Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin, the India-Russia relationship has maintained its foundational strategic character while evolving to address emerging geopolitical realities, especially the intensifying rivalry between India and China.

Historically, India and the Soviet Union/Russia shared a deep bond centered on defense cooperation and geopolitical support, with Russia supplying the majority of India's military hardware, including aircraft, tanks, and missile systems like the S-400.

Modi's era continues this legacy, underscored by high-level engagements such as Putin's visits to India and the establishment of new mechanisms like the "2+2" defense and foreign minister dialogues, which have reinforced political and defense ties.

In December 2023, Modi and Putin signed 28 agreements covering trade, energy, science, technology, and military cooperation, solidifying this special and privileged strategic partnership.

Strategic defense collaboration remains robust with projects like joint production of AK-203 rifles in India, ongoing delivery of the S-400 missile system despite U.S. sanctions threats, and cooperation on advanced technologies such as rocket engine manufacturing and satellite navigation.

Russia remains India’s top arms supplier, even as India diversifies its defense procurement and strengthens ties with the U.S. through the Quad and Indo-Pacific framework to counterbalance Chinese assertiveness.

India’s growing rivalry with China influences its pragmatic balancing act in foreign policy.

While India deepens its engagement with Western democracies, it deliberately maintains a strategic autonomy policy by nurturing its historic relationship with Russia, recognizing Moscow’s role as a key defense partner and diplomatic ally, particularly in the United Nations Security Council.

Concurrently, India participates actively in the Quad and Indo-Pacific initiatives to counterbalance China and maintain a diversified set of partnerships.

Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin, the India-Russia relationship has maintained its foundational strategic character while evolving to address emerging geopolitical realities, especially the intensifying rivalry between India and China.

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Modi Attended the G20 Summit and Moxie Interaction Became an Indicator of China-India Relations
2022 / 11 / 14 16: 55 （ Updated on 11 / 14 17: 06 ）
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Indian Prime Minister Modi left for Indonesia today to attend the Group of 20 (G20) summit, in addition to taking over as the next G20 presidency, whether to meet with Chinese President Xi Jinping is also the focus of outside attention, is considered to be an indicator of whether India-China relations break the ice.
The 17th G20 summit is scheduled to be held in Bali on November 15-16, and Narendra Modi said in a speech on the morning of his departure that he will discuss with G20 leaders on issues such as global economic recovery, food and energy security, environmental protection, health and digital transformation.
In addition, Indonesia will hand over the presidency of the G20 to India at the closing ceremony of the G20 summit, and Modi will invite G20 leaders to India for the next summit in September next year.
New Delhi recently announced the Lotus theme of the G20 logo, the new slogan: One Earth, One Family One Future (One Earth One Family One Future), hoping to promote world unity in the face of increased competition from powerful countries and the smoke of Ukraine.
India ’ s foreign ministry said Modi would attend 20 events over 45 hours, including a leadership-level meeting on food and energy security, digital transformation and health, as well as a number of bilateral meetings with other leaders.
India, a member of the Quad, has long regarded Russia as a military and energy security partner, and is keen to maintain a balance between the United States and Russia, especially in the face of border clashes between China and India and signs of good relations between the United States and Pakistan.
New Delhi has to buy weapons from Moscow that could deter China and, if necessary, mediate between Moscow, and India ’ s feud with Pakistan, which has rocked New Delhi ’ s trust in Washington, including the recent approval of a $450 million maintenance package for Pakistan ’ s F-16 fighter jets.
On the other hand, Xi Jinping will also attend the G20 summit, and the interaction between Modi and Xi Jinping, including whether to convene a bilateral meeting, is a focus of attention for Indian observers.
If it happens, it will be the first time since the border conflict between India and China broke out in June 2020.
Although the two met at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit in Uzbekistan in September this year, the interaction was cold and there was no bilateral meeting.
In May 2020, Indian and Chinese border guards exchanged accusations that the other side violated the border agreement in Ladakh, soldiers of the two sides in June in the Galwan Valley (Galwan Valley), there were mutual casualties, after the two armies in multiple confrontation, bilateral tension has continued to this day.
Whether Modi and Xi will hold a bilateral meeting is seen as an indicator of whether relations between the two countries are breaking the ice.
Other observers believe that Taiwan must pay attention to the development of the Sino-Indian border dispute, because Beijing may use the border dispute as a bargaining chip in exchange for India's adherence to the "one China policy" and its non-intervention in the Taiwan Strait situation.
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Australian Prime Minister meets Xi Jinping for the first time in five years

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Historically, India and the Soviet Union/Russia shared a deep bond centered on defense cooperation and geopolitical support, with Russia supplying the majority of India's military hardware, including aircraft, tanks, and missile systems like the S-400.

