India and Russia have maintained a strong strategic partnership under Prime Minister Modi and President Putin.

The two countries have signed a 10-year military cooperation agreement and discussed joint production of modern weapons.

India's largest arms supplier is Russia, providing over 60% of its weapons, including the S-400 air defense system.

The Russia-Ukraine conflict has impacted India's balance between Russia and the West.

India has not condemned Russia's actions in Ukraine, instead calling for a peaceful diplomatic resolution.

The US has threatened India with CAATSA sanctions over Russian arms purchases, potentially impacting its defense modernization.

India is diversifying its military imports, signing over $3 billion in US arms contracts.

The India-Russia relationship is influenced by India's rivalry with China and the US's efforts to counter China's growing influence.

India maintains strategic autonomy from the US and won't join US military actions against China.

India and Russia aim for $100 billion in trade by 2030, with Russia supplying fuel at reduced prices.

India imports oil, fertilizers, and gas from Russia and has received S-400 Triumf missile systems from them.

The two countries have discussed a "Greater Eurasian Space" and identified connectivity projects like INSTC, Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor, and Northern Sea Route.

India and Russia share a vision of a polycentric world order and cooperate on regional and global issues.

Russia has praised India as a "strong and reliable ally".

India's rivalry with China has impacted its relationship with Russia, as India balances ties with Russia, the US, and China.

The Ukraine war has posed challenges to India-Russia ties, but they remain strong, with India advocating for dialogue to resolve the conflict.

India and Russia have maintained a strong strategic partnership under Prime Minister Modi and President Putin.

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Modi and Putin on 4-hour phone call to discuss food and energy situation
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Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin held their fourth phone call since the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian war yesterday, and the two discussed the situation in Ukraine and issues such as food and energy security.
India ’ s Foreign Ministry said in a statement yesterday afternoon that Narendra Modi and Vladimir Putin exchanged views on how the two countries could boost bilateral trade in agricultural products, fertilizers and pharmaceuticals, while also discussing global issues, including the situation in the international energy and food markets.
On the situation in Ukraine, the Indian Foreign Ministry said that Modi reiterated India's support for resolving the dispute through diplomatic means and dialogue.
The statement said the two agreed to conduct regular consultations on global and bilateral issues.
The war in Ukraine has led to an increase in international energy prices.
In addition, as an important exporter of corn, wheat and other cereals, Ukraine ’ s domestic production has been hampered by Russian military incursions, triggering soaring prices and fears of food shortages.
Modi and Putin previously spoke by phone on February 24, March 2 and March 7, and recently attended the BRICS video summit hosted by China from June 23 to 24.
On the other hand, the Kremlin said in a statement that Putin, at Modi ’ s request, gave an overview of Russia ’ s “special military operations ” in Ukraine, focusing on the“ dangerous and provocative ” nature of the Kiev regime and Western countries aimed at undermining political and diplomatic efforts to resolve the crisis.
The Kremlin said the two also showed a willingness to strengthen the “special and privileged strategic partnership ” between Russia and India.
As early as 1955, New Delhi and Moscow began friendly contacts, India's relationship with Russia was upgraded to a "special, privileged strategic partnership" in 2010, and Russia became India's main oil supplier after the start of the Russo-Ukrainian War.
The Indian government has so far refrained from condemning Russia ’ s acts of war by name, and has not participated in Western economic sanctions against Russia, only reiterating its desire for dialogue and diplomatic efforts to quell the war.
Observers say India, which is a democracy and a member of the Quad security dialogue, is trying to maintain a balance between Western countries and Russia, as New Delhi sees Moscow as playing an important role in the border standoff between China and India.
About 60% of India ’ s military equipment and technology comes from Russia, and India purchased five S-400 anti-aircraft missile systems from Russia in 2018, some of which have been delivered and deployed on the disputed border with China.
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How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

The two countries have signed a 10-year military cooperation agreement and discussed joint production of modern weapons.

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Content: Russia / India / Politics / Military
Modi Meets Putin, Putin Praises India as ‘ Strong and Reliable Ally ’
Putin, who is visiting India, praised India as a "strong and reliable ally" of Moscow. Putin's visit focused on "energy" and "defense". The foreign ministers and defense ministers of the two sides held their first 2 + 2 meeting and signed a number of military cooperation agreements.
In a joint statement, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation and achieve the goal of reaching US $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025.
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Indian diplomats said on Monday that Russia had begun supplying India with S-400 long-range air defense systems.
During Putin ’ s meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the two sides also signed a 10-year military cooperation agreement and an oil cooperation agreement.
In a joint statement issued after the meeting, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation, including joint research and development and production of military equipment. They also stressed the need to achieve the goal of 30 billion US dollars in bilateral trade by 2025, and strengthen cooperation in energy and satellite navigation.
Speaking to the media before his meeting with Modi, Putin said: "We consider India to be a big country, a friendly country and a security ally."
Putin ’ s trip to India is aimed at strengthening ties with India ’ s traditional allies, which are being eroded by the United States.
To counter China ’ s rise, the United States has established the Quad Security Dialogue (Quad) with India, Japan and Australia, drawing attention from Beijing and Moscow.
During the Cold War, India had close relations with the Soviet Union, a relationship that continues to this day, described by New Delhi as a “special and privileged strategic partnership. ”
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi met with visiting Russian President Vladimir Putin on Monday to discuss defense and trade relations between the two countries to strike a balance with the United States.
"Over the past few decades, there have been many fundamental changes in the world, as well as various geopolitical elements, but India's friendship with Russia has always been the same," Modi said before the meeting with Putin.
India ’ s foreign ministry said the annual bilateral summit covered political and defence issues.
The two leaders also discussed the takeover of the Afghan regime by the Taliban earlier this year, which has led to a humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan.
India and Russia have long had close ties, and both sides have set a goal of reaching US $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025.
But recently, India and the United States have drawn closer, seeing the United States as a key force in the fight against China.
India, while strengthening its military ties with the United States, is also trying to manage its defense relations with Russia.
India, a major arms importer, relied heavily on the former Soviet Union for its military supplies during the Cold War, and now buys weapons from the United States in a decentralized manner.
Under former US President Donald Trump, India signed more than US $3 billion in arms purchase contracts with the United States, and the two countries ’ armaments trade has increased from zero in 2008 to US $15 billion in 2019.
On the other hand, India ’ s purchase of the Russian-made S-400 missile system to counter China has become a major problem in relations with the United States.
This sophisticated anti-aircraft missile defense system, once available, is expected to give India the strategic deterrent power against China and Pakistan.
However, the United States has asked partners not to purchase Russian-made military equipment, or it may impose sanctions.
In addition, India and Russia held their first 2 + 2 meeting in New Delhi on Monday, where they signed a number of cooperation agreements on "military and small arms".
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu arrived in New Delhi on Monday night and held a 2 + 2 meeting with Indian Foreign Minister Igor Sujason and Defense Minister Manmohan Singh.
The Ministerial 2 + 2 meeting was the first between India and Russia.
Singh tweeted after the meeting that discussions on defence cooperation between the two sides had been fruitful and that India valued the "special strategic partnership" with Russia.
He added that the two sides had signed several agreements, contracts and protocols on small arms and military cooperation.
However, Singh and India ’ s Ministry of Defence have yet to release a formal statement or press release disclosing details of the various agreements signed with Russia.
Indian media reported that one of the major agreements was the technology transfer and local production of the Russian-made AK-203 assault rifle.
Under the agreement, India will produce more than 600,000 AK-203 assault rifles in India over the next 10 years through an Indo-Russian joint venture.
Another deal is to extend the 10-year India-Russia military-technical cooperation agreement until 2031.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
weapons supply
security & military

