistan had close ties with the United States, and India maintained the security balance in South Asia by its proximity to the Soviet Union and the weapons and security assistance it received from the Soviet Union.
Until today, India ’ s active aircraft carriers were purchased second-hand from Russia, and were only deployed after the Russians had been refitted; India was a nuclear-powered attack submarine leased from Russia when it did not have a domestic nuclear submarine.
Look at the main fighter aircraft of the Indian Air Force, almost two-thirds of which are made by Russia.
Therefore, even some American scholars studying South Asia have to admit that India does not want to distance itself from its main supplier of defense equipment, Russia.
A clear example is that the United States has threatened to sanction India several times before, but India has insisted on purchasing the S-400 anti-aircraft missile system from Russia, which has frustrated Washington.
In addition, Russia has provided India with military platforms that other countries cannot provide, such as joint development of fifth-generation fighter aircraft and joint development of advanced cruise missiles with India.
In particular, when the United States and the United Kingdom waved the "stick" of sanctions against Russian oil, and when European countries also followed the sanctions against Russia and withdrew from the Russian market, India, the world's third-largest energy consumer, increased its purchases of Russian oil.
The data shows that in March, India imported nearly four times the average monthly amount of oil to Russia last year.
It can be seen that India's thinking is very simple, the more critical the moment, the more can not choose the side team.
Under no circumstances do you want to put all the eggs in the Western basket.
Therefore, in order to maintain a non-aligned presence in order to find space between East and West, India sees Russia as an important part of helping India achieve this goal.
However, at this time, some Western politicians and media, including some pro-Western forces in India, have exerted considerable internal and external pressure on the Modi government to adopt such a posture.
In particular, U.S. President Joe Biden on March 21 called India “shaky ” in its response to Russia ’ s invasion of Ukraine.
India does not want to be isolated, while China faces similar attacks and smears from Western politicians and the media.
Therefore, India and China have a natural need to come together.
What the United States and some Western countries are most worried about now is that China and India continue to trade with Russia in their currencies at a time when they are crazy about economic sanctions against Russia.
This will bring some challenges to the West.
The United States has found that the "four-party mechanism" that the United States, India, Japan and Australia have promoted in order to consolidate their leadership in the Asia-Pacific region has a variable on this point in India.
Will America ’ s efforts be wasted?
The United States threatened and warned other countries that it would face sanctions and retaliation if it helped Moscow.
But if India is doing this, will the United States sanction India?
The United States has been threatening to sanction India because of India ’ s purchase of Russia ’ s S-400 air defense system, but it has also remained a verbal threat.
Will the US impose sanctions on India this time?
3
Huang Jing, an adjunct professor at Shanghai Overseas Studies University, said India ’ s main security concerns lie in the northern Asian hinterland (Pakistan, Afghanistan, Central Asia and the Middle East).
After the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan, India ’ s security concerns in the region have increased dramatically, while US influence in the region has decreased dramatically.
On the sea, India ’ s security concerns are in the Indian Ocean, while the US is bent on maintaining hegemony in the West Pacific. As the misalignment between US and India ’ s security interests grows, India ’ s pursuit of cooperation with Russia in geopolitical, national security and energy supply becomes more pragmatic.
At the same time, the Russian-Ukrainian war has greatly increased Europe ’ s strategic value to the United States, while India ’ s strategic value has significantly decreased. Since the Ukraine crisis, India ’ s “non-aligned ” neutrality has been so determined that the United States has even threatened to impose sanctions on India.
Qian Feng, director of the Research Department of the National Institute of Strategic Studies at Tsinghua University, said that Foreign Minister Wang Yi's visit to India for the first time since the Sino-Indian border conflict and the outbreak of the COVID-19 epidemic is of great significance.
The world under the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is increasingly divided into several camps, and China and India, as two independent and independent powers, have made similar policy choices based on the merits of the incident itself and their own interests.
As representatives of the two major developing and emerging countries, China and India share many common interests in maintaining international peace and stability, and are more consistent in their "three views" on many major international issues.
At present, many regional issues, including Afghanistan, have not cooled, and Foreign Minister Wang Yi's visit to South Asia shows that China, as a responsible power, will continue to play a constructive role in regional stability. It also shows that China is willing to work with India to implement the consensus between the two leaders and repair bilateral relations, so as to avoid local differences between the two countries from escalating into strategic disputes.
Qian Feng believes that the two countries' positions on the Russia-Ukraine conflict are highly similar, they are calling for a ceasefire as soon as possible, advocating persuasion and promoting talks, avoiding the selection of side teams, and believing that the legitimate and reasonable security demands of all parties should be paid attention.
The Indian government is not willing to submit to the pressure of the United States and the West in the interests of its own country and the well-being of its people.
India's ruling and opposition parties and the public have a deep friendship with Russia, and basically support the government's policy toward Russia.
Russia and India have long been the cornerstone of India 's defense development. More than half of India' s military equipment comes from Russia. Without Russia, India 's aircraft can' t fly, and its warships can 't move.
In the past, China and India often displayed different perceptions of bilateral issues and international issues.
On the one hand, China and India have remained divided, guarded against and quarreled over some issues affecting bilateral relations.
On the other hand, there are many similar and similar views on important international issues such as safeguarding the interests of the broad development of China, calling for strengthening global governance, reforming and improving the current international political and economic order.
However, the conflicting aspects of the two countries' relations over the past two years have overshadowed the consistency of international cooperation between the two countries.
This conflict between Russia and Ukraine objectively brought about an opportunity to improve relations between the two countries.
In the next step, although bilateral issues such as many border disputes cannot be resolved satisfactorily in the short term, China and India can create more conditions for repairing the foundation of mutual trust and resolving bilateral differences in a mutually beneficial manner by expanding mutually beneficial cooperation in international affairs.
(Source of this article: "Patch knife" public number, authorized by China Times News Network)
※ The above statements do not represent the position of Wangzhong Media Group ※
# India # Russia # USA # Question # China