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Content: Moscow and New Delhi agree on joint production of Russian weapons in India - Libyan newspaper Al-Marsad
LATEST NEWS
Russia and India have strategic relations in various fields, including in the military-technical sphere, with New Delhi being one of the leading buyers of Russian arms and military equipment.
Dmitry Shogayev, Chairman of the Russian Federal Service for Military-Technical Cooperation, revealed in an interview the details of the agreements and understandings reached today with the Indian side during the meeting of the Inter-State Commission on Military-Technical Cooperation, which was chaired by the Ministers of Defence of the two countries.
The Russian official described today ’ s meeting as important and prominent because it was held personally in the shadow of the Corona pandemic, where he said: “Today ’ s meeting is an important event because the committee ’ s meeting was held in presence after the meeting was canceled last year because of the Corona pandemic. ”
On the issues discussed, Shogayev pointed out that the issues of cooperation in the military-technical field and the results of the work of 2020 and 2021 were discussed.
Prospects for cooperation for the future were also discussed, where important directions were identified, and a landmark document was signed, namely, the “Program for Military and Technical Cooperation until 2031 ′ ′, i.e., plans for cooperation for the next ten years, which includes the supply of weapons and military equipment and the joint production of some types in India. ”
He added that an agreement was signed today for the manufacture of the modern Russian AK-203 rifle in India, talking about the manufacture of 600 thousand rifles of this type in a joint factory in order to meet the Indian demand for this type of weapon.
He pointed out that India is one of Russia ’ s important strategic partners, as the volume of military orders with this country exceeds the level of $14 billion, and important agreements are being implemented, including the supply of the air defense system “S-400 ”, where the first batch of this system is planned to be delivered by the end of the year.
On the impact of US sanctions imposed on Moscow on military cooperation between Russia and India, the official stressed that the dollar currency is abandoned in contracts and the use of national currencies, pointing to the existence of understandings between Moscow and New Delhi in this regard.
Moscow and New Delhi have strategic ties, with Russia providing India with more than $65 billion worth of military equipment and weapons over the course of military-technical cooperation.
At present, the Indian Navy is 80% equipped with Russian equipment, while the Air Force is 70%, according to expert estimates.
In October 2018, Moscow and New Delhi signed a contract for the supply of five sets of S-400 anti-aircraft missile systems worth more than $5 billion.
Notable agreements signed between the two countries include an agreement to supply four Russian 11356 frigates and a large range of Igla portable anti-aircraft missile systems.
Source: RT

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Modi's era continues this legacy, underscored by high-level engagements such as Putin's visits to India and the establishment of new mechanisms like the "2+2" defense and foreign minister dialogues, which have reinforced political and defense ties.

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'India great power and a time-tested friend', says Russia's Vladimir Putin

India, Russia hold 21st summit, and first 2+2 dialogue; sign 28 agreements

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indian government | India-Russia ties | Narendra Modi

Ajai Shukla  |  New Delhi

Prime Minister Narendra Modi receives Russian President Vladimir Putin at Hyderabad House in New Delhi, on Monday (Photo: PTI)

New Delhi and Moscow on Monday issued to the world a high-visibility reminder about their “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership”, as Prime Minister and Russian President held the 21st India-Russia Summit, an annual ritual missed only in 2020 due to the pandemic.

Leading into the 21st summit meeting, India and Russia held their first-ever 2 + 2 Ministerial Dialogue, in which External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh together held strategic discussions with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu.

“We perceive India as a great power, a friendly nation and a time-tested friend. The relations between our countries are growing and I am looking into the future,” Putin said in his initial comments.

Putin also expressed concern over the developments in Afghanistan and said India and Russia will continue to coordinate on major challenges facing the region.

Modi said Putin’s second visit abroad during the Covid-19 pandemic reflected his personal commitment to the and that the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two sides was getting stronger. In the last few decades, the world witnessed many fundamental changes and different kinds of geopolitical equations and variables, but the friendship of India and Russia remained constant, Modi said. “Your visit to India is a reflection of your commitment to ties with India,” the PM said.

Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla said 28 agreements were concluded between India and Russia after Modi-Putin meet. After the 2+2 meeting, Jaishankar tweeted: “A productive exchange of perspectives on cross-cutting and inter-related issues. Will be reporting it to the Annual Summit later today.”

Earlier on Monday, there was a meeting of the apex body that governs defence relations between the two: The Indo-Russian Inter-Governmental Commission on Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-MTC), co-chaired by the two defence ministers, Singh and Shoigu.