India's largest arms supplier is Russia, providing over 60% of its weapons, including the S-400 air defense system.

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Content: ...
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India between Russia and America
I'm sorry.
The Merciful
Posted in: Last Updated:
As a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, India abstained last week to condemn Russia, the largest and most capable country in Europe and Asia, for its military operation in Ukraine.
Western countries voted in the Security Council to demand that Russia stop its operation in Ukraine and withdraw its troops immediately, but Russia responded by vetoing a council resolution.
The reason for India's abstention was that it believed that non-alignment on this issue was in its national interests, while siding with one side meant harassing the other in a situation where both the United States and Russia were important to India and its national interests.
Abstaining in the Security Council has thus allowed India to avoid taking sides and being dragged into a crisis in distant places.
The challenge for India, which has no direct interests in Ukraine apart from evacuating its mostly student citizens there, is to make sure there is no reaction to the crisis on its relations with Russia, a key defense partner, or with the United States, which is crucial to addressing growing problems with China in the region.
The Ukraine crisis also comes at a time when India is in the process of acquiring five S-400 Triumph air defense missile systems from Russia and needs an exception from the United States, which has already sanctioned Turkey under the Countering America ’ s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) for possessing the same S-400 missiles from Russia.
Moscow has already begun delivering missiles to New Delhi, which is seen as an important element of defence readiness for India, which has an unstable border with both Pakistan and China.
Russia and India have been allies since the Cold War, and defense cooperation has long been a cornerstone of their relationship.
India has sought to diversify its defense purchases outside of Russia, from countries such as Israel, the United States and others.
But more than 60 percent of India ’ s weapons continue to come from Russia, which means India needs to continue to get spare parts from Moscow.
There is no doubt that the relationship between India and Russia has come under strain, as New Delhi has become closer to Washington, amid mutual concerns over a range of issues, including the rise of China.
Their relationship has deepened over the past decade and they are now partners, along with Japan and Australia, in the Quadripartite Security Forum.
Russia, in turn, has become closer to China and Pakistan even as its relations with the United States and the West deteriorate.
But developments in Afghanistan, where the withdrawal of U.S. troops has brought the Taliban back to power, have led to New Delhi ’ s increased political engagement with Moscow as India seeks access to Central Asia.
There is no doubt that India is trying to maintain a delicate balance between Russia and the United States, taking sides in the Ukraine conflict will only lead to problems for India, especially since it has no direct interests in Ukraine.
There have also been reports that Russia has quietly worked behind the scenes to defuse tensions between India and China following the 2020 border clashes.
As a result, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was among the few world leaders to have spoken by phone with President Vladimir Putin in the midst of the Ukraine crisis.
Modi appealed to President Putin for an immediate halt to military actions and “called on all parties to return to diplomatic negotiations and dialogue. ”
At the same time, Modi also spoke to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and expressed “readiness to contribute in any way to the peace efforts. ”
For India, the sooner this crisis is resolved, the better, especially because of its fears that the focus of the United States and its other allies may shift from the Indo-Pacific and the China Sea to a crisis in Europe over the dispute over Ukraine ’ s accession to NATO.
It is clear, however, that the United States and its NATO allies will avoid indulging in a direct armed conflict in Ukraine.
While the EU has imposed some sanctions, including closing airspace to Russian aircraft, New Delhi ’ s biggest concern is that it will not get an exemption from Washington over the Triumph missile system and that tougher economic sanctions could lead to a spike in oil prices.
Although the Russian and Ukrainian delegates have agreed to meet to discuss and resolve the conflict, an early resolution of the crisis seems elusive.
It is clear that Moscow is determined to create a demilitarized buffer zone between Russia and NATO member states.
But there is no doubt that a peaceful solution is the best way forward to end a crisis of this magnitude.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi
Quote from "The Union"
Disclaimer: All published articles represent the opinion of their authors only.
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The Russia-Ukraine conflict has impacted India's balance between Russia and the West.

