India and Russia have strengthened their strategic partnership under Prime Minister Modi and President Putin.

India and Russia have a long history of relations, with Russia being India's largest arms supplier.

The two countries have signed several cooperation agreements, including a 10-year military pact, and launched their first "2 + 2" dialogue.

India and Russia have continued to strengthen ties despite Ukraine conflict tensions, with Modi and Putin discussing increased trade cooperation.

India has refused to condemn Putin's war in Ukraine, instead seeking peace in the region.

India and Russia have cooperated on energy projects, including oil and gas extraction.

Russia supplies 60% of India's military equipment under a 10-year cooperation agreement.

The India-Russia relationship remains unchanged, with cooperation on vaccines and humanitarian support during the COVID-19 crisis.

Modi and Putin discussed developing high technologies, including producing 600,000 AK-203 rifles through a joint venture.

Russia and India aim to strengthen cooperation in energy and satellite navigation, and Russia will supply India with S-400 air defense systems.

India and Russia have signed a cooperation program to boost trade in Russia's Far East.

The two countries have announced projects including the INSTC, Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor, and Northern Sea Route.

These projects aim to increase India-Russia trade and economic cooperation with a focus on transparency and sovereignty.

Russia views India as a great power and friend, with mutual investments of around $38 million.

The two countries have established a new two plus two dialogue mechanism to strengthen their partnership.

India's rivalry with China has not weakened its strong relationship with Russia.

India is trying to deepen relations with Russia as an alternative to Moscow's growing ties with China.

The two countries have cooperated on issues like the Ukraine conflict, with India supporting dialogue and diplomacy.

Russia briefed India on its Ukraine operation and discussed global food and energy market issues.

The India-Russia relationship has evolved under Modi and Putin, focusing on strategic partnership, trade, and Eurasian connectivity.

Russia supports India in its rivalry with China.

India maintains close ties with Russia due to its dependence on Russian defense supplies and spare parts.

The US sees India as a key ally against China, with India's autonomy tied to Russia's global influence.

India and Russia have a long-standing relationship, with Russia being India's main arms supplier during the Cold War.

The Ukraine conflict has limited India's geopolitical options, as Russia is no longer a viable balancer.

China's influence in South Asia has grown, limiting India's regional geopolitical capabilities.

India may try to influence Moscow to persuade Beijing, while China may seek to resolve conflicts with India.

India's northwest strategy will be complicated by the Ukraine conflict.

The Sino-Russian alliance opposes the US, with Russia backing China's claim to Taiwan.

India's Indo-Pacific strategy favors the US, amid a challenging Sino-Russian alliance.

India relies on Russia for energy and fertilizer goods, and Russia needs India to circumvent Western sanctions.

India views Russia as crucial in its confrontation with China, having signed a new 10-year defence pact.

India prioritizes relations with Russia due to China's strategic threat and their long-standing partnership since independence.

Russia aided India in the 1971 Bangladesh war, so India avoids pushing Russia towards China.

The India-Russia relationship is under pressure due to the Ukraine conflict, with India avoiding public criticism of Russia's invasion.

Russia aims to normalize India-China relations, and Russia has close cooperation with China but maintains independence.

The India-Russia relationship has significant implications for Indo-Pacific regional security dynamics.

The US and China are also impacted, as the US seeks to counter China's growing regional influence.

India's partnership with the US, via the Quad, is seen as a response to China's growing regional influence.

India seeks to balance its relationships with Russia and China, despite their growing ties.

The India-Russia relationship is a key factor in Indo-Pacific regional security.

India's relations with Russia remain strong under Prime Minister Modi, with Russia being its largest arms and oil supplier.

India's dependence on Russian defence equipment and oil complicates its relationships with Russia and Western countries.

Russia supports India diplomatically, including at the UN, in its rivalry with China.

India's close ties with Russia risk straining its relations with the US and other Western countries, especially amid the Ukraine conflict.

India has abstained from UN votes on Russia's actions in Ukraine, which may be seen as supporting Russia by Western nations.

The US has praised India's stance on the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and India is committed to closer US cooperation despite its Russia ties.

India's relations with Russia are solid for now, but may change if India alters its stance on the Russia-Ukraine conflict.

The US views India as a key partner to counter China's rise, leading to increased cooperation between the two nations.

India has maintained friendly relations with Russia, opposing Western sanctions and forming a strong partnership.

The India-Russia relationship has been strengthened by shared interests, including countering China's growing regional influence.

India's refusal to condemn Russia's actions in Ukraine has strained its relationships with Western countries.

India has maintained a non-aligned approach, resisting Western pressure to condemn Russia's actions.

The India-Russia relationship has been evolving positively under Modi and Putin, focusing on strategic partnership and economic cooperation.

The two countries have implemented policies to enhance their partnership, signing 28 cooperation agreements.

India and Russia have launched their first "2 + 2" dialogue to strengthen bilateral relations.

The countries have agreed to deepen bilateral cooperation on trade, energy, and defense.

Russia views India as a great power and friend, and they collaborate on joint weapons development and production.

India and Russia aim for $50 billion in investments and $30 billion in trade by 2025.

The two countries are discussing a free trade agreement to boost trade relations.

India has procured and received S-400 air defense systems from Russia.

Russia will manufacture AK-203 assault rifles in India to strengthen defense cooperation.

The two countries cooperate in areas like security, defense, economy, and culture, and are jointly developing the Northern Sea Route.

India and Russia are discussing the "Greater Eurasian Space" idea to promote Eurasian economic cooperation and integration.

India and Russia have agreed to develop the Chennai-Vladivostok sea route and production chains in Eurasia.

The India-Russia defense partnership may be impacted by US CAATSA sanctions.