India’s military uses Russian weaponry extensively, such as Sukhoi-30MKI fighter aircraft, T-90S tanks and BMP infantry combat vehicles, Talwar-class frigates, and Kilo-class submarines. The two sides have jointly produced the highly regarded BrahMos cruise missile system.

During the 17th annual summit, the two countries concluded deals on India’s procurement of five units of the S-400 air defence systems for an estimated ~37,000 crore, constructing Talwar-class frigates under Project 1135.6, and a shareholders’ agreement on a joint venture (JV) to manufacture Kamov-226T helicopters in India.

The S400 is regarded as the world’s premier long-range missile system, with the ability to shoot down enemy aircraft at ranges up to 400 kilometres. During the confrontation over the last two years between the Chinese and Indian armies in Ladakh, China deployed the S400 along the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

On March 3, 2019, in Amethi, Modi announced another JV —Indo-Russian Rifles — that would manufacture 750,000 AK-203 assault rifles in Korwa under the “Make in India” programme for an estimated $687 million. Russia is also competing for a ~40,000-crore deal for building six submarines in India under Project 75I, and a ~50,000-60,000 crore agreement to manufacture 114 fighter aircraft in India.

To ensure that Russian defence equipment was not hampered by any shortfall in maintenance or spare parts, the two sides agreed during the 20th Annual Summit in Vladivostok in September 2019 to cooperate in producing spare parts for Russian/Soviet military equipment.

The India-Russia defence partnership is being tested by Washington, especially through the piece of legislation the US Congress passed in 2017, titled CAATSA (Countering America’s Adversaries through Sanctions Act). This provides for US sanctions on countries that have significant defence or intelligence relations with Russia, Iran, or North Korea. India’s purchase of the S400 missile system is regarded as a potential trigger for Washington to impose sanctions.

While the US Congress has created a “CAATSA waiver” for close partners such as India, the US president is required to determine whether to exercise that waiver. So far, President Joe Biden has not stated a preference.

India, which faces a growing threat from China, is determined to buy the S400 from Russia. Asked whether New Delhi would bow to CAATSA pressure, India’s foreign ministry spokesperson said last week: “India and the US have a special global strategic partnership. And we also have a very special and privileged strategic partnership with Russia. And as you’re all aware, we pursue an independent foreign policy. This applies to our defence acquisitions, and supplies which are and will continue to be guided by our security interest.”

New Delhi and Moscow have identified trade and economic relations as a priority area. Modi and Putin have set a bilateral investment target of $50 billion and a bilateral trade target of $30 billion by 2025. (With inputs from PTI)

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First Published: Tue, December 07 2021. 01:24 IST
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

defense ministers' meetings
foreign ministers' meetings

In December 2023, Modi and Putin signed 28 agreements covering trade, energy, science, technology, and military cooperation, solidifying this special and privileged strategic partnership.

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India aimed to reshape regional power balance in 2021 amid border row with China

India shifted gears in rejuvenating strategic ties with its major partners like the US and Russia and focused on drumming up global support for its distinct strategy in the Indo-Pacific.

Published: 31st December 2021 03:34 PM  |   Last Updated: 31st December 2021 03:34 PM   |  A+A-

By PTI

NEW DELHI: In a year bookended by the coronavirus pandemic, India displayed a firm resolve to expand its strategic influence in reshaping the regional power balance in the face of an increasingly complex geopolitical entanglement of confronting an aggressive China and dealing with the aftermath of the Taliban's swift takeover of power in Kabul.

Distrustful of China's politics and policies, India shifted gears in rejuvenating strategic ties with its major partners like the US and Russia and focused on drumming up global support for its distinct strategy in the Indo-Pacific to check Beijing's increasing muscle-flexing in the region.

As the bitter border standoff in eastern Ladakh lingered on for over 18 months despite multiple rounds of diplomatic and military talks, India made it amply clear to China that the two countries cannot simultaneously have a "tense, high friction" border and great relations at the same time in all other spheres.

India was also among the leading voices globally that focused on rallying support of democratic nations to put in place resilient supply chains and create trusted technologies, a move largely seen as aimed at minimising reliance on China.

Another key foreign policy challenge for India was complexities arising out of the situation after the Taliban's lightning military triumph and capture of power in Kabul on August 15 following the departure of the US troops from Afghanistan.

Caught by surprise by the speed of the Taliban's juggernaut across Afghanistan, India reached out to major global powers to craft a broad framework in confronting the situation as it was concerned over the possibility of the war-torn country becoming a hotbed for terrorist groups including those having bases in Pakistan.