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

However, Russia simultaneously maintains close ties with China, engaging in trilateral cooperation through the Russia-India-China (RIC) format.

Russia often plays a mediating role during India-China border tensions, striving to stabilize regional security while balancing relations with both Asian powers.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Despite this, India remains wary of overly deep trilateral engagement with China due to unresolved border disputes and mutual distrust.

Title:

Content: Wang Yi landed in India expert: China and India are expected to break the ice but still have suspicions | Deutsche Welle from Germany Introduction Germany | DW | 25.03.2022
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Wang Yi landed in India expert: China and India are expected to break the ice but there are still suspicions
This is the highest level visit between the two countries since the outbreak of bloody conflict on the Sino-Indian border in 2020.
Experts believe that the core issue of China and India is still the border, and Wang Yi may propose a mitigation plan on this trip.
At a time of turbulence in the Russia-Ukraine war, the two Asian powers are carefully balancing the West with Russia. What do experts think of the Sino-India-Russia triangular relationship?
In the past two years, China and India have held 15 military-level meetings, but the confrontation continues.
The Associated Press reported on the 24th that Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi arrived in India on Thursday.
An Indian Foreign Ministry official confirmed to the Associated Press that Wang Yi will meet with Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar on Friday.
Some Indian media said that during the period may also meet with Indian national security adviser Shri Ajit Doval. The discussion topic is not clear, but it is expected to talk about the Ukraine issue, China-India relations, and the BRICS summit to be held this year.
Wang Yi ’ s visit to India is highly regarded by the international community because it is the first time that such a high-level Chinese official has visited India since the bloody border conflict between China and India in 2020 and the diplomatic relations between the two countries have reached a low point.
In June 2020, a fierce conflict broke out in the disputed Kashmir region between China and India, killing 20 Indian soldiers and four Chinese.
According to the Associated Press, the two countries have deployed tens of thousands of soldiers on the “actual control line on the Sino-Indian border, ” backed by artillery, tanks and fighter jets.
India and China have both withdrawn troops from parts of the border since February, but have retained additional military personnel at the border.
The two sides have met 15 times in the past two years, but the standoff continues.
The key is the border.
"The fundamental problem in Sino-Indian relations has not been solved, and the biggest problem is the border issue."
Liu Qifeng, an associate professor at Fleming University in India, told Deutsche Welle that he believes "the Indian side may be waiting for the Chinese side to come up with some conditions before talking to them."
Tsinghua University ’ s India Center deputy director, Fang Tien-chih, told Deutsche Welle, “What is more amazing is that the two sides are facing each other, but there is a hard border. ” He said that the past was a soft border, and there were conflicts between China and India in the disputed area.
“I don ’ t think that Wang Yi ’ s visit to India is to quarrel.
"We believe that the relationship between China and India is at an overall stage, and Wang Yi's visit should try to put forward some plans to improve the relationship between China and India."
He said the border standoff between China and India has not been resolved and relations between the two sides have not been normalized, but there have been some signs of moderation in the recent past.
The meeting between the foreign ministers of China and India took place nearly two years ago.
In addition to Wang Yi ’ s visit to India is an important indicator, Fang Tianchi mentioned that India ’ s new ambassador to China, who used to be a representative in Taiwan, understands Chinese and is familiar with Chinese affairs, was originally sent to the Netherlands, but his term of office has not yet ended and sent to China.
"It is possible that India wants to send him to speed up the settlement of the talks between China and India," Fang said. "From these indicators, China and India are willing to stabilize relations."
China's arrogance, India's distrust
There are long-term structural problems in Sino-Indian relations.
Fang Tianzhi believes that China does not take India ’ s feelings into account when making decisions, and does not pay too much attention to India ’ s interests. “China ’ s attitude towards India is more arrogant. ” Beijing often makes such mistakes in Sino-Indian relations.
“China-India relations remain an asymmetrical security threat.
"It is also easy for the Indian side to interpret China's actions as coming specifically to India."
Sometimes China does not deliberately target India, but India will magnify and the lack of mutual trust between the two sides will continue to worsen, which will seriously affect the long-term factor of China-India relations. ”