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Content: The leaders of the three powers convened a virtual summit via video on Tuesday in an attempt to reshape the U.S.-led global order.
But apart from the unity implied by their common appearance, each seemed to focus on their own different goals.
For Russian President Vladimir Putin, that meant showing strength after the Wagner mercenary mutiny and claiming international support for his war in Ukraine.
For China's top leader, Xi Jinping, the summit is another opportunity to attack the United States by calling for an end to "hegemonism" and "power politics."
For Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the host of the meeting, it was a sign of India ’ s growing stature – and an insinuating attack on its main rival, Pakistan, by calling on other countries to unite to “fight terrorism. ”
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In the speeches of the leaders prepared in advance of the annual meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, no significant statements were made about the changes in the alliance.
But this forum – established in 2001 by China and Russia, with Pakistan and the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan – does allow us to see how a regional club set up to counter Western influence deals with conflicting priorities.
There is no mention of the growing friction between Beijing and New Delhi that has pushed historically non-aligned India closer to the United States.
If Putin wants other leaders to deliver loud statements of support to ease his weakened position at home and justify his war in Ukraine, he can only be content with conventional rhetoric and a wintry tone.
What ’ s more, under the watchful eye of the Biden administration and many other countries around the world, the forum essentially seems to be stating that the three leaders have taken control of their own domestic issues and are ready to embrace what Putin calls a new “multipolar ” world.
“They all have a motive to downplay things and make everything seem normal, ” said Chong Ka-ying, an associate professor of political science at the National University of Singapore.“ They show that things are under control, there are no cracks, and India wants to explore relations with the United States despite Russia ’ s problems. ”
On Tuesday, no leader needed to reshape his image more than Putin.
Last month, Wagner mercenaries tried to overthrow Russia ’ s military leadership, and Putin ’ s more than two decades of rule faced the biggest challenge.
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While Putin defused the crisis by agreeing with mercenary leader Prigozhin to travel to Belarus, the brief rebellion raised questions about his authority and future.
It was Putin ’ s first appearance at an international forum since the rebellion, and he thanked member states for their support after the mutiny, which he claimed did not have popular support in Russia.
"A profound responsibility for the fate of the motherland unites Russian politics and society as a whole, showing a united front against armed mutiny," Putin said, also seeking to use the summit as a sign of international support for his invasion of Ukraine.
Support from China is most important, and it is the only major power to provide diplomatic and economic cover for Russia.
China has done so because it has made a long-term bet on Putin as a necessary partner to challenge the United States.
The bet comes at a cost, however, as Beijing struggles to repair relations with Europe ’ s main economic partners.
China ’ s refusal to condemn the war in Ukraine has also drawn growing global attention to Beijing ’ s aggressive stance on Taiwan.
The virtual meeting provided Xi with an opportunity to advance China ’ s goal of wresting influence from the United States.
He hailed the SCO as a way to “improve global governance ” and promote“ Chinese-style modernization ” — a veiled expression of a world vision in which Beijing and its partners have a greater say in international rules and norms.
In this vision, India ’ s positioning remains to be seen.
India, China ’ s biggest emerging strategic rival, joined the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in 2017 and sees the forum as a way to balance its own relations with the West as well as with China and Russia.
India has maintained stable relations with Russia, mainly economic, after refusing to condemn the invasion of Ukraine.
But its relationship with China has deteriorated due to border disputes and its participation in the quadripartite security dialogue mechanism, including the United States, which focuses on security and which Beijing views as a tool to contain China.
Modi's high-profile visit to Washington last month heightened suspicions in China that India is pulling closer to the United States to contain China's rise.
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Despite these tensions, India has a sweet spot in the forum.
Its dependence on the Central Asian countries for energy and maintaining its influence in Afghanistan could have spillover effects on Pakistan.
Modi praised the forum as an "important platform" for peace and prosperity, but urged the group to condemn countries that "use terrorism as a tool of their policies."
The remarks were directed at Pakistan, which India accuses of funding militants in the disputed Kashmir region.
“India will not abandon or withdraw from the SCO because it will lose its foothold in Central Asia and cede the Eurasian region to India ’ s main rival, China, ” said Sriram Chorya, dean of the School of International Affairs at Jindal Global University near New Delhi.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India has not condemned Russia's actions in Ukraine, instead calling for a peaceful diplomatic resolution.