Under India's presidency, the United Nations Security Council adopted a resolution on August 30, demanding that Afghan territory should not be used for terrorism, called for upholding of human rights and pitched for a negotiated political settlement to the crisis.

Subsequently, the resolution became the basis for discussions on the Afghan crisis at various global forums and dialogues.

Following the Taliban's capture of power, India evacuated a total of 448 Indians and 206 Afghans from Afghanistan as part of its evacuation mission christened "Operation Devi Shakti".

In November, India hosted a regional dialogue on Afghanistan that was attended by the national security advisors of Russia, Iran and all the five Central Asian countries.

Weeks later, India hosted the foreign ministers of the Central Asian countries at a conclave that called for immediate humanitarian aid to the Afghan people and renewed demand for a "truly inclusive" government in Kabul.

One of the key takeaways of India's diplomatic engagement in 2021 was the significant expansion of strategic partnership with the US under the Biden administration that assumed power on January 20.

In March, American President Joe Biden hosted the first-ever summit of the Quad leaders in the virtual format that was followed by an in-person summit in Washington in September for which Prime Minister Narendra Modi had travelled to the US.

During the visit, Modi held separate bilateral talks with Biden and Vice President Kamala Harris, covering a range of critical areas including tackling climate change and ramping up cooperation in the Indo-Pacific region.

"I think that the relationship between India and the United States -- the largest democracies in the world -- is destined to be stronger, closer, and tighter.

And I think it can benefit the whole world," Biden said at the meeting with Modi.

India's ties with Russia also witnessed major expansion as both sides signed 28 agreements to further broad-base the relations at a summit between Modi and President Vladimir Putin in early December.

In the neighbourhood, India's relations with Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan, Sri Lanka and the Maldives remained on an upward trajectory.

However, India's relations with Pakistan remained unchanged as Islamabad continued its support to cross border terrorism to create unrest in Jammu and Kashmir.

India also maintained its diplomatic offensive against Pakistan on the issue of terrorism and remained firm on its position on not having any talks with Islamabad until it stops cross border terrorism.

At the fag end of the year, Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla paid a two-day visit to Myanmar in the first such high-level outreach from India after that country's military evicted the democratically-elected government of Aung San Suu Kyi in a coup on February 1.

In his meetings with the leaders of the ruling dispensation, Shringla sought the restoration of democracy in the country.

India's ties with Australia, France, Japan, Germany, the UK, Vietnam, the European Union, G-20 and the African continent also saw an upswing.

In late October, Modi travelled to Rome to attend the 16th G-20 Summit.

During the visit, he also met Pope Francis in the Vatican.

From Italy, Modi flew into Glasgow to attend the COP26 Summit where he made a big announcement that India will reach the target of net zero emissions by 2070.

In February, the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) had to deal with the situation arising out of criticism by American singer Rihanna, Swedish climate activist Greta Thunberg, American actress Amanda Cerniand and several other global celebrities on farmer protests.

The MEA reacted sharply to the adverse comments by the global celebrities and activists saying the facts on the issue must be ascertained before rushing to comment on it.

As India was reeling under a devastating second wave of coronavirus pandemic, countries across the globe extended a helping hand to it by sending Liquid Medical Oxygen (LMO), ventilators, oxygen concentrators and other medical supplies.

India also played a significant role in ensuring vaccine equity as it sent around 10 crore doses to around 97 countries under its 'Vaccine Maitri' initiative.

The country also pitched for a united global approach to deal with the pandemic with the external affairs minister saying that it has not just been a once-in-a-century shock to the international system but it also thoroughly exposed all its fault-lines and shortcomings.

The year 2021 also saw the MEA speeding up its economic diplomacy with a sharper reorientation on achieving concrete outcomes.

The Indian missions and posts abroad were conveyed to further the goal of promoting three Ts -- trade, tourism and technology.

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How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Strategic defense collaboration remains robust with projects like joint production of AK-203 rifles in India, ongoing delivery of the S-400 missile system despite U.S. sanctions threats, and cooperation on advanced technologies such as rocket engine manufacturing and satellite navigation.