On the other hand, Liu Qifeng believes that on the Sino-Indian border issue, "the Chinese side actively deployed, including the establishment of bases on the border, and then slowly consolidated his voice and actual control over the line of control by means of cannibalization," compared with the progress of India's military hardware under the framework of the "Quad" (Quad).
"The Chinese side has become one-sided, hoping to put the situation in an oppressive way, and then ask India to come to the negotiating table, and on that condition, you accept it."
India doesn ’ t want to do that, ” says Liu.
China-India-Russia triangular relations
In BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), China and India are key players.
Fang Tianzhi said, "If the relationship between the two of them is not good, the organization will not be too close."
In the past, Russia has been trying to pull India together.
After Putin visited India at the end of last year, it was reported that Russia wanted to convene the "Russia-India-China" tripartite mechanism (RIC).
This also means that Modi and Xi Jinping have a chance to meet, Fang said, but the relationship between China and India has deteriorated after 2020, and no bilateral talks have been held alone. "India is trying to maintain the participation of both sides, but it does not want to go directly to the other side."
Fang also pointed out that "when China and India voted in the United Nations on the Russia-Ukraine war issue, they almost all voted the same," and the two countries have become "embarrassed co-workers."
When the Sino-Indian border issue is not resolved, India does not want to give such an image to the outside world.
Liu Qifeng said that after Putin's visit to India, a reporter asked a spokesman for the Indian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, if Russia plays a role as a peacemaker in the Sino-Indian border conflict, what does the Indian government think? The spokesman replied at the time: "He did not feel suitable for such an expression."
Virtual summit of the BRICS countries in 2021.
Liu Qifeng explained that India had hoped to control China through Moscow, but the change in the past year is that China also perceived such a function, and in turn called India to the negotiating table through Moscow, "India is very resistant to this."
He also believes that after the Russia-Ukraine war, the outside world has seen that India has been expressing support for Russia, but "a friendly attitude towards Russia will not spill over into relations with China."
India should still show restraint, and China should adopt a more conservative attitude in the BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization before the 20th National Congress. “There should not be any breakthrough, ” Liu said.
Doing business with China in Taiwan?
India has always wanted to reduce its trade deficit and dependence on China ’ s economy, but Fang says it is still unable to do so on a practical level.
For example, India has been banning Chinese mobile apps for a while, "but it is amazing that he did not ban Chinese mobile phones because it cannot." Chinese mobile phones still have a high market share in India, which is reflected in many economic aspects, and India's demand and dependence on China is still very large.
Fang Tianzhi said that the economic and trade relationship between China and India will remain close in the short term.
He also added, "The wonderful impact of the war in Ukraine on Sino-Indian relations is that India and China have not participated in sanctions against Russia, and India even wants to buy more Russian crude oil, which is related to the fact that there is no way to use the US dollar for transactions, so India may use the value of both parties as a trading system, and may find a reference exchange rate, and may use the RMB."
It is also not ruled out that in the future, China, India and Russia will develop a trading system that can operate on their own, avoiding the assets of European and American countries.
But he also pointed out that at the same time, India is trying to distance itself from China, hoping to attract investment from other countries and encourage manufacturing in India.
Liu Qifeng pointed out that while Sino-Indian trade grew by 43% last year, it was regarded by many Indian scholars as a wake-up call.
“They think that if India becomes more and more dependent on China, then it is possible for China to hold India by the neck, or to blackmail India by some means, ” Liu said.“ Some people even say that India will become an economic colony of China. ”
“What India is learning is how to attract Chinese investment to benefit India in the face of a confrontation with the Chinese economy, ” said Liu. India is trying to learn some trade strategies from Taiwan.“ Because they understand that Taiwan is politically antagonistic to China, but Taiwanese business is doing well in China and they want to understand how Taiwan handles its relations with China. ”
“India ’ s basic need for relations with China is: you ’ re the enemy, we have border issues, but we ’ re going to continue doing business with you because what ’ s good for us is not trade, it ’ s investment. ”
I think this is India ’ s idea, ” says Liu.
(Interviewer: William Yang)
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DW.COM

