Since 2014, under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin, the India–Russia relationship has evolved while maintaining its traditional foundations of strong strategic and defense cooperation amidst a rapidly shifting global and regional security environment.

This bilateral partnership continues to emphasize defense collaboration, economic connectivity, and geopolitical balancing, particularly in the context of India’s intensifying rivalry with China and rising tensions among major powers.

Strategically, the India–Russia relationship under Modi and Putin remains anchored by longstanding defense cooperation.

Russia continues to be a principal supplier of critical military hardware to India, including advanced weaponry such as the S-400 missile defense system, formally contracted in 2018, symbolizing a major upgrade in India’s air defense capabilities.

In addition, joint production projects such as the AK-203 rifle under a co-development and manufacturing agreement reflect deep defense industrial collaboration .

These defense partnerships remain central to India’s military modernization and strategic autonomy.

Despite India’s growing closeness to the United States and the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) as part of a broader effort to counterbalance China’s expanding influence, New Delhi has preserved its “special and privileged” strategic partnership with Moscow.

This balance is maintained even as Western countries, particularly the US and EU, impose sanctions on Russia following its 2022 invasion of Ukraine, showcasing India’s effort to uphold defense and energy ties without overtly endorsing Moscow’s actions .

India’s rivalry with China has been a critical factor influencing the dynamics of its Russia relationship.

China's increasingly assertive posture along the India-China border since the 2017 Doklam standoff and the 2020 clashes in Ladakh has intensified New Delhi's focus on diversifying and strengthening its strategic partnerships.

Modi’s government has deepened ties with the United States and Quad members (Japan and Australia) to enhance security cooperation designed to contain China’s regional ambitions.

Nevertheless, India continues to rely on its decades-long partnership with Russia to maintain continental balance and safeguard strategic independence.

Modi’s visits to Russia and summit-level talks with Putin regularly reaffirm commitments to cooperation in trade, energy, and defense, highlighting Russia as an essential partner in buffering against China’s advances and preserving Eurasian multipolarity .

The Modi-Putin partnership has progressively sought to promote economic integration and connectivity, recognizing the strategic significance of enhancing Eurasian linkages.

A flagship project is the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), an initiative to connect India, Russia, and Iran through multimodal transport networks to facilitate faster trade between India and Russia/Europe, bypassing traditional routes.

Alongside this, the Chennai-Vladivostok corridor aims to integrate India’s southeastern coast with Russia’s Far East, enhancing economic and strategic ties in the Indo-Pacific and Eurasia.

Moreover, Russia’s increasingly visible naval presence in the Indian Ocean Region collaborates with Indian maritime strategy, serving as a strategic counterbalance to growing Chinese naval expansion .

These initiatives illustrate the evolving synergy in India-Russia cooperation that extends beyond defense, encompassing expanded trade and regional connectivity, which hold implications for U.S. and Chinese interests in the region.

Tensions within the India-Russia relationship are partly influenced by Russia’s close ties to China, including defense and economic cooperation between Moscow and Beijing that have strengthened in recent years.

Russia-China rapprochement, characterized by joint military exercises and growing economic interdependence, especially after Western sanctions on Russia, adds a layer of complexity to India-Russia ties.

India manages this delicately by reinforcing bilateral cooperation while simultaneously advancing its engagement with the United States and Quad countries to hedge against overreliance on Russia amid China’s rising influence .

India’s foreign policy under Modi since 2014 epitomizes a multi-aligned, pragmatic balancing act.

It avoids formal military alliances such as NATO, instead fostering autonomous defense partnerships with both Russia and the US.

Notably, India’s diplomacy during the Ukraine conflict reveals this equilibrium.

India has chosen not to formally condemn Russia, opted to import discounted Russian oil, and simultaneously strengthened strategic ties with the US geared toward countering China’s Indo-Pacific ambitions.

This calibrated positioning reflects New Delhi’s pursuit of strategic independence in a complex geopolitical environment .

A concrete example of India’s balancing act can be observed in multilateral forums such as the annual India-Russia-US trilateral dialogue initiated in the late 2010s, aimed at fostering coordination on regional security and economic issues without aligning Indian policy exclusively with either power.

Similarly, India’s participation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), where Russia and China are key members, reflects New Delhi’s engagement with Eurasian security frameworks while simultaneously building strong bilateral ties with the US and its allies.

Through such engagements, India adeptly navigates the competing interests of Russia, China, and the United States, preserving its strategic autonomy and regional leverage .

In summary, the India–Russia relationship under Modi and Putin is marked by sustained defense cooperation exemplified by the S-400 missile deal and joint defense projects; strategic economic and connectivity initiatives like the International North-South Transport Corridor and Chennai-Vladivostok corridor; and a nuanced diplomatic stance exemplified by continued importation of discounted Russian oil despite Western pressures.

India’s rivalry with China has catalyzed a diversification of partnerships and deepened coordination with the US and Quad powers while maintaining its privileged bond with Russia.

Concurrently, Russia’s increasingly close relationship with China introduces complexities that India continuously manages through calibrated diplomacy and multilateral engagement.

This multifaceted and adaptive partnership plays a pivotal role in regional security architectures and global power dynamics, especially in South and Central Asia’s contested geopolitical environment.

Overall, the India-Russia nexus under Modi and Putin signifies continuity in core strategic ties alongside adaptation to emerging challenges, underscoring its centrality in India’s foreign policy calculus and regional security strategy .

Since 2014, under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin, the India–Russia relationship has evolved while maintaining its traditional foundations of strong strategic and defense cooperation amidst a rapidly shifting global and regional security environment.

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Content: Opinion

Treading a fine line

Ajit Doval’s high-stake visits to Russia and the US are reflective of India’s consistent efforts to balance ties with the rival superpowers; writes Vinay Kumar

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India’s security and strategic interests on important global platforms have been in focus over the last month as National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval made hectic trips to the US and Russia.