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On Monday, PM Modi spoke over the phone with Russian President Vladimir Putin. The phone call reportedly was a follow-up on many of the issues raised during Putin's recent India visit on December 6. According to a statement by the PMO, the two leaders have agreed to remain in regular touch with each other on a range of issues covered under the India-Russia Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership. Insofar as visits from foreign dignitaries and leaders go, Putin's visit to India earlier this month was arguably the most consequential development for India in the field of foreign affairs for quite some time. India, as may be known, has a long and storied relationship with Russia and its precursor, the Soviet Union. From the earliest days, the friendship between the two nations had a strong strategic undertone with both sides supporting each other on the world stage whenever necessary. Indeed, the Soviet Union was undeniably India's greatest ally in the 20th century against the machinations of the western powers like the US that did not take kindly to India announcing itself to be a 'socialist' nation. From Kashmir to the Bangladesh Liberation War, Russia has stood by India in defence of its strategic interests. As a proof of the relationship, a majority of military equipment India currently possesses was either directly supplied by Moscow or is otherwise of Russian origin. In recent years, with the fall of the Soviet Union and India's move towards liberalising its economy, India has ventured out into the world to make a new set of friends. This time around, it is India and the US that are getting along like a house on fire. India has deliberately sought to widen its field diplomatically and militarily in order to not be tied down to a single nation with the rather pragmatic understanding that there are no permanent relationships in international politics. In more recent times, Russia and India have somewhat drifted further apart as Russia bands together with India's rival China to take on the hegemony of the western world that is held up by the US. While India has no interest in joining the US in its power games against Russia, it is very much interested in leveraging its relationship with the west in its struggle to contain a belligerent China. It is here that India has had to perform a tremendous tight-rope walk, particularly following the 2014 annexation of Crimea by Russia. On the one hand, you have America that wishes to limit or even extinguish India's strategic relationship with Russia. On the other, you have Russia that is increasingly concerned and agitated by India drawing ever closer to the US's sphere of influence as it joins America in endeavours like the Quad grouping. Of particular concern to both sides is India's continuing dependence on Russia for military equipment. The US, already having sanctioned Turkey for the same, looks on menacingly as it threatens India with sanctions for buying the S-400 missile system. Russia, of course, is not only interested in keeping its old defence ties but even expanding them, as it has been recently teasing India with the possibility of being the first nation in the world to buy the improved S-500 missile system. In this regard, Putin's visit to India could be termed as symbolic. Since the beginning of the pandemic, Putin has only ventured out twice from his country, with the second trip being the one to India. His tone and body language during the meeting with PM Modi spoke volumes of the importance he attaches to maintaining the ties with India. Aside from underscoring the good working relationship he has with India's PM, the visit also highlighted that despite the recent turns of history, the two nations still have much to share and collectively work towards. Common concern in regards to the Taliban and Afghanistan is one such area that the two sides are looking to cooperate on in the near future. Another is strengthening existing defence ties between the two nations. Underscoring its strategic independence, India has decided to continue with its defence dealings with Russia, discussing the purchase of the S-400 missile system while also finalising a long-pending Rs 5,000 crore deal for the production of over five lakh AK-203 rifles in a joint Indo-Russian deal. But all said and done, the future of India's relationship with Russia still has some shades of uncertainty. Primary amongst them is the ongoing escalation between Moscow and NATO in regards to Ukraine and eastern Europe. If Russia should choose to brave threats of western sanctions to take action in Ukraine, where does this leave India? Can India still continue its balancing game between east and west at a time when geopolitics are heating up to a boiling point? That remains to be seen.

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Russia remains India’s top arms supplier, even as India diversifies its defense procurement and strengthens ties with the U.S. through the Quad and Indo-Pacific framework to counterbalance Chinese assertiveness.

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Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad

  • In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia.
  • The move signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow, and shows the world India is pursuing its own agenda.
  • Modi is aiming to correct the trade imbalance and address China's Indo-Pacific activities.
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In a move likely to anger the US, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is visiting Russia on Monday for his first bilateral trip after winning a historic third term in office.

Modi's two-day visit to Russia — where he is scheduled to meet with President Vladimir Putin — is significant in that it signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow. It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

Vinay Kwatra, India's foreign secretary, told reporters in New Delhi that issues between Russia and India have "piled up" and "need to be addressed," per Bloomberg.

Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine. India is a major buyer of Russian oil. Russia is also India's biggest arms supplier.

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Kwatra underscored that the two countries' trade relationship has remained "resilient."

Still, Modi's trip will "rankle many Western observers," Ved Shinde, a researcher and contributor to Australia's Lowy Institute think tank, wrote in a note on Wednesday.

"Since the Ukraine war began, India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in the heart of Europe," Shinde added.

Modi's visit to Russia will make the US look bad

Just like Putin's visit to supply-chain hot spot Vietnam, India's engagement with Russia isn't a good look for the US, as it comes while Washington is isolating Putin's regime.