Amid increasing border conflicts with China since 2020 and India’s evolving strategic alignments, India has also deepened security cooperation with the United States and allied partners like the Quad (United States, Japan, Australia, and India).

Title:

Content: The December 9 skirmish on the China-India border, which caused injuries to some 40 Indian and Chinese soldiers, could trigger a sea change in India’s attitude toward dealing with China.

It comes two years after a similar border clash without firearms that left 20 Indians and four Chinese dead, and proves that more than 24 months of diplomacy didn’t turn the situation around.

Moreover, the latest skirmish occurred while the first US-India joint military exercises were underway.

The clash occurred in the Tawang sector, in India’s northeastern territory of Arunachal Pradesh, a region bordering southwest China. China and India together have some 40% of the global population, and both have nuclear arsenals.

In recent years, India has been inching closer to the US, joining the Quad, a four-party alliance with Japan and Australia, and improving security ties with Vietnam, historically hostile to China.

Still, New Delhi so far has never given up its old ties with Moscow, which in turn had good connections with Beijing. This triangular relationship and the Indian effort to forge its own diplomacy kept many doors open with China and stopped short of full-fledged cooperation with America.

India has been downplaying the recent loss of disputed land at the border, reportedly accounting for some 900 square kilometers.

China has been reportedly occupying and fortifying some disputed areas, which previously were routinely peacefully patrolled by both countries.