Doval headed to the United States in late January and held a meeting with his US counterpart, Jake Sullivan. Earlier this month, he paid a visit to Russia where he joined top security officials from China, Iran and a number of Central Asian states to participate in a multilateral meeting on Afghanistan.

NSA’s recent visits to the world’s most important political capitals underlined the importance that India attaches to striking a delicate balance in its relations with both the countries at a time when global security and geopolitical environment appear uncertain. His visits to Washington DC and Moscow show India’s priorities in forging vital initiatives.

In Washington, the two NSAs agreed upon a number of important arrangements under the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) which was launched in 2022 and has the potential to have a transformative impact on India’s partnership with the US in areas like military, science & technology and key high-tech fields.

Considering the fact that Russia and the US have been at loggerheads, more so in the wake of the Ukraine War which has completed one year, Doval’s trip assumes significance. The icing on the cake was that the NSA also had one-on-one meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a rare instance of President Putin meeting a top-ranking official from India. His meeting with Doval also pointed towards the continued importance which both sides accord to each other in taking forward their engagement. At a time when Russia continues to face confrontation with the West over the war in Ukraine, Doval’s meeting with President Putin carries a special context. India, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has lent its voice to the peace-making efforts in Ukraine, stressing that today’s era is not an era of war. In his telephonic conversation with President Putin last September, PM Modi voiced his concern, stressing upon the need to take the path of diplomacy and dialogue, a stance often reiterated at various global forums at the highest level.

While India, having to put up with the Chinese threat, has warmed up to the US, it has also taken pains to maintain its relationship with Russia; though Moscow, facing increased isolation in the global community over the war in Ukraine, does not appear to be too pleased with the initiatives surrounding the Indo-Pacific, with the active involvement of the US and further deepening of strategic defence and technological ties between New Delhi and Washington. India has also stressed upon furthering its cooperation with Russia in sectors such as trade, energy and defence.

With the US, under the iCET initiative, India is poised to forge closer cooperation in the areas of Artificial Intelligence (AI), 6G, quantum technologies etc. Other focus areas include defence innovation, technology cooperation and semiconductor supply chains. Doval stressed upon the need to pin down the deliverables in these key focus areas to ensure that no slip-ups or laxity creeps in. Co-production and technology development have left much to be desired, though India is now billed as a major defence partner of the US

The NSA’s discussions in Washington DC and Moscow also point towards India’s keen desire to safeguard its key interests, make advances in high-tech areas and, at the same time, be ready to hold on to its independent position and avoid landing in confrontationist stance, so far as the two rival powers are concerned, as new dynamics is emerging rather rapidly in the geopolitical arena.

Views expressed are personal

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

This bilateral partnership continues to emphasize defense collaboration, economic connectivity, and geopolitical balancing, particularly in the context of India’s intensifying rivalry with China and rising tensions among major powers.

Title:

Content: Why the US needs India more than India needs the US?

New Delhi, India Written By: Manoj GuptaUpdated: Jun 18, 2023, 09:35 PM IST

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi with US President Joe Biden Photograph:(Reuters)

Story highlights

The enchanting bond between India and the United States has blossomed in the vibrant tapestry of recent times. These two nations have transcended the shadows of Cold War-era mistrust. Their shared journey is now adorned with a dazzling array of vibrant threads, as they embark on a waltz of robust collaboration in defence, trade, technology, and climate action, painting the world with a captivating symphony of progress and camaraderie.

The White House faces many challenges from Putin to Trump & Xi Jinping to Kim Jong-un. But among the Oval Office's concern is the Indian Prime Minister's charisma. Last month during the Quad meeting in Japan, Biden confessed to Modi that 'I am getting phone calls from people, I have never heard of before. Everyone from movie stars to relatives.'

In a fast-fragmenting world fraught with geopolitical instability, both Modi and Biden have demonstrated a mutual desire to draw their countries closer. But it is Washington which needs New Delhi firmly in its embrace. Aside from the pomp & pageantry Modi's State visit to the US highlights the trajectory of India-US relations which has witnessed a significant shift, marked by a burgeoning partnership built on mutual respect and shared objectives.

India's big no to NATO entry offer

Times have changed. Such is New Delhi's stature today, that the US wants it to be part of the world's most coveted security alliance i.e. NATO Plus, but India's reply was prompt: Thanks, but no thanks. Modi administration feels that joining the Western military powers would hinder its independent diplomatic manoeuvres.

Kargil War and the Bangladesh Liberation War have played pivotal roles in shaping India-US relations. In 1999 when Pakistan's troops took vantage positions in the high Himalayan mountains, Indian armed forces wanted the GPS data of the conflict zone. But the Americans ditched. A quarter century later India is self-reliant, it has developed NavIC, an indigenous GPS. India turned an obstacle into an opportunity.

Many Western critics question New Delhi's nuanced stance over the Russia-Ukraine war. 'Today's era must not be of war', that's Prime Minister Narendra Modi's message to Russian President Vladimir Putin. But the West isn't impressed with India's oil imports from Russia.

But turning the pages of history could reveal the reasons. In 1971, when Pakistan's military was being hammered in East Pakistan, US President Richard Nixon ordered the US Seventh Fleet, led by the nuclear-powered aircraft carrier Enterprise, to proceed towards the Bay of Bengal. The intent was clear to back Islamabad and put pressure on New Delhi. But it was the Soviet Union which stood against the US belligerence and thwarted the move to help Pakistan.

Today the US is singing all praise for the world's largest democracy. There are its own interests when the Biden administration growing willingness to share advanced technologies with India. A significant turning point in bilateral relations. The United States recognises India's potential as a strategic ally, a bulwark against the Chinese.

India: Rise of a new global geopolitical power

The balance of power and influence between the two countries has shifted over time, especially in the twenty-first century. India has emerged as a leading global power and a vital partner for the United States in safeguarding the Indo-Pacific region from China’s growing assertiveness and aggression. India has also diversified its foreign policy and strategic partnerships with other countries, such as Russia, Japan, Australia, France, and Israel, to enhance its autonomy and leverage in the international arena.