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The US has raised "some concerns" about India's relationship with Russia with New Delhi, Kurt Campbell, the US Deputy Secretary of State, said last month.

However, Washington acknowledges that India's ties with Russia are different from its ties with the US.

"We have many areas of alignment, but it is not surprising that there would be areas where we've had perhaps different perspectives, views, historical ties," Campbell said about America's relationship with India.

India, for its part, is looking to balance its relationship with the world's key powerbrokers — the US, Russia, and China.

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"There are different degrees in India's multi-alignment. Make no mistake — the United States and its allies are more consequential for India's future than its relationship with Russia," wrote Shinde.

India needs to leverage its historical ties with Russia to secure its economy and security, so Modi isn't just in Russia for a goodwill trip.

Reducing the trade imbalance

A key agenda item for the visit is to reduce a huge bilateral trade imbalance, said Kwatra.

India imports about $60 billion of goods a year from Russia, but Russia buys less than 10% of this amount from India, per Bloomberg.

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Modi may also touch on China's activities in the Indo-Pacific region, said Kwatra.

India is trying to manage its relationship with China, which has been testy since a border dispute in 2020. Modi skipped the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kazakhstan last week.

There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

At the summit last week, Putin said Russia's relationship with China is in the "best period in history."

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Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

"The reason for the time-tested stability in India-Russia ties is to maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland. That is, to balance China," wrote Shinde.

"Or to put it another way, don't go around making new adversaries when there are already two open fronts — China and Pakistan," Shinde added.

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

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India’s growing rivalry with China influences its pragmatic balancing act in foreign policy.

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Putin visiting India: Is it strategic balancing?

By Major General S.B. Asthana
With heated exchanges between the US and Russia due to heavy concentration of troops in Ukraine border scheduled for talks between both, Russias growing dependency on China due to sanctions from West, and Indian tilt towards the US with inclusion in Quad, the visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to India on December 6, appears to be viewed differently by different world players. Even in domestic debates, the public anger due to Chinese intrusion in Ladakh and growing partnership of Russia and China, indicates that the visit is sensitive in context of international geopolitical scenario; hence will require a delicate strategic balancing including text of joint statement, if issued at the end of the visit. Notwithstanding the above, the visit is a scheduled 21st India-Russia Annual Summit, which couldnt take place earlier due to coronavirus pandemic, there are many justified reasons to continue with 'Indo-Soviet Friendship Treaty (1971)' matured into 'Strategic Partnership (2000)', which has stood the test of time till date, even during ongoing rough relations between China and India.

Why Russia Matters to India Despite Chinese Embrace?

Despite Indian effort for Atmanirbhar Bharat in defence manufacturing and SIPRI indicating significant 33 per cent decrease in import of military hardware by India in recent years, it remains heavily dependent on Russian technology, maintenance, procurement of hardware and spares. For many decades Russians have been collaborating with India in its indigenous manufacturing programs and were amenable to transfer of technology, which India was finding difficult to get from others. It includes some major systems like nuclear-powered submarines, warships/frigates, nuclear reactors, space programmes and flagship projects like Brahmos.

The impending visit, besides deal to commence indigenous manufacturing of AK 203 Kalashnikov rifles, may see some forward movement in collaboration in manufacturing (including transfer of technology of very short range air defence missile systems (VSHORADS), twin engine helicopters to replace Cheetah and Chetak, upgradation of inventory of MIG-29 and Sukhoi aircrafts. S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile system which India had signed in 2018 for $5.43 billion is a done deal, and the threat of CAATSA is unlikely to have any impact on delivery schedule. It was chosen because it was most suitable to Indian requirement at that point of time. There are also speculations of approximately ten agreements to be signed between the two countries, which could include reciprocal exchange of logistics Agreement and 10-year military technical agreement, besides Two plus Two dialogue to strengthen existing strategic partnership. While the US may be amenable to a waiver on CAATSA for S-400, in view of common China challenge, but further deals may create some new friction points in strengthening of Indo-US relations.

On strategic context, Russia continues to be a favourable P5 member in UN and continues to support India in various multilateral organisations like the UN, SCO, BRICS on crucial issues. It's a technological powerhouse, with one of the largest producer of military hardware, producing rugged equipment suited for variety of terrain, where Indian forces operate. While its nearness to China, its discomfort with Indian embrace to Quad, growing Indo-US partnership, and hardware sale to Pakistan, forces some of the opinion makers in India to suggest divorcing Russia in favour of US, but such opinions are marred by impracticality, ignorance of Indian hardware dependency on Russia and its track record of reliability of its partnership with India. In its revised Military Strategy document Russia continues to name India as its partner along with China, and has not delayed/defaulted on any hardware support to India, even during standoff with China. The interest of both countries also coincide regarding concerns on export of terror after Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan and resultant humanitarian crisis, which will certainly be a subject of discussion and may find some mention in joint statement.