It appears to be a sign China is expecting and preparing for an escalation of border tensions and thus wants to secure the best positions.

Moreover, China has developed roads and railways linking the disputed area’s logistics to its industrial heartland, and it has upgraded tanks and trucks to operate at high altitudes. India is lagging behind on both fronts. India has much weaker logistics lines to the frontline and little to no high-altitude mechanized gear.

Russia’s ill-fated invasion of Ukraine weakened the trilateral relationship, as Russia appears no longer as strong as a year ago; the new skirmish could bring further damage.

The Indians also feel surrounded by the Chinese at sea. Beijing has built, or is building, naval facilities in Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Pakistan and Djibouti.

By 2027, it is planning on having seven aircraft carrier groups, with the apparent aim of securing the shipping routes from Africa to China through the Indian Ocean and the Bay of Bengal. New Delhi considers that its area of influence.

The US is suggesting India develop a new submarine fleet that could disrupt future Chinese sea lanes across its waters.

Plus, there are China’s old ties with Pakistan, which fought five wars with India and has an open controversy on Kashmir. There is also Chinese intervention in Sri Lanka and Myanmar’s politics, both formerly part of the English Indian empire and with close ties to New Delhi.

Finally, India is not happy with bilateral trade. It complains China is interested only in Indian raw materials and doesn’t import India’s sophisticated software or medical supplies to suppress India’s industrial development in those areas and boost China’s.

At a recent conference, Vijay Gokhale, India’s ex-national security advisor and a great expert on China, argued that India “should be more transparent and credible in its political signaling, that it needs to pursue risk management at a higher politico-strategic level to prevent an escalation of tension, and that it must find common ground for a discussion of respective interests and concerns in the context of the Indo-Pacific region, which is becoming crucial to both countries.”

But Gokhale also stressed that “China might need to revisit its assumption that an Indian response to its military coercion will remain indefinitely low.”

China is allegedly trying to de-escalate the incident, and no major flare-up should be expected in the near future. But the consistent accumulation of elements of tension plus the weakening of the Russian side of the triangle could create an ominous momentum between the two.

Here either China redresses all its policies about India, India accepts being one of China’s junior partners, or tensions will start to flare in one area or another.

This essay first appeared on Settimana News and is republished with permission. The original article can be read here.

Despite this, India continues to heavily depend on Russian military supplies and Russian diplomatic support in regional affairs—particularly in the Indian Ocean region—where Russia acts as a strategic counterweight to Chinese expansion.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

This dual-track strategy underscores India’s emphasis on strategic autonomy: simultaneously cultivating Western partnerships while preserving longstanding Russian ties.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

Global developments—especially those emanating from the Ukraine war and resultant Western sanctions on Russia—have exerted complex effects on the bilateral relationship.

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

rupee-ruble payments were introduced to avoid western sanctions on Russia

India’s refusal to adhere to sanctions has been interpreted by Russia as a significant affirmation of bilateral trust.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Pragmatism is evident in India’s adoption of rupee-ruble payment mechanisms for oil imports, allowing continued trade flows amidst global financial restrictions.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

rupee-ruble payments were introduced to avoid western sanctions on Russia

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Meanwhile, India’s active involvement in multilateral platforms like BRICS, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and the G20 illustrates its pursuit of balanced global diplomacy, managing pressures from the West while accommodating Russia’s global position.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

India’s simultaneous engagement with the Quad signals its aim to hedge against regional threats, chiefly from China, without severing ties with Russia.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

In conclusion, the India–Russia relationship under Modi and Putin has evolved to balance longstanding traditional ties with emerging geopolitical realities.

The partnership remains robust in defense and energy cooperation, supported by comprehensive diplomatic engagement and expanding economic connectivity.

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

India’s rivalry with China has caused Russia to adopt a nuanced posture, positioning itself as a facilitator of stability between the two while concurrently supporting India’s security needs.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Global developments, notably the Ukraine conflict and shifting power alliances, have complicated but not diminished this relationship.