From estrangement to engagement

The transformation of India-US defence ties over the past decade is remarkable, given their history of estrangement and suspicion. During the Cold War, India pursued a policy of non-alignment, while the United States aligned with Pakistan and China against the Soviet Union. The two countries also had differences over issues such as nuclear proliferation, human rights, and regional conflicts.

Watch | Narendra Modi`s US Visit: A watershed moment for India-US ties

A paradigm shift: Sharing technologies

Today, the United States has exhibited a growing willingness to share advanced technologies with India. This marks a significant turning point in bilateral relations. The United States recognises India's potential as a strategic ally and has extended its hand in fostering technological collaboration. The two countries have signed a series of landmark agreements that have enhanced their defence cooperation, such as the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (2016), which enables mutual access to each other's military facilities; the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (2018), which facilitates secure communication and transfer of high-end technology; and the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (2020), which allows sharing of geospatial data and intelligence. The two countries have launched a new initiative to work together on cutting-edge technologies such as AI, quantum computing, biotechnology, semiconductors, 6G telecommunications and cyber security.

The road ahead for India-US relations

Clearly the remarkable transformation of the US-India relationship from a distant and distrustful one to a close and cooperative one and Prime Minister Modi's US visit will only bolster it. The US needs India more than India needs the US, not only because of the strategic significance of the Indo-Pacific region, but also because of the shared commitment to a free, open, and democratic world order. India, on the other hand, can benefit from the US's support and cooperation in enhancing its economic, technological, and social development.

Moreover, India is also a prominent voice for the global South, championing the causes of justice, equity, and sustainability for the developing world. The US and India can be natural allies and partners in creating a more peaceful and prosperous world for themselves and others.

(Disclaimer: The views of the writer do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views of the writer.)

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Strategically, the India–Russia relationship under Modi and Putin remains anchored by longstanding defense cooperation.

Title:

Content: Top

Old friends

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On Monday, PM Modi spoke over the phone with Russian President Vladimir Putin. The phone call reportedly was a follow-up on many of the issues raised during Putin's recent India visit on December 6. According to a statement by the PMO, the two leaders have agreed to remain in regular touch with each other on a range of issues covered under the India-Russia Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership. Insofar as visits from foreign dignitaries and leaders go, Putin's visit to India earlier this month was arguably the most consequential development for India in the field of foreign affairs for quite some time. India, as may be known, has a long and storied relationship with Russia and its precursor, the Soviet Union. From the earliest days, the friendship between the two nations had a strong strategic undertone with both sides supporting each other on the world stage whenever necessary. Indeed, the Soviet Union was undeniably India's greatest ally in the 20th century against the machinations of the western powers like the US that did not take kindly to India announcing itself to be a 'socialist' nation. From Kashmir to the Bangladesh Liberation War, Russia has stood by India in defence of its strategic interests. As a proof of the relationship, a majority of military equipment India currently possesses was either directly supplied by Moscow or is otherwise of Russian origin. In recent years, with the fall of the Soviet Union and India's move towards liberalising its economy, India has ventured out into the world to make a new set of friends. This time around, it is India and the US that are getting along like a house on fire. India has deliberately sought to widen its field diplomatically and militarily in order to not be tied down to a single nation with the rather pragmatic understanding that there are no permanent relationships in international politics. In more recent times, Russia and India have somewhat drifted further apart as Russia bands together with India's rival China to take on the hegemony of the western world that is held up by the US. While India has no interest in joining the US in its power games against Russia, it is very much interested in leveraging its relationship with the west in its struggle to contain a belligerent China. It is here that India has had to perform a tremendous tight-rope walk, particularly following the 2014 annexation of Crimea by Russia. On the one hand, you have America that wishes to limit or even extinguish India's strategic relationship with Russia. On the other, you have Russia that is increasingly concerned and agitated by India drawing ever closer to the US's sphere of influence as it joins America in endeavours like the Quad grouping. Of particular concern to both sides is India's continuing dependence on Russia for military equipment. The US, already having sanctioned Turkey for the same, looks on menacingly as it threatens India with sanctions for buying the S-400 missile system. Russia, of course, is not only interested in keeping its old defence ties but even expanding them, as it has been recently teasing India with the possibility of being the first nation in the world to buy the improved S-500 missile system. In this regard, Putin's visit to India could be termed as symbolic. Since the beginning of the pandemic, Putin has only ventured out twice from his country, with the second trip being the one to India. His tone and body language during the meeting with PM Modi spoke volumes of the importance he attaches to maintaining the ties with India. Aside from underscoring the good working relationship he has with India's PM, the visit also highlighted that despite the recent turns of history, the two nations still have much to share and collectively work towards. Common concern in regards to the Taliban and Afghanistan is one such area that the two sides are looking to cooperate on in the near future. Another is strengthening existing defence ties between the two nations. Underscoring its strategic independence, India has decided to continue with its defence dealings with Russia, discussing the purchase of the S-400 missile system while also finalising a long-pending Rs 5,000 crore deal for the production of over five lakh AK-203 rifles in a joint Indo-Russian deal. But all said and done, the future of India's relationship with Russia still has some shades of uncertainty. Primary amongst them is the ongoing escalation between Moscow and NATO in regards to Ukraine and eastern Europe. If Russia should choose to brave threats of western sanctions to take action in Ukraine, where does this leave India? Can India still continue its balancing game between east and west at a time when geopolitics are heating up to a boiling point? That remains to be seen.

Next Story

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
weapons supply
security & military

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Russia continues to be a principal supplier of critical military hardware to India, including advanced weaponry such as the S-400 missile defense system, formally contracted in 2018, symbolizing a major upgrade in India’s air defense capabilities.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In addition, joint production projects such as the AK-203 rifle under a co-development and manufacturing agreement reflect deep defense industrial collaboration .

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
weapons supply
security & military

These defense partnerships remain central to India’s military modernization and strategic autonomy.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Despite India’s growing closeness to the United States and the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) as part of a broader effort to counterbalance China’s expanding influence, New Delhi has preserved its “special and privileged” strategic partnership with Moscow.