Reality of Sino-Russian Embrace

The much publicised Sino-Russian embrace by Chinese media and Russian acceptance to go along has been due to economic compulsions due to increasing sanctions from West, common adversary US branding both as competitors in security strategy documents. Objectively an expansionist, aggressive China seeking Sino-centric world order does suit Russia as well, which is looking for multilateral world order. Chinese BRI has already side-lined Eurasian dream, its technological theft like alleged hypersonic technology proliferation and increasing border claims in previously settled border with Tajikistan are not to Russian liking. Russia has made no commitment to back China's misadventure in South China Sea/Himalayas and China has also not made any commitment on Ukraine borders. Reiterating India as a strategic partner may be Moscow's message to US and Beijing both. It is however, impractical to expect Russia criticising China or Pakistan or India discussing Ukraine issue during this visit, due to peculiar geo-political equations, and Russians need for strategic and economic balancing.

Strategic Balancing by India

India and US have commonality of Interest in most issues including tackling China, which has pushed India to become an important global strategic partner of US, by its aggressive designs. There is congruence of interests in most global issues between US and India in the current geo-strategic equation. India stands with US and Quad in context of Indo-Pacific and facing China challenge. India continues to do its best to respond to sensitivities and concerns of the US, at times risking some of its old relationships like Iran. To accommodate US interest India reduced import of oil from Iran, bearing a cost disadvantage, as Iran oil was being imported in Rupee terms, in crude form and attuned to existing refineries in India. India doesn't seem to be repeating the same mistake with Russians, who haven't done anything bilaterally which demands a divorce in mutual relationship. Moreover, military capacity building of India also adds to collective strength of Quad, which is in collective interest.

Lately India is trying to be self-reliant, as well as diversifying procurement from various countries to include US, France, Israel. In last decade the defence procurement from Russia has gradually reduced from over 65 percent approximately to nearly 49 percent and correspondingly increased in favour of the US, Israel and France. There is a noticeable upward trend in purchase of US military hardware, as the year 2020 alone saw a purchase $3.4 billion worth of US military equipment, indicating enough accommodation by India. In a buyers' market US has competitors to include Russia, Israel and France, and every country will make sovereign choice to pick the best deal including India. India has also made modest beginning in exporting Rs 38,000 crore worth of military equipment, as a step towards self-reliance, seeking support of all the partners.

(Major General S.B.Asthana is a strategic and security analyst, a veteran Infantry General. He is the Chief Instructor, United Service Institution of India. The views expressed are personal)

--IANS
asthana/ksk/

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

While India deepens its engagement with Western democracies, it deliberately maintains a strategic autonomy policy by nurturing its historic relationship with Russia, recognizing Moscow’s role as a key defense partner and diplomatic ally, particularly in the United Nations Security Council.

Title:

Content: 31 Dec, 2023 08:46

Deeper than diplomacy: There is a reason why New Delhi and Moscow rely on each other

Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy is the core strength of bilateral ties, as the Indian foreign minister’s latest visit proves

Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar’s five-day official visit to Russia was timely and significant for more than one reason.

India and Russia had held annual summits at the leadership level since 2000. This sent an important message in terms of the value attached by the two countries to bilateral ties, but it also conveyed a broader geopolitical message to other international partners of the two countries.

But this practice was broken largely because of Russia’s pre-occupation with the Ukraine conflict and its fallout. The last annual summit took place in 2021.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin could have held a summit on the margins of the BRICS summit in Johannesburg in South Africa or the G20 summit in New Delhi, but Putin did not attend either. While Jaishankar’s visit does not substitute for a summit meeting, it was intended to fill a political gap.

Jaishankar and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov have met six times during the year, and the Indian external affairs minister also met with Russian Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov during the year on the economic agenda. For Jaishankar to visit Russia before the end of the year, undeterred by the Russian winter and holiday season, reflects the importance both sides attach to the further expansion of ties.

Putin has on several occasions praised the Indian prime minister and positively noted the country’s economic progress. At the ‘Russia Calling’ Forum in early December this year, he said that despite pressure from others, he “cannot imagine that Modi could be frightened, intimidated or forced to take any actions, steps, decisions that would at variance with the national interest of India and the Indian people.” He noted that sometimes he is surprised at Modi’s tough stance on Indian national interests. He added that the policy pursued by Modi is the “main guarantor” of the developing bilateral ties.