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Content: Under pressure, will India abandon Russia?
Author: External Submission
Published: Updated:
Recently, Sameer Lalwani, a senior expert at the Asia Center of the American Institute of Peace, and Happymon Jacob, an associate professor of diplomacy and disarmament at Nehru University, wrote that in the short and medium term, the foundation of Russian-Indian relations is still very solid, and in the long term, Indian-Russian relations are on a long-term downward trend, from partnership to trading. "Change".
Following the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in February 2022, major democracies have come together to defend Ukraine by condemning Russia ’ s military actions.
But India did not join in, opting instead to abstain in a key UN vote and refusing to condemn its longtime partner, Russia.
Many countries expressed disappointment with India's stance on the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.
However, some observers believe that India has shown signs of considering a rupture with Russia, and India may change its previous neutral course. In September 2022, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in a conversation with Russian President Vladimir Putin that “today ’ s era is not an era of war ”, a phrase that seemed to warn Russia, as U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken called Modi ’ s stance“ significant. ”
American political scientist Happymon Jacob also wrote that the Indian government is weakening its “long-term partnership ” with Russia and is committed to closer cooperation with the United States.
Based on the interpretation of these events, India needs to strengthen its cooperation with the West and is alienating Russia.
However, the view that "India and Russia will part ways" is too "taken for granted" and does not reflect realistic possibilities.
It is true that in the context of Russia ’ s growing economic dependence on China and its provision of unreliable weapons to India, India should theoretically move away from Russia and promote diversification of partnerships, but this is not realistic or feasible.
The United States, the first Western country to win over India on a number of issues, turned a blind eye to the human rights dispute.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and US President Joe Biden at last year ’ s G20 summit. (Reuters)
In fact, India is not ready to give up the India-Russia partnership, and in November 2022, Indian Foreign Minister Sujishin visited Russia, stressing that the relationship between the two countries is “strong and stable. ”
For this reason, US policymakers still need to make policy plans around the reality of a lasting India-Russia relationship, but they should also make India realize that Russia is a burden; the United States cannot punish and sanction India because of the close India-Russia relationship.
Because for the United States, India can play a more prominent and more active role in the Indo-Pacific region.
The False Dawn
Analysts have concluded that India is trying to distance itself from Russia based on what Indian officials say, including Modi ’ s verbal confrontation with Putin in September 2022, a vote against Russia at the United Nations, and the cancellation of a multi-billion dollar Russian weapons procurement program (fighters and helicopters).
However, these developments do not mean that India has explicitly chosen to stay away from Russia.
The Washington Post called Modi ’ s September 2022 statement to Putin a “rebuke. ”
But in fact, Modi ’ s statement was not intended primarily to address the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, but to express concern about rising food and energy prices.
Several assessment reports issued in India have warned against over-reading Modi ’ s remarks, which are no different from the official position of India in the past that the war has inflicted great trauma on developing countries.
It is undeniable that India has indeed sided with the West in some of the UN ’ s procedural votes, such as allowing Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky to speak at the UN General Assembly in September 2022.
But in more substantive votes, such as the October 2022 vote on four regions of Russia ’ s military campaign in Ukraine, India abstained.
In addition, in early 2022, India cancelled several agreements to purchase Russian weapons (such as the MiG-29 fighter).
But the decision has little to do with the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and is more about promoting domestic arms production and supporting India ’ s “self-reliance ” program.
A few months before the Russian-Ukrainian conflict erupted, the Indian government had planned to cancel these deals, including the purchase of Boeing P-8I aircraft from the United States, in favor of domestically produced weapons.
But India will still buy major weapons such as S-400 air defense systems, stealth frigates and nuclear submarines from Russia, which means India will be tied to Russia for decades to come.
In fact, India cannot really break with Russia, because Russian-made weapons account for a large share of India ’ s arsenal, and Russia still plays a significant role in India ’ s geopolitical considerations, so most of India ’ s political elite still prefer friendly Indian-Russian relations.
India can ’ t really break with Russia because Russian-made weapons make up the bulk of India ’ s arsenal and most of India ’ s political elite still prefer friendly India-Russia relations.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin.
(Reuters)
(2) Patience and persistence
India has long regarded Russia as a valued partner in its “multidirectional alliance ” strategy.
Within the framework of this strategy, India wants to maintain a constructive strategic partnership with several major powers at the same time, but refuses to form an exclusive alliance with any major powers.
India ’ s leaders believe that the “multidirectional alliance ” strategy is still valid today because Western analysts have misjudged Russia in several important ways.
The authors ’ study found that despite strong Western sanctions against Russia, Indian national security officials still believe in Russia ’ s endurance and durability.
They expect Europe to struggle under pressure from inflation and energy shortages, while Russia ’ s economy will be boosted by rising commodity prices.
After all, Indian companies are investing in Russian energy projects, such as oil and gas extraction projects in Sakhalin, Russia ’ s Far East.
In addition, India has doubled its investment in future India-Russia cooperation in defense technology research and development (including the development of the Brahmos cruise missile).
The leaders also believe that the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is likely to turn into a military stalemate that will culminate in a negotiated cease-fire and that Russia will eventually be allowed to reintegrate into the international community.
Indian policymakers also believe that Russia will remain an important geopolitical force that will help India.
India relies on Russia for missile technology, submarine nuclear reactors, and hypersonic weapons, and Russia can still provide diplomatic support to India in the United Nations Security Council, which can exert influence on India ’ s other continental neighbors.
In addition, with the Russian regime in turmoil, Indian officials want to be able to extract more benefits from their dealings with the Russian government, just as India did at the beginning of the collapse of the Soviet Union, when the two countries established the Brahmos Aerospace Joint Venture.
As India continues to maintain friendly relations with its old partner Russia, the West is hesitant to punish India.
Some observers believe that India will downplay the India-Russia relationship as Russia becomes closer to China and even more dependent on China.
But unlike Western officials, Indian officials do not believe that tough sanctions will force Russia into China ’ s arms, because there is no shortage of friction between China and Russia over Central Asia and the Arctic.
In the eyes of Indian policymakers, India can become a "wedge" between Russia and China, helping Russia retain some autonomy in Sino-Russian relations, and avoiding Russia becoming a "small follower" of China.
On September 15, 2022, Chinese President Xi Jinping held a bilateral meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin at the Samarkand State Guesthouse to exchange views on China-Russia relations and international and regional issues of common concern. (Xinhua)
Third, get on with it.
Much of the Indian military ’ s combat and strike equipment is dependent on Russia.
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict has limited and delayed India ’ s process of acquiring spare parts and equipment upgrades, thus creating a “supply shock ” to India ’ s main Russian-made weapons arsenal.
While India remains concerned about the performance of Russian-made weapons and Russia ’ s ability to provide spare parts, it has not taken any hard measures to curtail the use of Russian materials or to purchase substitutes to accelerate the diversification of military equipment imports.
All in all, India has no plans to achieve a rapid and comprehensive transformation of its Russian-made weapons systems by bringing in other foreign suppliers. After the border crises of 2019 and 2020, there has been some peace and stability in the border area, and Indian strategists believe that India should maintain a low level of operational readiness for the next few years, even if that means increased vulnerability.
In the short to medium term, India plans to keep up with its existing inventory, while at the same time sourcing from the secondary market for Russian components and relying more on domestic military equipment.
India will continue to work with Russia to meet outstanding delivery commitments and selectively sign contracts with the West to support the development of India ’ s indigenous defence industry.
In the long run, India wants to be largely self-sufficient in terms of defense needs and no longer rely on external suppliers.
While India aims to diversify its arsenal and become self-sufficient within the next 20 years, it still needs some key technical support from Russia.
Su-30 fighters will remain the backbone of the IAF for decades, but they cannot be maintained or upgraded without Russian technical support.
India ’ s most important defense export, the BrahMos anti-ship cruise missile, currently sold mainly to Southeast Asian countries to deter China, uses Russian propulsion technology.
As long as Russia is in control of key elements of India ’ s advanced weapons systems, especially fighter jets, cruise missiles and submarines, Russia has considerable influence over India.
Much of the Indian military ’ s combat and strike equipment is dependent on Russia.
Su-30 fighters will remain the backbone of the IAF for decades. (Getty)
The First Friend of India
In addition to the above material considerations, the common ideological orientation has also driven India and Russia to maintain friendly relations.
Both Indian and Russian officials support the “polycentric ” vision of a global order in which there is no single dominant hegemony and each major power maintains its own sphere of influence.
Both India and Russia believe that a “multicentre ” is more stable than an international order governed by one or two superpowers.
India ’ s political elite also maintains a “sense of closeness ” to Russia, which stems from India ’ s decades-long tradition of cooperation with the former Soviet Union.
Two months after the conflict broke out, Yoga Jyotsna, an Indian scholar, said that “Russia is India ’ s number one friend in the eyes of the military and people of insight. ”
According to Rajeswari Rajagopalan, another Indian scholar,
Strategic sympathy for Soviet Russia was widespread not only among Indian politicians, but also among the general Indian population.
This is because Russia ’ s historical support and assistance to India has been “romanticized. ”
Although Indian diplomatic agencies have not helped Russia in its defense, national security officials believe that multiple actors, including NATO, should be held responsible for the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, and not all blame should be placed on the Russian side.
A September 2022 survey of more than 1,000 Indian adults found that Indians believe the West and Russia are equally responsible for the Russia-Ukraine conflict. (Reuters)
The Indian public is also sympathetic to Russia. A July 2022 poll found that a majority of Indians refuse to describe Russia ’ s military actions in Ukraine as “wrong. ” A September 2022 survey of more than 1,000 Indian adults found that Indians believe that the West and Russia are equally responsible for the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and most Indians do not believe that a Russian victory will make the world more dangerous.
Public attitudes in India are not only very different from those in Europe, Australia and Japan, but also in emerging countries such as Brazil and South Africa.
Read the second half of the article.
This article was first published in the South Asia Research Newsletter. It only represents the author 's opinion and does not represent Hong Kong' s position.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

The US has threatened India with CAATSA sanctions over Russian arms purchases, potentially impacting its defense modernization.