Title:

Content: World News
India as a Future Mediator to Resolve U.S. and Russian Differences
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There are good reasons to believe that India has the best chance of bringing both the United States and Russia to the negotiating table, which would go a long way toward finally ending the conflict.
Indian Foreign Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar acknowledged this, noting: “We tried, but the gap between the two countries was too big. ”
Although India has failed to persuade participants to issue a joint G20 declaration due to persistent great-power differences over the conflict, New Delhi ’ s important role as a future mediator between the United States and Russia should not be underestimated.
Why is New Delhi ideally suited for this role?
Rowand explains why since India ’ s independence in 1947, India has maintained a non-aligned foreign policy.
This is not to say that India, in practice, avoids favoring one country over another.
However, it offers an open door policy for everyone.
India, for example, has diplomatic relations not only with countries like Cuba, Iran, and North Korea, but with loyal U.S. allies, such as Australia, Japan, and NATO as well.
In the course of dealing with the Ukraine war negotiations, India will be a source of strength for the simple fact that it welcomes dialogue with almost anyone, without preconditions or reservations.
Another reason why India makes sense for the role of mediator is that it enjoys very healthy partnerships with both the major powers most involved in the war: Russia and the United States.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s government added to its policy of non-alignment by introducing “multiple alignment ” — essentially a comprehensive hedging strategy — into its political geography.
Through multiple alignment, India seeks to avoid getting involved with any one superpower by strengthening cooperation with all of them.
New Delhi hopes this approach will preserve India ’ s strategic independence as great-power competition intensifies.
Refusal of conviction
India has also refused to condemn the Ukraine crisis, and Russia has become India ’ s largest supplier of discounted barrels of crude oil.
This is not a minor coup considering India ’ s enormous energy requirements not only as a rapidly growing country, but now as the world ’ s most populous country as well.
While the West is appalled by the move, it also gives New Delhi a fair amount of leverage over the Kremlin, which has been desperate to keep selling oil despite Western sanctions.
India ’ s long and close ties with Russia dating back to the Cold War allow New Delhi to criticize Russian policies, albeit covertly, with impunity.
A strong partnership
India ’ s partnership with the United States is as strong as its partnership with Russia, and arguably the best it has been in history.
Since Modi came to power in 2014, New Delhi has prioritized stronger ties with Washington, primarily to counter Beijing ’ s growing insistence across the Indo-Pacific to include the disputed land border separating India from China.
In 2017, during the construction of Chinese roads in Doklam resulted from that three geo-strategically sensitive border between China, India and Bhutan and a months-long military standoff between Indian and Chinese forces, prompting Modi to increasingly welcome U.S. support.
Later that year, India agreed to revive the Quartet — a security dialogue between like-minded democracies including Australia, Japan and the United States — to counter China.
Bilateral and multilateral cooperation continued following the June 2020 deployment of Chinese troops across the border into India-controlled territory in the Galavan Valley, leading to the worst clashes in decades.
A super power.
Besides its strong ties with Russia and the United States, India is an emerging superpower in its own right, which means that both Moscow and Washington as well as Beijing, Western European capitals and others are taking its stance on war seriously.
As the G-20 actions so far have shown, India is now the voice and conscience of the entire developing world.
During his opening speech at a meeting of foreign ministers last week, Modi lamented the failure of global governance, saying: “We must recognize that the tragic consequences of this failure are faced primarily by developing countries. ”
The developing world is important in the Ukraine conflict because it includes the majority of nations around the world, many of which are in the crosshairs of geostrategic great-power rivalry.
Judging by the voting patterns at the United Nations since the beginning of the conflict, they oppose Western-led sanctions, but also believe that Russia should not have attacked its neighbor and should have returned to the status quo ante.
India embodies this balanced perspective, which defines the tone and lines of the future peace agreement.
Promise of compatibility
India has promised that it will have the motivation to reach consensus and finally issue a joint declaration.
Which again confirms that India ’ s position at least as of last year was basically the international consensus.
New Delhi ’ s very realistic approach to foreign policy will not be affected by acting as a bridge between the United States and Russia. Quite the contrary, even limited success in ending the conflict will enhance India ’ s credibility as a rising superpower capable of accomplishment.
Reasons why India is the best mediator between Russia and the United States:
welcomes the dialogue without preconditions or reservations.
India has maintained a non-aligned foreign policy.
It enjoys very healthy partnerships with both the great powers most involved in the war: Russia and the United States.
India refused to condemn the Ukraine crisis, and Russia became India ’ s largest supplier of discounted barrels of crude oil.
India ’ s long and close ties with Russia allow New Delhi to criticize Russian policies with impunity.
India and the United States have close ties due to the alliance against China.
India is an emerging superpower and is the voice of the developing world and embodies a balanced perspective, which defines the tone and lines of a future peace agreement.
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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

This balance is maintained even as Western countries, particularly the US and EU, impose sanctions on Russia following its 2022 invasion of Ukraine, showcasing India’s effort to uphold defense and energy ties without overtly endorsing Moscow’s actions .

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

energy
weapons supply
security & military

India’s rivalry with China has been a critical factor influencing the dynamics of its Russia relationship.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

China's increasingly assertive posture along the India-China border since the 2017 Doklam standoff and the 2020 clashes in Ladakh has intensified New Delhi's focus on diversifying and strengthening its strategic partnerships.

Modi’s government has deepened ties with the United States and Quad members (Japan and Australia) to enhance security cooperation designed to contain China’s regional ambitions.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Nevertheless, India continues to rely on its decades-long partnership with Russia to maintain continental balance and safeguard strategic independence.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Modi’s visits to Russia and summit-level talks with Putin regularly reaffirm commitments to cooperation in trade, energy, and defense, highlighting Russia as an essential partner in buffering against China’s advances and preserving Eurasian multipolarity .