Title:

Content: It is more characteristic of Russia and China than communism.
They have the same enemies and ambitions.
Text Size:
R.In the United States and China there is a hatred not only of communism, but also of a universal order based on common law.
They have a common past since 1715, when Russia became the first country to open an embassy in China.
It was the Russian Orthodox mission in Beijing that paved the way for closer cooperation between the two countries.
This mission has turned into a real embassy – the only company in China in almost a century.
The task of proselytism was a harbinger of Russia ’ s conquest of Manchuria and Mongolia.
As an imperial power, Russia was at the forefront as China fell significantly in the 1860s.
During this period, China turned to Russia for help to counter threats from other imperialist powers seeking access to former lucrative trading ports.
In return, Russia extracted flesh from its pound and acquired more than 350,000 square miles of Chinese territory.
This includes the strategic Pacific port city of Vladivostok, the entry point to the Sea of Japan.
Modern China wants to avenge the pain of its “century of humiliation ” and“ regain ” part of its history from its neighbors.
But this desire does not apply to Russia, much less by using its pattern of intimidation and aggression.
This is due to the fact that Moscow ’ s involvement in Beijing ’ s strategy is different and more important than a specific area.
As China found new partners and attracted U.S. allies, the “X Factor ” made its alternative power more destructive and effective.
China has decided to cooperate with Moscow, one of America ’ s oldest enemies.
Today ’ s Russia may be a clear shadow of its strong past, but it continues to be a center of technological and military power with strategic potential and deep penetration into key regions of Europe, the Middle East and Asia.
The desire to join forces to create a Moscow anti-American front is an additional bonus.
As global reorganization in Asia and the Middle East begins to take shape, it is time for the world to become bipolar, and it is time for comrades Jinping and Putin to unite.
Viewing Russia and China as a new axis of evil is not yet the beginning of why
The two communist countries have come a long way from the border issue in 1969, which led to the freezing of relations until 1985.
Since then, relations between Moscow and Beijing have developed and improved since the signing of a friendship agreement in 2001.
A Russia-China alliance could potentially change the status quo.
Both Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin knew this, deepening their partnership in the hope that they would play in the Middle East and the Indo-Pacific.
“We are not revolutionaries ”: the last Liberal Party of Russia had no illusions
Military cooperation was an important part of the coordination between China and Russia because they wanted to deepen their engagement and serve their joint relationship.
Since 2005, Moscow and Beijing regularly hold large-scale combat games and train each other ’ s players.
As for China, Russia ’ s knowledge of the possibility of building ground capabilities is important because its military ignores military experience after the Vietnam War of 1979.
The military experience of Russia in Syria and Libya is important for the PLA, which has not entered the battlefield for four decades.
Although past experience with Russian technology has been illegally copied, both sides have sought to deepen their cooperation in advanced military technology after signing several years of agreements.
As the strategic convergence of Xi Jinping ’ s and Vladimir Putin ’ s geopolitical goals increased, there were opportunities for missiles and nuclear weapons.
An important area of mutual interest between the two countries, Moscow and Beijing, is the development of an advanced ballistic missile early warning system to counter the possibility of theft of the American missile system.
The possible integration of the missile launch detection system between China and Russia means that any movement of American missiles in the Pacific or the Middle East will be immediately detected by the radar systems of the two allies.
Secret military information, which takes place only between NATO allies, was created to blunt US defense products.
Instead of Shanghai cutting the distance to U.S. cities by two-thirds, China ’ s nuclear arsenal has been deployed in the Arctic, another opportunity to avoid security-related dangers.
This means that Chinese intercontinental ballistic missiles may take very little time to reach U.S. cities, and any movement of U.S. missiles will be immediately spotted by the Joint Early Warning Missile System.
Underground discovery of Dostoevsky in a letter | St. Francis
Read more: Mao of the 21st century in China; Stalin of the 21st century in Russia