Title:

Content: Putin ’ s visit to India focuses on military and energy cooperation | Deutsche Welle introduces Germany from Germany | DW | 06.12.2021
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The political climate of the times
Putin's visit to India focuses on military and energy cooperation
Russian President Vladimir Putin arrived in New Delhi on Monday to seek to strengthen military and energy cooperation with his traditional ally.
The trip is Putin's second foreign visit since the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic.
India has also been "courted" by Washington.
On November 13, 2019, Modi and Putin met at the BRICS Summit in Brazil.
In response to a rising China, Washington has recently established a quadrilateral security dialogue with India, Japan and Australia, raising concerns in Beijing and Moscow.
During the Cold War, India had close ties with the Soviet Union.
The relationship has always existed, and New Delhi calls it a “special and privileged strategic partnership ”.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi told Putin at a video summit in September that "India-Russia friendship has stood the test of time... You have always been a great friend of India."
The visit is Putin's second overseas visit since the outbreak of the pandemic.
In June, after a summit in Geneva with US President Joe Biden, he did not attend the G20 and COP26 summits.
Nandan Unnikrishnan of the Observer Research Foundation, a think-tank in New Delhi, called the trip “symbolic. ”
"There has been a lot of speculation about the nature of India-Russia relations and whether this relationship has been fractured by the close relations between Russia and China and between India and the United States, and this visit has put an end to all these speculations," he said.
However, Putin still has to deal with the complex regional situation.
Relations between New Delhi and Beijing, a traditional ally of Moscow, have been strained following bloodshed in the disputed Himalayan region.
Tatiana Belousova, of Om Prakash Jindal Global University in Haryana, said, “Russia ’ s influence in the region is very limited.
This is mainly because it has close ties with China and is unwilling to act contrary to China's regional interests. "
September 2021 BRICS Video Summit
Defence and energy
The Kremlin said last week that the Russia-India summit would focus on defense and energy issues.
As the negotiations involved "several important energy agreements", Russian energy giant Rosneft boss Igor Sechin also attended the summit.
Russia has long been a major arms supplier to India.
India is committed to modernizing its armed forces, and one of the most high-profile India-Russia military contracts is the S-400 long-range surface-to-air missile defense system.
The deal, worth more than $5 billion, was signed in 2018.
The delivery of the weapon system is reported to have begun.
However, the arms deal has the potential to upend bilateral relations between New Delhi and Washington, which have grown rapidly in recent years.
The United States has threatened to impose sanctions under the Sanctions Against American Adversaries Act (CAATSA), which aims to deter Russia.
The State Department said last week that no decision had been made on granting India an exemption.
Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters on Monday that Indian friends had made it clear to the Russian side that India is a sovereign state and that it is up to itself to decide whose weapons to buy and who can become India's partner.
New Delhi has long sought to diversify its military imports.
However, analysts pointed out that it will take some time to get rid of Russia.
Unok Richenan said that given the "unabated" tension with Pakistan, military equipment is of "vital importance" to India and "to ensure this, it will do its best to get what it needs."
India is also focusing on expanding its own arms manufacturing capabilities.
Recently, the country has established a joint venture with Russia to produce AK-203 assault rifles.
The annual bilateral summit has been the practice of India and Russia.
However, the last time the two leaders met was during the BRICS summit in Brazil in 2019.
In a statement last month, India's Foreign Ministry said that at this week's summit, the two countries "leaders will assess the current status and prospects of bilateral relations and discuss ways to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries."
Prior to Putin's arrival on Monday, the foreign and defense ministers of the two countries had held preliminary talks.
Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh tweeted that the two sides had signed a number of agreements and contracts on small arms and military cooperation.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said Moscow and New Delhi held "consistent or almost identical positions" on the most important global issues and security issues.
(AFP)
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India is diversifying its military imports, signing over $3 billion in US arms contracts.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

The India-Russia relationship is influenced by India's rivalry with China and the US's efforts to counter China's growing influence.

Title:

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Scholar: Modi ’ s visit to the United States is fruitful and the United States and India feel the threat of China
Sun Yun, director of the China Project of the US think tank Stimson Center, pointed out in an article that Indian Prime Minister Modi's recent visit to the United States can be said to be "high standards, results and broad expectations."
The U.S.-India coordination would not have progressed so smoothly and quickly without the shared threat perception brought by China.
In an opinion piece published by Voice of America (VOA), Sun Yun pointed out that the United States and India have repeatedly stressed that the continuous improvement of bilateral relations has nothing to do with China.
But behind Narendra Modi ’ s visit to the United States is the shadow of China as a common geopolitical challenge for the United States and India.
She pointed out that Modi's visit to the United States can be described as "high standard" - the highest form of state visit; "results" - the conclusion of a number of solid defense cooperation agreements; "broad expectations" - pointing out multiple directions for future cooperation between the United States and India.
Sun Yun believes that the US "Indo-Pacific Strategy" can be said to be a new version of the original "Asia-Pacific Strategy + India", including India's South Asian subcontinent and the Indian Ocean are included in the US global security architecture, which has been an important part of the US strategy towards China since the Trump administration.
At the same time, from an Asian perspective, enhancing India ’ s position of power and regional prestige will help India become a potential regional rival to China; from a global perspective, reducing and thus eliminating India-Russia defense cooperation will help weaken Russia ’ s influence in regional and even international affairs.
However, Sun Yun stressed that the gap between China and India's strength is still huge, and India's gross domestic product (GDP) is currently only about 20% of China's.
Under such conditions, India ’ s defense budget and military strength are difficult to rival China.
Therefore, the United States to help India, in the short term, it is difficult to make India into a regional power that can resist the Chinese Chamber of Commerce, to change the power gap between China and India and the balance of power is still too early.
However, according to Sun Yun, observers are concerned about the regional situation created by the close cooperation between the United States and India, as well as the constraints and pressures on China.
The point is that China is being targeted and isolated by regional powers.
She said that for the Indo-Pacific situation, with the "quadripartite structure" of the United States, Japan, India and Australia as the basic regional structure, the United States has recently increased security cooperation with its partners, including the Indo-Pacific strategic coordination with Canada, the enhanced extended deterrence with South Korea, the new military base cooperation agreement with the Philippines, and this defense cooperation with India, showing increasing regional security pressure on China.
Sun Yun believes that considering India's tradition of strategic autonomy, in the foreseeable future, the United States is difficult to persuade India to abandon its non-alliance policy and form a security alliance with the United States.
But by any measure, a stronger India is a plus for the strategic competition between the United States and China, not only in politics, economics, diplomacy, and security can distract China ’ s efforts in the region, creating obstacles and constraints for China ’ s influence in the region and global rise.
She said that even if India will not join the United States in the military struggle against China, the pressure and influence that India can bring to China in times of peace and even during crises is significant and even irreplaceable.
This is also the fundamental reason why Washington values Modi ’ s visit and focuses on US-India defense cooperation arrangements.
Sun Yun analysis, for the United States and India continue to approach, China is difficult to effectively deal with.
India has insisted in recent years that the border issue should be a prerequisite for the normalization of relations between the two countries.
China cannot and will not be satisfied with this.
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What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India maintains strategic autonomy from the US and won't join US military actions against China.