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

What vision of global dynamics do India and Russia share?

polycentric system of international relations

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The Modi-Putin partnership has progressively sought to promote economic integration and connectivity, recognizing the strategic significance of enhancing Eurasian linkages.

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Content:
India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday. At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

The 22nd Russia-India Annual Summit will lead to a greater collaboration between the two countries in Russian Far East and the Eurasian space, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), according to experts.

The 81-paragraphbilateral Joint Statement underscored the "shared vision" to enhance transport and connectivity cooperation, as well as a "solid commitment" to enhance economic linkages in Russia's resource-rich Far East, Pravesh Kumar Gupta, an Associate Fellow at New Delhi-based think tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), told Sputnik India.

The 22nd Annual Summit, a "unique and pivotal event in the current global geopolitical context" according to Gupta, exposed the disappointment of Western countries.

"Amidst global turbulence, the summit served as a crucial platform for leaders to engage in constructive discussions and strategic dialogues, with the aim of bolstering cooperation in vital areas such as trade, energy, connectivity, defence, and technology. This event has been widely acknowledged as a significant milestone in the ongoing development of the close ties between India and Russia, a success that stood in stark contrast to the disappointment felt by the Western world," the Indian think-tanker asserted.

Lauding the Summit outcomes, Gupta remarked that the leaders would intensify effort to develop "promising production and marketing chains in Eurasia" and stick to the new plan for the Far East in providing enhanced cooperation in different sectors, including transport and connectivity.

Specifically both leaders shared a vision pointing to three projects – International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor as well as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), or the Polar Route.

"Most importantly, these connectivity projects are free from any political agenda, unlike the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as clearly mentioned in the joint statement. Their implementation will be based on the principles of transparency, broad participation, local priorities, financial sustainability, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations," the VIF pundit underlined.

Gupta expressed confidence that the proposal to establish a joint working group on developing the NSR would speed up the project, which promised "significant cost savings and reduced shipping times" for goods traveling between Europe and Asia.

"The route's increased accessibility due to melting Arctic ice has sparked increased interest in its potential for commercial shipping and trade, offering a bright future for global trade," Gupta stated.

In the context of the INSTC, the expert underscored that it could turn out to be the most "cost-effective and favourable" connectivity project to increase Indian exports to Eurasia and vice-versa. He explained that the 7,200-kilometre-long multimodal corridor was in line with Moscow's geo-economic focus on Asia-Pacific following the Ukraine conflict.

Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'

In terms of bolstering cooperation in Asia-Pacific, or near India's own neighbourhood, Modi and Putin shared approaches on building a "new architecture" of a 'Greater Eurasian space'.

Although, initially Russia was focused primarily on the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, the Ukrainian conflict completely changed the situation, Alexey Kupriyanov, an expert in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) at Moscow-based think tank IMEMO RAS told Sputnik India.

At the same time, the think-tanker highlighted that a growing trade turnover between Russia and India was pushing Moscow to return to the Indian Ocean Region, primarily to ensure the protecting of Russian vessels in areas not covered by Indian Navy's operations, which include the Red Sea and the Mediterranean region.

"In the long term, this means that Russian ships will soon operate more intensively in the Indian Ocean and expand their presence," Kupriyanov stressed.

It would bolster India's security efforts and help it manage the power competition between China and the US, even as Indian Navy has intensified inter-operability with western maritime forces in recent years, the expert asserted.

"Since India's focus is primarily on the eastern part of the region, Russian ships in the western part could help fill the vacuum of security there. This will reduce the need for East African countries to seek help from China and the US to combat pirates, smugglers and drug traffickers," Kupriyanov concluded.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

A flagship project is the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC), an initiative to connect India, Russia, and Iran through multimodal transport networks to facilitate faster trade between India and Russia/Europe, bypassing traditional routes.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Alongside this, the Chennai-Vladivostok corridor aims to integrate India’s southeastern coast with Russia’s Far East, enhancing economic and strategic ties in the Indo-Pacific and Eurasia.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Moreover, Russia’s increasingly visible naval presence in the Indian Ocean Region collaborates with Indian maritime strategy, serving as a strategic counterbalance to growing Chinese naval expansion .

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

These initiatives illustrate the evolving synergy in India-Russia cooperation that extends beyond defense, encompassing expanded trade and regional connectivity, which hold implications for U.S. and Chinese interests in the region.

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Tensions within the India-Russia relationship are partly influenced by Russia’s close ties to China, including defense and economic cooperation between Moscow and Beijing that have strengthened in recent years.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Russia-China rapprochement, characterized by joint military exercises and growing economic interdependence, especially after Western sanctions on Russia, adds a layer of complexity to India-Russia ties.

Title:

Content: Are we witnessing the formation of a quartet axis that threatens American hegemony?
Are we witnessing the formation of a quartet axis that threatens American hegemony?
In the early morning of January, Russian forces launched a massive rocket attack on the Ukrainian cities of Kiev and Kharkiv, killing five civilians, wounding 100 others and damaging infrastructure.
This event was notable not only because of the damage it caused, but also because it showed that Russia is not alone in its fight.
In fact, the Russian attack that day was carried out with weapons equipped with technology from China, missiles from North Korea and drones from Iran, and over the past two years these three countries have become vital support elements of Russia ’ s war machine in Ukraine.
Moreover, Russia now produces at least 330 drones every month and is cooperating with Iran on plans to build a new factory for these drones inside Russia that would boost this production.
Beijing has ramped up its purchases of Russian oil and gas, injecting billions of dollars into Moscow ’ s coffers, and just as importantly providing vast amounts of war technology, including semiconductors, electronic devices, radar equipment, communications jamming, and jet fighter parts.
Customs records show that despite trade sanctions imposed by the West, Russia ’ s imports of electronic chips and components have been rising steadily to near pre-war levels, with more than half coming from China.
This support from China, Iran, and North Korea has strengthened Russia ’ s position on the battlefield, thwarted Western efforts to isolate Moscow, and hurt Ukraine.
In fact, the coordination between the four countries began to expand before 2022, but the war accelerated the consolidation of economic, military, political and technological relations, and they are increasingly harmonizing their interests and rhetoric and coordinating military and diplomatic maneuvers. The common goal is to challenge the principles, regulations and institutions that form the basis of the existing international order, and when these four countries cooperate, their combined actions produce far greater impact than their individual efforts alone.
By working together, they enhance each other ’ s military capabilities, undermine the effectiveness of U.S. foreign policy instruments, including sanctions, and impede the ability of Washington and its partners to enforce global rules, and their collective goal is to create an alternative to the current order they see as dominated by the United States.
There is no doubt that these four countries have their differences and a legacy of historical mistrust and current divisions can limit the extent to which their relations prosper, yet their shared goal of weakening the United States and its leadership role provides a strong link. The US State Department is now managing the devastating consequences of their growing coordination and preventing the Axis from destabilizing the world.
The Anti-West Team
In fact, China and Russia have been strengthening their partnership since the end of the Cold War and this trend accelerated significantly after Russia annexed Crimea in 2014, between 2013 and 2021 China ’ s share of Russian foreign trade doubled from 10 to 20 percent, and between 2018 and 2022 Russia supplied China with a total of 83 percent of arms imports. Air, submarine and anti-ship weapons, making China more powerful in any potential maritime conflict.
In early 2022, Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese leader Xi Jinping endorsed a joint statement pledging an “unlimited ” partnership between their countries and urging“ international relations of a new kind, ” in other words a multi-polar international order not dominated by the United States.
In return, Iran has strengthened ties with other Axis members as well, and in retrospect, Iran and Russia have worked together to keep Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in power after the outbreak of the civil war in 2011, and in line with Russia ’ s efforts to protect Tehran from U.S. sanctions, China has been buying large amounts of Iranian oil since 2020.
For its part, North Korea has regarded China as its main ally and trading partner for decades, while maintaining friendly relations with Russia although they were not deep or substantial, and Iran has purchased North Korean missiles since the 1980s.
In addition, there has been a rapprochement between Pyongyang and Tehran due to a shared aversion to Washington: according to a statement made by Kim Yong Nam, a senior North Korean official, during a 10-day visit to Iran in 2017, the two countries “have a common enemy. ”
Moscow has been among the largest arms suppliers to Tehran for the past two decades, and is now the largest source of foreign investment. Russian exports to Iran rose 27 percent during the first 10 months of 2022. discussions in the United Nations Security Council.
Last year, Russia replaced Saudi Arabia as China ’ s top crude oil exporter, and trade between the two countries exceeded a record $240 billion. In addition, Moscow has released millions of dollars of North Korean assets held in Russian banks in compliance with Security Council sanctions. China, Iran and Russia have held joint naval exercises in the Gulf of Oman for three consecutive years, most recently in March 2024. China and North Korea.
The West has been quick to downplay the importance of coordination between China, Iran, North Korea and Russia.
The growing cooperation between China, Iran, North Korea, and Russia is driven by a shared opposition to the Western-dominated world order, a hostility based on the belief that the current order does not give them the status or freedom of action they deserve, and each country emphasizes its own sphere of influence, with China claiming its “core interests, ” including Taiwan and the South China Sea, and Iran ’ s“ axis of resistance, ” a group of proxies that gives Tehran influence in Iraq and Lebanon. Syria, Yemen and elsewhere, while North Korea claims the entire Korean peninsula, and Russia seeks to assert control over neighboring regions, which in the Kremlin ’ s view include the countries that at least formed Russia ’ s historic empire.
The four countries see the United States as the main obstacle to the establishment of these spheres of influence, so they want to reduce Washington ’ s presence in their regions, and all of them reject the principle of universal values and view the West ’ s promotion of its version of democracy as an attempt to undermine its legitimacy and foment internal unrest. The West will accept its rise or return to power on the world stage, and it opposes external interference in its internal affairs, the expansion of American alliances, the deployment of American nuclear weapons outside the United States, and the use of coercive sanctions.
While envisioning a positive future may seem elusive, history has shown that a coherent agenda is not always necessary for an alliance of disaffected powers to sow the seeds of unrest, and the 1940 Tripartite Pact that united Germany, Italy, and Japan (the original version of the Axis) pledged to “create and maintain a new order, one in which each country brought its rightful place.
Similarly, China, Iran, North Korea, and Russia do not need a clear-cut plan for an alternative international order to disrupt the existing order, as their shared opposition to the underlying principles of the current order and their determination to effect change provide a strong basis for cooperative action.
For example, China and Russia compete for influence in Central Asia, while Iran and Russia compete for oil markets in China, India and elsewhere in Asia. China may view the deepening ties between North Korea and Russia with concern, fearing that Kim Jong-un ’ s empowerment could escalate tensions in Northeast Asia and attract a larger U.S. military presence, which China opposes, yet its differences are insufficient to break the bonds forged as a result of its shared resistance to a Western-dominated world.
The spark is coming from the Kremlin.
The invasion of Ukraine was the point of no return in Putin ’ s long campaign against the West, and Putin became more committed to destroying not only Ukraine, but also the world order.
Ammunition, drones, electronic chips and other forms of assistance sent by Axis members have served as significant support for Russia, but the greater Moscow ’ s dependence on these countries it has been forced to make concessions in return.
Even before the Russian invasion, Moscow ’ s military assistance to Beijing reduced the military superiority of the United States over China. Russia provided increasingly sophisticated weapons to China, expanded the pace and scope of joint military exercises between the two countries, and Russian officers who fought in Syria and in Ukraine ’ s Donbas region passed valuable lessons to their Chinese counterparts. Its lack of operational experience is a marked weakness compared to more experienced U.S. forces.
Although China ’ s military modernization reduces the urgent need to deepen defense cooperation with Russia, the two countries are likely to move forward with technology exchanges and cooperation on joint weapons development and production projects: in February, for example, Russian officials confirmed that they are working with their Chinese counterparts on military applications of artificial intelligence. Pressing Russia, which has become more dependent on it, for additional advanced technologies, the exchange could further erode the advantages enjoyed by the United States.