In the Middle East, China and Russia, extensive military exercises with Iran in 2019 laid the groundwork for possible cooperation between the three countries to change the security situation in the region.
Russia ’ s deep presence in the Middle East and its proxy network that will allow it to influence the region have become important to China ’ s geostrategic ambitions.
China, Russia and Iran have joined forces in the security calculations of Washington and its allies.
The Beijing-Tehran-Moscow security agreements have directly affected New Delhi ’ s long-standing and regime-independent relations with both Russia and Iran, the result of which is highly desirable for China.
India ’ s relations with Iran and Russia, despite their broad economic partnership, were to become closer to security with China.
For Beijing, this is an ideal situation, as it affects New Delhi ’ s traditional relationship with Moscow and dulls its diplomatic preferences.
But according to a report by the Stimpson Center, since 86 percent of India ’ s military equipment is Russian, China wanted to strike at India ’ s military potential.
Indo-Iranian relations have been hit by US sanctions that have hit New Delhi ’ s oil purchases and the planned construction of a port in Sabah.
The trilateral partnership between China, Russia and Iran has strengthened the geostrategic interests of the three countries.
As for Russia, it has further consolidated its influence in the Middle East, which has expanded from Syria to Turkey.
As for China, it has secured deeper ties in the region, making it a potential adversary of U.S. interests.
As for Iran, it has provided an opportunity to establish itself as a multinational country.
The 2019 Gulf of Oman exercise shows that the existing equation of power in the Middle East is vulnerable to counteraction.
When Beijing backed the Russian-backed Assad regime, it not only disapproved of the efforts of Western powers, but also demonstrated its ability to unite with China and Russia.
Read more: Ladakh shows that Russia does not choose between India and China.
I don't want that.
In the Indo-Pacific region, the Russia-China alliance has also created a “balancing ” role, sending a powerful signal to the four democracies in the four-step mechanism.
Against the background of loud calls for the Quartet to take additional measures against the hegemonic actions of China, Beijing and Moscow for the first time made a joint flight to the SCS.
In July 2019, the Russian A-50 long-range radar detection and control reconnaissance aircraft twice flew over South Korean airspace over the Tokyo Islands along with Chinese and Russian bombers.
Since South Korea and Japan claimed the islands, both countries responded with jet aircraft.
This exercise is a show of strength for the four members of the Quartet regarding the implications of integrating geopolitical priorities between Beijing and Moscow.
READ Meeting of chess players from Russia and Cuba in a friendly match (+ photo) - Brenza Latin
The announcement of Russia ’ s naval base in Port Sudan in the Red Sea, China ’ s efforts to increase its naval presence in the IOR.
Its goal is to create a strong barrier to the efforts of Indo-Pacific democracies in the region.
The opportunities for the China-Russia partnership and its enormous impact on the world are numerous.
The two countries expect multilateral Sino-Russian strategic cooperation, from cooperation in space to synchronizing military equipment and supporting each other in case of aggression or violation of international rules.
As part of this great understanding, in 2017, the two sides decided to sign a multi-year agreement, leaving the tradition of annual contracts.
Although the Sino-Russian alliance has many points of friction, including the personal rivalry between the two leaders; this indicates the direction in which the world is moving and the intensification of bipolarity.
For both Moscow and Tehran, a close warm-up with Beijing limited the range of their diplomatic capabilities with New Delhi, which had an undesirable effect.
But this is the geopolitical reality of China ’ s attempts to create a parallel axis of like-minded countries to undermine the liberal order.
This section is written “Shores off: how to confront the world to confront China ”
It is published with the permission of the author.
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Instead, these challenges have reinforced India’s strategic autonomy approach, whereby it preserves a close relationship with Russia without compromising growing engagements with Western powers.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

The India-Russia axis thus continues to be a crucial factor in shaping regional security and global power dynamics amidst the evolving geopolitical landscape.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?