India and Russia aim for $100 billion in trade by 2030, with Russia supplying fuel at reduced prices.

Title:

Content: Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s recent two-day visit to Russia may have been watched more in the West than in India itself.
Modi received an official reception in Russia, where President Vladimir Putin, who faces Western sanctions over the war in Ukraine, described the Indian prime minister as his “best friend. ”
The visit, Modi ’ s first overseas trip after taking office for a new term, has been described as of international significance.
India is in a unique position as it enjoys long-term relations with Russia while at the same time getting closer to the United States and is now in a position to win the trust of both sides.
Thus, while India is unlikely to play the role of mediator, the South Asian country, during the crisis period, could play some role in helping to find a solution to the war in Ukraine.
But throughout the visit, Modi was clearly balancing India ’ s position between the two sides.
He has described Russia as a friend at all times, referring to how Moscow has advanced in the past to help New Delhi.
Russia shared nuclear technology with India at a time when no other country was willing to do so.
It is also supplying arms to India and helping to strengthen its defence deterrence amid border problems with neighbouring countries.
While India is now diversifying its defense purchases from Israel, the United States, and France, among others, 80 percent of India ’ s military equipment to date comes from Russia.
Russia has also become important since the outbreak of the Ukrainian war, to provide fuel at reduced prices, which is crucial for India, whose energy needs are growing exponentially.
Cheap fuel helped New Delhi adjust inflation in India.
At the same time, India ’ s relations with the United States have grown at a rapid pace in recent times.
Against this backdrop, the visit was also a lesson in skilful diplomatic manoeuvres, as Modi managed to strike a good balance between the two sides.
During the visit, Modi noted that his 17 meetings with Putin over the past decade have strengthened mutual trust and respect between the two sides.
The Indian prime minister not only called Russia a friend at all times, but also a “partner for better or worse. ”
The two leaders also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis.
The Indian prime minister reiterated his country's position that there could be no solutions to the crisis amid "guns, bullets and bombs".
"Whether it is a war, a conflict or a terrorist attack, anyone who believes in humanity suffers when there is a loss of life," he said, stressing that "when innocent children are killed, the heart bleeds and this pain is very frightening."
There is no doubt that Modi ’ s visit to Russia was significant.
Apart from the international attention from a political point of view on its outcome, the visit is seen as adding to the continued momentum in relations between the two countries.
Economic relations in particular have received a boost since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis, mainly due to India ’ s imports of oil, fertilizers and gas at reduced prices.
Trade between India and Russia, which has been stagnant for years, rose from $15 billion in 2021-2022 to $65 billion in 2023-2024 after the outbreak of the Ukrainian war in 2022.
So, during Modi ’ s visit, the two sides also discussed ways to strengthen economic ties.
The two countries agreed to boost trade to $100 billion by 2030, reduce non-tariff barriers, reduce trade imbalances in Russia ’ s favor, improve connectivity and increase trade in agricultural goods.
They also discussed some outstanding problems that remain unresolved between the two countries, such as the issue of the growing trade imbalance.
The outbreak of the Ukrainian war, which was the reason for the strengthening of energy ties between the two countries, put pressure on the military relationship, delaying shipments of spare parts and new weapons.
For example, Russia has so far delivered only three of the five S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile systems, while the other two are behind schedule.
The delivery of spare parts and other military equipment remained an essential part of the discussions.
The two sides are now exploring the possibility of establishing partnerships in joint ventures in India for some important parts of arms.
Modi ’ s visit to Russia, while surprising to the West, was of great importance to India in pushing forward its relations with Russia.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India imports oil, fertilizers, and gas from Russia and has received S-400 Triumf missile systems from them.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

commerce
security & military
energy
weapons supply

The two countries have discussed a "Greater Eurasian Space" and identified connectivity projects like INSTC, Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor, and Northern Sea Route.

Title:

Content:
India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday. At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

The 22nd Russia-India Annual Summit will lead to a greater collaboration between the two countries in Russian Far East and the Eurasian space, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), according to experts.

The 81-paragraphbilateral Joint Statement underscored the "shared vision" to enhance transport and connectivity cooperation, as well as a "solid commitment" to enhance economic linkages in Russia's resource-rich Far East, Pravesh Kumar Gupta, an Associate Fellow at New Delhi-based think tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), told Sputnik India.

The 22nd Annual Summit, a "unique and pivotal event in the current global geopolitical context" according to Gupta, exposed the disappointment of Western countries.

"Amidst global turbulence, the summit served as a crucial platform for leaders to engage in constructive discussions and strategic dialogues, with the aim of bolstering cooperation in vital areas such as trade, energy, connectivity, defence, and technology. This event has been widely acknowledged as a significant milestone in the ongoing development of the close ties between India and Russia, a success that stood in stark contrast to the disappointment felt by the Western world," the Indian think-tanker asserted.

Lauding the Summit outcomes, Gupta remarked that the leaders would intensify effort to develop "promising production and marketing chains in Eurasia" and stick to the new plan for the Far East in providing enhanced cooperation in different sectors, including transport and connectivity.

Specifically both leaders shared a vision pointing to three projects – International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor as well as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), or the Polar Route.

"Most importantly, these connectivity projects are free from any political agenda, unlike the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as clearly mentioned in the joint statement. Their implementation will be based on the principles of transparency, broad participation, local priorities, financial sustainability, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations," the VIF pundit underlined.

Gupta expressed confidence that the proposal to establish a joint working group on developing the NSR would speed up the project, which promised "significant cost savings and reduced shipping times" for goods traveling between Europe and Asia.

"The route's increased accessibility due to melting Arctic ice has sparked increased interest in its potential for commercial shipping and trade, offering a bright future for global trade," Gupta stated.

In the context of the INSTC, the expert underscored that it could turn out to be the most "cost-effective and favourable" connectivity project to increase Indian exports to Eurasia and vice-versa. He explained that the 7,200-kilometre-long multimodal corridor was in line with Moscow's geo-economic focus on Asia-Pacific following the Ukraine conflict.

Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'

In terms of bolstering cooperation in Asia-Pacific, or near India's own neighbourhood, Modi and Putin shared approaches on building a "new architecture" of a 'Greater Eurasian space'.

Although, initially Russia was focused primarily on the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, the Ukrainian conflict completely changed the situation, Alexey Kupriyanov, an expert in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) at Moscow-based think tank IMEMO RAS told Sputnik India.

At the same time, the think-tanker highlighted that a growing trade turnover between Russia and India was pushing Moscow to return to the Indian Ocean Region, primarily to ensure the protecting of Russian vessels in areas not covered by Indian Navy's operations, which include the Red Sea and the Mediterranean region.

"In the long term, this means that Russian ships will soon operate more intensively in the Indian Ocean and expand their presence," Kupriyanov stressed.

It would bolster India's security efforts and help it manage the power competition between China and the US, even as Indian Navy has intensified inter-operability with western maritime forces in recent years, the expert asserted.

"Since India's focus is primarily on the eastern part of the region, Russian ships in the western part could help fill the vacuum of security there. This will reduce the need for East African countries to seek help from China and the US to combat pirates, smugglers and drug traffickers," Kupriyanov concluded.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India and Russia share a vision of a polycentric world order and cooperate on regional and global issues.

Title:

Content: All news
Lavrov will take part in the meeting of foreign ministers and the defense Ministry in India
The event will be the first to be held in such a format.
NEW DELHI, December 6.
/ TASS /.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov on Monday, together with Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu, will take part in talks in New Delhi in the 2 + 2 format with Indian colleagues Subramanyam Jaishankar and Rajnath Singh.
This meeting will be the first such event in this format with Indian partners.
As stated in the message of the Russian Foreign Ministry, the heads of foreign policy and defense departments of the two countries will discuss key regional topics, including the situation in the Asia-Pacific region and Central Asia, the settlement in Afghanistan and Syria, as well as interaction on the site of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and in the format of Russia - India - China.
"Special attention will be paid to issues of strategic stability," the Russian ministry said.
It is noteworthy that the high intensity of political interaction is a characteristic feature of Russian-Indian relations, which are at the level of a particularly privileged strategic partnership.
On the same day, the Russian-Indian summit will be held in New Delhi.
Indian Foreign Ministry spokesman Arindam Bagchi stressed that New Delhi is looking forward to the visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Russian Ambassador to India Nikolai Kudashev on the eve of the talks noted that "despite certain concerns associated with the new coronavirus strain" omicron ", the visit [of the President of the Russian Federation] will take place."
According to him, both sides are interested in substantive filling and making the visit successful.
The Russian Foreign Ministry stressed that Russia and India have a similar vision of the model of the emerging more just and equitable polycentric world order.
“Our countries demonstrate the identity or proximity of positions on the most important issues of peace and security, advocate compliance with the norms of international law, strengthen the collective principles of interstate communication, adhere to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign states and respect for the cultural and civilizational identity of peoples, ” the Russian Foreign Ministry added.
Finding answers to challenges
According to the Ambassador of Russia, the 2 + 2 meeting of the Ministers of the Russian Federation and India will contribute to the search for an effective response to regional and global challenges.
Speaking about Afghanistan, he noted that Moscow and New Delhi are in favor of urgent assistance to this country in order to prevent a humanitarian catastrophe there.
Contacts in the “2 + 2 ” format seem especially important against the background of statements by the head of the UN mission in Afghanistan Deborah Lyons that the Taliban representatives in power in this country (banned in Russia) cannot resist the spread of the Islamic State terrorist group (IG, banned in Russia) on the territory of their country.
In October, Deputy Foreign Minister of the Russian Federation Oleg Syromolotov in an interview with TASS said that the continuation of IG-Khorasan activities in Afghanistan causes concern in Moscow and noted that, given the risks of exacerbation of the migration situation, there is a threat of penetration of terrorist and extremist elements into the neighboring countries of Afghanistan under the guise of refugees.
Kudashev recalled that Moscow and New Delhi actively cooperate on Afghan issues at various international platforms, such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and its Contact Group SCO - Afghanistan, the Moscow format of consultations on Afghanistan, where India has become a regular and constructive participant, as well as the Delhi Dialogue on Security in Afghanistan.
The foreign ministers of the RIC countries (Russia, India, China) at the end of November held a meeting in the format of a video conference and highly appreciated the cooperation within the BRICS and SCO.
Aspects of bilateral cooperation
Russia and India are successfully developing cooperation in the military and military-technical fields.
In this regard, it is worth recalling that New Delhi announced its intention to acquire S-400 Triumph anti-aircraft missile systems in 2015.
The contract for the supply of five regimental S-400 Triumph air defense systems worth $5.43 billion was signed during President Putin ’ s visit to India in October 2018.
Rosoboronexport CEO Alexander Mikheev recently said that S-400 deliveries to India started ahead of schedule.
The key mechanism of interaction between the two countries is the Intergovernmental Russian-Indian Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific, Technical and Cultural Cooperation.
In addition, Russia is interested in starting negotiations between India and the Eurasian Economic Commission on the formation of a free trade zone as soon as possible.
Countries are also cooperating in the fight against the pandemic.
As noted earlier by Lavrov, in the fight against coronavirus in Russia and India “a lot has already been done ”.
The Russian Direct Investment Fund has concluded agreements with leading pharmaceutical companies in India for the production of the Russian drug Sputnik V.
The main object of cooperation in the field of nuclear energy is the construction of nuclear power units at the Kudankulam site (Indian state of Tamil Nadu), which has been underway since 2002.
On June 29 of this year, the first concrete was poured at Unit 5 of the Kudankulam NPP.
The official representative of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Maria Zakharova, noted at the briefing that consultations between Russia and India in the “2 + 2 ” format are planned to be organized on a regular basis alternately in Russia and India.

What vision of global dynamics do India and Russia share?

polycentric system of international relations

Russia has praised India as a "strong and reliable ally".