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A Chinese warship approaches an Iranian port in the Gulf of Oman, December 2019 (Reuters)
A similar dynamic is unfolding in Russia ’ s relations with Iran and North Korea: Moscow and Tehran have forged what the Biden administration called an “unprecedented defense partnership ” to upgrade Iran ’ s military capabilities, and Russia has provided Iran with advanced aircraft, air defense systems, intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance, and electronic capabilities that would help Tehran resist any potential U.S. or Israeli military operation.
In exchange for providing North Korea with ammunition and other military assistance to Russia, Pyongyang is said to be seeking advanced space, missile and submarine technology from Moscow, and if Russia responds to these requests, North Korea will be able to improve the accuracy and capability of its nuclear-tipped ICBMs, and use Russian nuclear propulsion technology to expand the range and capability of its submarines. Russian aid may have contributed to North Korea ’ s launch of a military spy satellite in November last year after it failed to do so twice in the past year.
Kim, who now enjoys strong support from both China and Russia, abandoned North Korea ’ s decades-old policy of peacefully resolving the division with his South Korean neighbor. Instead, Pyongyang escalated its threats against Seoul, engaged in nuclear blackmail and missile tests, showed no interest in dialogue with the United States, and on Iran. With a clear and seemingly direct link between the deepening of their partnership and Hamas ’ s attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, increased support from Russia likely made Iran more willing to energize its regional proxies in the aftermath.
Coordinated diplomacy and pressure from Russia and the West for Iran to join the 2015 nuclear deal are now a distant memory, as Moscow and Beijing are now helping Tehran resist Western pressure to enrich uranium and reject Washington ’ s efforts to negotiate a new nuclear deal.
Undermining America
Most notably, since the beginning of the war in Ukraine, China has supplied Russia with semiconductors and other basic technologies previously imported from the West, undermining the effectiveness of Western export controls. In December 2023, Iran and Russia finalized an agreement to conduct bilateral trade using their domestic currencies by moving their economic transactions beyond the scope of U.S. enforcement measures, so Axis members are undermining the effectiveness of Western sanctions, as well as anti-corruption and money laundering efforts.
China, Iran, North Korea, and Russia can build trade and transport networks safe from U.S. intervention by taking advantage of their shared borders and coastal areas; for example, Iran ships drones and other weapons to Russia via the Caspian Sea, where the United States has limited ability to stop transfers; and in the event of a conflict between the United States and China in the Indo-Pacific, Beijing could seek support from Moscow. The Russian defense industrial base, which is currently heavily focused on supplying Russian forces in Ukraine with weapons, could change its orientation and later focus to support the Chinese war effort.
For example, China ’ s refusal to condemn Russia ’ s invasion of Ukraine facilitated similar positions in countries across Africa, Latin America and the Middle East, Beijing and Moscow blocked Western efforts to isolate Iran, and last year upgraded Iran from an observer state to a full member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, a regional body. Iran ’ s regional interventions and nuclear endeavors have made other countries wary of dealing with its government, but Tehran ’ s participation in international forums enhances the regime ’ s legitimacy and offers it opportunities to expand trade with other member states.
China, Iran, and North Korea have either defended or avoided outright condemnation of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, all echoing Kremlin accusations of warmongering and reacting to Hamas ’ attacks in October 2023, Iran has used state media and social media accounts to express its support for Hamas and Hamas. They have used the war in Gaza to portray Washington as the dominant and destabilizing power in the world, a narrative that resonates in parts of Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East. Repeatability makes these states seem more credible and convincing.
Alternative system
The United States has invested in the liberal international order it helped create because it embodies American preferences and expands U.S. influence. As long as the system is useful enough for most members, a group of countries will defend it. A core group of powerful states around which the opposition can coalesce, the interest remains in the existing order.
For decades, threats to the U.S.-led order have come mostly from a handful of rogue states that do not have enough capacity to overthrow it, but the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the resulting restructuring of relations between states would remove restrictions on collective action.
Historically, the existence of competing regimes has often led to conflict, especially in areas where these regimes overlap geographically. Indeed, wars arise from specific circumstances such as a territorial dispute or a need to protect national or allied interests, or a threat to the survival of the regime. One, similar to the balance-of-power system maintained by the European Coalition for much of the 19th century, for example, or the post-Cold War era dominated by the United States, has seen fewer conflicts compared to eras characterized by the existence of more than one system, such as the multipolar era between the two world wars and the bipolar system during the Cold War.
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Xi and Putin in Moscow, March 2023 (Reuters)
The world has been able to see a glimpse of the instability this new era of competing regimes will bring, an era in which potential aggressors feel emboldened by alternative rules endorsed by the axis and fear less isolation if they misbehave. Indeed, Hamas ’ s attack on Israel threatens to devour the wider Middle East. Tensions between Serbia and Kosovo also flared in 2023, and Venezuela threatened to seize territory in neighboring Guyana in December 2023. Although internal conditions have precipitated coups in Myanmar and across the Sahel since 2020, the increasing incidence of such revolts is linked to the new international arrangement. The overthrow of a government could destroy relations with the West, but the new regimes could find support in Beijing and Moscow.
Until now, most of the cooperation between China, Iran, North Korea, and Russia has been bilateral, and any trilateral and quadripartite cooperative efforts between these countries may increase their ability to disrupt and disrupt, and countries such as Belarus, Cuba, Eritrea, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, dissatisfied with the Western-dominated U.S.-led regime, could begin working more closely with the axis. If they coordinate, the United States and its allies will have more difficulty defending the established, recognized regime.
Confronting the reacti
The United States currently classifies China as a greater concern in its national security strategy than Iran, North Korea or even Russia, and this assessment is strategically sound when considering the individual threat these countries pose to the United States, but it does not fully take into account the cooperation between these countries. Moreover, Washington should work to weaken the attractiveness of this axis by increasing the attractiveness of the existing regime.
Washington should not ignore Russian aggression in Europe, for example, in order to focus on China ’ s rising power in Asia. Meeting the challenge posed by Beijing will require competing with other Axis members in other parts of the world.
An effective response requires the United States to allocate additional resources to national security, engage in more vigorous diplomacy, develop new and stronger partnerships, and play a more active role in the world than we have seen in recent times. But unlike President Richard Nixon ’ s openness to China, taking advantage of the Sino-Soviet split of the 1970s to lure Beijing away from Moscow, there is no similar ideological or geopolitical rivalry that Washington can exploit today, and the price of trying to do so is likely to include U.S. recognition of Russia ’ s or China ’ s sphere of influence in Europe and Asia, areas central to U.S. interests that Washington should not allow any hostile foreign power to control.
Separating Iran or North Korea from the rest of the axis will be more difficult, given the reactionary and even revolutionary goals of their governments, and ultimately the axis is a problem that the United States should manage rather than solve through major strategic initiatives.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