This is high and unusual praise by Putin. It can be interpreted on several levels – particularly as an acknowledgement that India has resisted pressure from the US and others to condemn Russia over the Ukraine conflict, impose sanctions, and reduce defense ties with Russia. India has, on the contrary, bought discounted Russian oil to the point that Russia has become its biggest oil supplier. It has argued that ensuring this market flow of Russian oil has helped avoid a major spike in oil prices and checked global inflation. Indian-Russian trade has expanded, while the G7 has broken economic and trade ties with Russia.

India played a major role as G20 president in negotiating the part in the Leaders’ Declaration on the Ukraine conflict despite the hardening of the G7 position and that of Russia and China after the G20 summit in Bali. The final text does not mention Russia by name, while the G7 was satisfied that the general formulations in it could be sold as being directed at Russia’s military operation in Ukraine.

Not surprisingly, Putin complimented India for de-politicizing the G20. India chaired the SCO summit in July 2023 and participated in the BRICS summit in South Africa in August 2023. This countered G7 attempts to isolate Russia diplomatically. In fact, the New Delhi SCO Declaration spoke of more effective global institutions, a more representative, just, and multipolar world order based on international law and multilateralism, and criticized the unilateral application of economic sanctions – a clear critique of the Western-dominated global system.

It is against this backdrop that Putin received Jaishankar at the Kremlin, the first time that such a gesture has been made to him personally. The general unavailability of Putin to visiting foreign ministers is well-known.

Jaishankar delivered a personal message from Modi to Putin. During the meeting, Putin invited his “friend Modi” to visit Russia in 2024 and noted that Indian-Russian ties were on the whole developing well. He said that he had been briefing Modi on developments in Ukraine, remarking that he understands the Indian prime minister is willing to do his utmost to resolve the matter by peaceful means. He added that he would give additional information to Jaishankar on Ukraine.

India has continued to strengthen ties with the US, including in the defense domain. It is a member of the Quad and a strong supporter of the Indo-Pacific concept, both of which are intended to deter China’s regional ambitions. Russia has reservations about the Quad and the Indo-Pacific concept, which it sees as the US engaging in bloc politics in Asia.

Putin’s praise for Modi and India and the gesture of receiving Jaishankar takes into consideration these realities of India’s foreign policy which are meant to safeguard the larger national interests. At the core of this is Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy. Jaishankar’s high-profile visit and the vigorous language used to mark the importance of India’s traditional ties with Russia would have caught Washington’s attention.

Jaishankar noted that after talks with Lavrov, “what clearly came out was that India-Russia relations remain very steady, remain very strong, they are based on our strategic convergence, on our geopolitical interests, and because they are mutually beneficial.” The two leaders discussed political cooperation within international organizations such as BRICS, the SCO, etc.

Indian-Russian trade is at an all-time high, exceeding $50 billion last year, and should pass that figure this year. It includes energy, fertilizers, coking coal, and other items, for which long term arrangements were discussed. India intends to expand investments in Russia’s oil and gas sector.

On the nuclear side, two important amendments were agreed to which will take the Kudankulam nuclear power project forward. Mutual investments, progress on a bilateral investment treaty, and the resumption of negotiations between India and the Eurasian Economic Union for a free trade agreement will be resumed in the second half of January 2024.

Moscow and New Delhi will expand cooperation in the Russian Far East. India expects a large representation from this region at the Vibrant Gujarat Summit in January 2024.

Connectivity between India and Russia will be critical for expanding trade ties – connectivity from western India through the International North-South Transport Corridor, and connectivity from eastern India, from Chennai to Vladivostok, and the polar route. To promote tourism, India is open to increasing the number of flights from India every week.

The talks between Jaishankar and Lavrov were comprehensive. They discussed the global strategic situation, Ukraine, Gaza, the Indo-Pacific, ASEAN, Afghanistan, UN-related matters, the challenges facing the Global South, and the building of a multipolar order. China would undoubtedly have been discussed, but diplomatic discretion here would be normal.

In the joint press conference, Lavrov spoke of prospects for more defense cooperation, including joint production of modern weapons under New Delhi’s ‘Make in India’ program, and, importantly, expressed respect for India’s efforts to diversify its defense ties. He noted bilateral cooperation in rocket engine manufacturing and satellite navigation systems.

Jaishankar’s visit was productive in maintaining the momentum of Indian-Russian ties, which have been built over 60 years, a relationship that he believes is not just about politics, diplomacy, or economics, but is much deeper.

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The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RT.

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