Title:

Content: Russia / India / Political / Military
Modi Meets Putin, Putin Praises India as ‘ Strong and Reliable Ally ’
Russian President Vladimir Putin, who is visiting India, praised India as Moscow's "strong and reliable ally", Putin's visit focused on "energy" and "national defense", and the foreign ministers and defense ministers of the two sides held their first 2 + 2 meeting and signed a number of military cooperation agreements.
In a joint statement, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation and achieve the goal of 30 billion US dollars in bilateral trade by 2025.
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Indian diplomatic officials said on Monday that Russia had begun supplying India with S-400 long-range air defense systems.
During Putin's meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the two sides also signed a 10-year military cooperation agreement and an oil cooperation agreement.
In a joint statement issued after the meeting, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation, including joint research and development and production of military equipment.
The two sides also stressed the need to achieve the goal of 30 billion U.S. dollars in bilateral trade by 2025, and to strengthen cooperation in energy and satellite navigation.
The two sides pointed out that it is necessary for the Eurasian Economic Union and India to start negotiations on a free trade agreement on goods.
Speaking to the media before his meeting with Modi, Putin said: "We consider India to be a big country, a friendly country and a security ally."
Putin ’ s visit to India is aimed at strengthening ties with India ’ s traditional allies, which are being eroded by the United States.
To counter China ’ s rise, the Quadripartite Security Dialogue (Quad), established by the United States with India, Japan and Australia, has drawn the attention of Beijing and Moscow.
During the Cold War, India had close ties with the Soviet Union, a relationship that continues to this day, described by New Delhi as a “special and privileged strategic partnership. ”
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi met with visiting Russian President Vladimir Putin on Monday to discuss defense and trade relations between the two countries in an effort to strike a balance with the United States.
"There have been many fundamental changes and geopolitical elements in the world over the past few decades, but India's friendship with Russia remains the same," Modi said before meeting Putin.
India ’ s foreign ministry said the annual bilateral summit covered political and defense issues.
The two leaders also discussed the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan caused by the takeover of the Afghan government by the Taliban earlier this year.
India and Russia have long had close ties, and both sides have set a goal of reaching $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025.
Recently, however, India has drawn closer to the United States, believing that the United States is a key force against China.
India is also trying to manage its defense relations with Russia while strengthening its military ties with the United States, the sources said.
India, a major arms importer, relied heavily on the former Soviet Union for armaments during the Cold War, but now it is diversifying its procurement of arms, as well as buying US-made weapons.
During the period of former US President Trump, India signed more than $3 billion of arms purchase contracts with the United States, and the arms trade between the two countries has increased from zero in 2008 to $15 billion in 2019.
On the other hand, India's purchase of the Russian-made S-400 missile system to counter China has become a major problem in relations with the United States.
This sophisticated anti-missile system, once available, is expected to enable India to gain strategic deterrence power against China and Pakistan.
However, the United States has asked its partners not to purchase Russian-made armaments, or it may impose sanctions.
In addition, India and Russia held their first 2 + 2 meeting in New Delhi on Monday, where the two sides signed a number of cooperation agreements on "military and small arms".
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu arrived in New Delhi on Monday for a 2 + 2 meeting with Indian Foreign Minister Sujson and Defense Minister Manmohan Singh.
The 2 + 2 ministerial meeting was the first between India and Russia.
Singh tweeted after the meeting that discussions on defense cooperation between the two sides had been fruitful and that India cherished the "special strategic partnership" with Russia.
He added that the two sides have signed several agreements, contracts and protocols on small arms and military cooperation.
However, Singh and India ’ s Ministry of Defence have not issued a formal statement or press release disclosing details of the various agreements signed with Russia.
Indian media reported that one of the major agreements was the transfer of technology and local production of the Russian-made AK-203 assault rifle.
Under the agreement, India will produce more than 600,000 AK-203 assault rifles in India over the next 10 years through an Indian-Russian joint venture.
The report also said that another agreement is to extend the 10-year India-Russia military-technical cooperation agreement until 2031.
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India's rivalry with China has impacted its relationship with Russia, as India balances ties with Russia, the US, and China.

Title:

Content: Opinion

Treading a fine line

Ajit Doval’s high-stake visits to Russia and the US are reflective of India’s consistent efforts to balance ties with the rival superpowers; writes Vinay Kumar

X

India’s security and strategic interests on important global platforms have been in focus over the last month as National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval made hectic trips to the US and Russia.

Doval headed to the United States in late January and held a meeting with his US counterpart, Jake Sullivan. Earlier this month, he paid a visit to Russia where he joined top security officials from China, Iran and a number of Central Asian states to participate in a multilateral meeting on Afghanistan.

NSA’s recent visits to the world’s most important political capitals underlined the importance that India attaches to striking a delicate balance in its relations with both the countries at a time when global security and geopolitical environment appear uncertain. His visits to Washington DC and Moscow show India’s priorities in forging vital initiatives.

In Washington, the two NSAs agreed upon a number of important arrangements under the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) which was launched in 2022 and has the potential to have a transformative impact on India’s partnership with the US in areas like military, science & technology and key high-tech fields.

Considering the fact that Russia and the US have been at loggerheads, more so in the wake of the Ukraine War which has completed one year, Doval’s trip assumes significance. The icing on the cake was that the NSA also had one-on-one meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a rare instance of President Putin meeting a top-ranking official from India. His meeting with Doval also pointed towards the continued importance which both sides accord to each other in taking forward their engagement. At a time when Russia continues to face confrontation with the West over the war in Ukraine, Doval’s meeting with President Putin carries a special context. India, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has lent its voice to the peace-making efforts in Ukraine, stressing that today’s era is not an era of war. In his telephonic conversation with President Putin last September, PM Modi voiced his concern, stressing upon the need to take the path of diplomacy and dialogue, a stance often reiterated at various global forums at the highest level.

While India, having to put up with the Chinese threat, has warmed up to the US, it has also taken pains to maintain its relationship with Russia; though Moscow, facing increased isolation in the global community over the war in Ukraine, does not appear to be too pleased with the initiatives surrounding the Indo-Pacific, with the active involvement of the US and further deepening of strategic defence and technological ties between New Delhi and Washington. India has also stressed upon furthering its cooperation with Russia in sectors such as trade, energy and defence.

With the US, under the iCET initiative, India is poised to forge closer cooperation in the areas of Artificial Intelligence (AI), 6G, quantum technologies etc. Other focus areas include defence innovation, technology cooperation and semiconductor supply chains. Doval stressed upon the need to pin down the deliverables in these key focus areas to ensure that no slip-ups or laxity creeps in. Co-production and technology development have left much to be desired, though India is now billed as a major defence partner of the US

The NSA’s discussions in Washington DC and Moscow also point towards India’s keen desire to safeguard its key interests, make advances in high-tech areas and, at the same time, be ready to hold on to its independent position and avoid landing in confrontationist stance, so far as the two rival powers are concerned, as new dynamics is emerging rather rapidly in the geopolitical arena.

Views expressed are personal

Next Story

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

India's growing closeness to the U.S.
Russia's growing closeness to China

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The Ukraine war has posed challenges to India-Russia ties, but they remain strong, with India advocating for dialogue to resolve the conflict.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?