India manages this delicately by reinforcing bilateral cooperation while simultaneously advancing its engagement with the United States and Quad countries to hedge against overreliance on Russia amid China’s rising influence .

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Russia's growing closeness to China
India's growing closeness to the U.S.

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India’s foreign policy under Modi since 2014 epitomizes a multi-aligned, pragmatic balancing act.

It avoids formal military alliances such as NATO, instead fostering autonomous defense partnerships with both Russia and the US.

Notably, India’s diplomacy during the Ukraine conflict reveals this equilibrium.

Title:

Content: Homepage

Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad

  • In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia.
  • The move signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow, and shows the world India is pursuing its own agenda.
  • Modi is aiming to correct the trade imbalance and address China's Indo-Pacific activities.
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In a move likely to anger the US, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is visiting Russia on Monday for his first bilateral trip after winning a historic third term in office.

Modi's two-day visit to Russia — where he is scheduled to meet with President Vladimir Putin — is significant in that it signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow. It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

Vinay Kwatra, India's foreign secretary, told reporters in New Delhi that issues between Russia and India have "piled up" and "need to be addressed," per Bloomberg.

Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine. India is a major buyer of Russian oil. Russia is also India's biggest arms supplier.

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Kwatra underscored that the two countries' trade relationship has remained "resilient."

Still, Modi's trip will "rankle many Western observers," Ved Shinde, a researcher and contributor to Australia's Lowy Institute think tank, wrote in a note on Wednesday.

"Since the Ukraine war began, India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in the heart of Europe," Shinde added.

Modi's visit to Russia will make the US look bad

Just like Putin's visit to supply-chain hot spot Vietnam, India's engagement with Russia isn't a good look for the US, as it comes while Washington is isolating Putin's regime.

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The US has raised "some concerns" about India's relationship with Russia with New Delhi, Kurt Campbell, the US Deputy Secretary of State, said last month.

However, Washington acknowledges that India's ties with Russia are different from its ties with the US.

"We have many areas of alignment, but it is not surprising that there would be areas where we've had perhaps different perspectives, views, historical ties," Campbell said about America's relationship with India.

India, for its part, is looking to balance its relationship with the world's key powerbrokers — the US, Russia, and China.

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"There are different degrees in India's multi-alignment. Make no mistake — the United States and its allies are more consequential for India's future than its relationship with Russia," wrote Shinde.

India needs to leverage its historical ties with Russia to secure its economy and security, so Modi isn't just in Russia for a goodwill trip.

Reducing the trade imbalance

A key agenda item for the visit is to reduce a huge bilateral trade imbalance, said Kwatra.

India imports about $60 billion of goods a year from Russia, but Russia buys less than 10% of this amount from India, per Bloomberg.

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Modi may also touch on China's activities in the Indo-Pacific region, said Kwatra.

India is trying to manage its relationship with China, which has been testy since a border dispute in 2020. Modi skipped the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kazakhstan last week.

There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

At the summit last week, Putin said Russia's relationship with China is in the "best period in history."

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Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

"The reason for the time-tested stability in India-Russia ties is to maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland. That is, to balance China," wrote Shinde.

"Or to put it another way, don't go around making new adversaries when there are already two open fronts — China and Pakistan," Shinde added.

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India has chosen not to formally condemn Russia, opted to import discounted Russian oil, and simultaneously strengthened strategic ties with the US geared toward countering China’s Indo-Pacific ambitions.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

This calibrated positioning reflects New Delhi’s pursuit of strategic independence in a complex geopolitical environment .

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

A concrete example of India’s balancing act can be observed in multilateral forums such as the annual India-Russia-US trilateral dialogue initiated in the late 2010s, aimed at fostering coordination on regional security and economic issues without aligning Indian policy exclusively with either power.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Similarly, India’s participation in the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), where Russia and China are key members, reflects New Delhi’s engagement with Eurasian security frameworks while simultaneously building strong bilateral ties with the US and its allies.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Through such engagements, India adeptly navigates the competing interests of Russia, China, and the United States, preserving its strategic autonomy and regional leverage .

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

In summary, the India–Russia relationship under Modi and Putin is marked by sustained defense cooperation exemplified by the S-400 missile deal and joint defense projects; strategic economic and connectivity initiatives like the International North-South Transport Corridor and Chennai-Vladivostok corridor; and a nuanced diplomatic stance exemplified by continued importation of discounted Russian oil despite Western pressures.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India’s rivalry with China has catalyzed a diversification of partnerships and deepened coordination with the US and Quad powers while maintaining its privileged bond with Russia.

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Concurrently, Russia’s increasingly close relationship with China introduces complexities that India continuously manages through calibrated diplomacy and multilateral engagement.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

This multifaceted and adaptive partnership plays a pivotal role in regional security architectures and global power dynamics, especially in South and Central Asia’s contested geopolitical environment.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Overall, the India-Russia nexus under Modi and Putin signifies continuity in core strategic ties alongside adaptation to emerging challenges, underscoring its centrality in India’s foreign policy calculus and regional security strategy .

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?