India and Russia are working together to promote a "free, open and inclusive" Indo-Pacific region as part of their strategic partnership.

India and Russia have strengthened their strategic partnership under Prime Minister Modi and President Putin.

Title:

Content: Indian Prime Minister hopes to strengthen friendship with Russia
Indian PM Modi: talks will strengthen friendship with Russia
The talks, which will take place between India and Russia on July 9, will strengthen relations between the two countries and their friendship.
This was written by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi following an informal meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin in his account in the social network X (former Twitter).
“I thank President Putin for hosting me tonight in Novo-Ogarev.
I look forward to tomorrow ’ s talks, which will undoubtedly contribute to the further strengthening of friendship between India and Russia, ” the head of the Indian government said.
Earlier it became known that Putin and Modi held talks in Novo-Ogarevo, discussing relations between the two countries.
The meeting took place in an informal atmosphere during which the Russian leader treated the Prime Minister of India with tea, berries and oriental sweets.
Putin also congratulated Modi on his reappointment to the post of head of government and stressed his success as head of the country.
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How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

India and Russia have a long history of relations, with Russia being India's largest arms supplier.

Title:

Content: World News
Putin, Modi strengthen ties despite tensions over Ukraine
CAIRO (Reuters) - Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s current visit to Russia was highlighted by the Guardian newspaper, which said Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin were strengthening “ties of friendship ” despite tensions over the war in Ukraine.
The newspaper said in an analytical article published on Tuesday that Modi received a warm reception from Putin upon his arrival in Moscow.
Modi said the visit - his first since Russia's large-scale intervention in Ukraine - was aimed at strengthening "ties of friendship" between the two countries, and later described Russia as "India's all-weather friend and trusted ally".
Relations between India and Russia are deep, dating back to the Cold War, and Russia has long been India ’ s largest arms supplier.
Since his election in 2014, Modi has had a highly publicized relationship with Putin, with the two leaders holding more than 20 meetings.
However, Putin ’ s decision to intervene militarily in Ukraine in February 2022 put unprecedented strain on their relations and forced India onto a difficult path in balancing its relations with both Putin and the West.
India has refused to join Western countries in condemning Putin ’ s war and abstained in all UN votes condemning Russia.
It has also become the biggest buyer of cheap Russian oil and continues to send billions to state coffers, which some see as undermining Western sanctions efforts.
However, India ’ s dissatisfaction with Putin ’ s actions was not entirely hidden, with Modi saying that “now is not the age of war. ”
The Indian prime minister ’ s decision to strengthen ties with Western leaders who are Putin ’ s biggest critics, including U.S. President Joe Biden and French President Emmanuel Macron, was met with a chill in the Kremlin.
Similarly, Putin ’ s increasingly close ties with Beijing are viewed with great suspicion in New Delhi.
But while the geopolitical landscape was markedly different from 2019, when Modi was last in Moscow, the two leaders went to great lengths to show their continued friendship during Modi ’ s visit that concluded this evening.
The Kremlin gladly spoke of Modi ’ s decision to make Russia one of his first international trips after winning a third term in office last month.
But Indian officials were more restrained, and New Delhi confirmed that the visit, Modi's first in five years, was about bilateral relations, adding that India was seeking to "play a supportive role for a peaceful and stable region."
At the official summit on Monday, Modi said he and Putin discussed everything from setting up new Indian embassies in Russia to increasing cooperation on trade.
However, the complexities surrounding India ’ s achievement of a delicate diplomatic balance over Ukraine have also been uncomfortably apparent.
The summit between Putin and Modi was also held on the same day as the start of the NATO summit in Washington, where Biden and other leaders are expected to announce a historic defense package for Ukraine.
At a dinner on Monday evening, Modi reportedly made his most direct appeal to Putin to end the war in Ukraine, telling the Russian president that “there is no solution on the battlefield. ”
However, few analysts believe Modi ’ s words will have any impact.
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The two countries have signed several cooperation agreements, including a 10-year military pact, and launched their first "2 + 2" dialogue.

Title:

Content: Russia-India coordination, balance, US-India approach?
Font Size:
Source: Global Times
Author: Wang Shida
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke by telephone with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the 20th to further develop the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
At the beginning of this month, Russia and India held an annual leaders' summit, launched the first "2 + 2" dialogue between foreign ministers and defense ministers, and agreed to strengthen cooperation and coordination on bilateral and multilateral issues, and signed up to 28 cooperation agreements.
In just two weeks, the summit had two interactions, which sent a signal that Russian-Indian relations were more special than before.
From the interaction on the 6th, Putin led a strong delegation to visit India and held the annual Russian-Indian leaders' summit.
This is Putin's second overseas visit since the outbreak of the COVID-19 epidemic, highlighting the importance he attaches to the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
During the visit, Russia and India held their first "2 + 2" meeting, which will help deepen mutual understanding and strengthen the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two countries.
The most important of the 28 cooperation agreements signed by Russia and India is the Agreement on Military Technical Cooperation 2021-2031.
The document will provide guidance for Russian-Indian military cooperation in the next 10 years, especially to promote joint development and production of weapons and equipment.
It can be said that the foundation for the next stage of military interaction between Russia and India has been laid.
In addition, Russia and India are also actively discussing the signing of a military logistics agreement similar to the memorandum of understanding on logistics exchange between the two countries to facilitate the use of each other's military bases.
Once signed in the future, the Russian-Indian military relations will take another step forward.
The two leaders discussed how to implement the agreement reached at the December 6 meeting, agreed to maintain regular contact on all aspects covered by the Russian-Indian “special and privileged strategic partnership ”, continue to deepen bilateral cooperation and consultation and coordination in multilateral forums, and exchange views on international stability and security issues, including the situation in the Asia-Pacific region.
Since taking office as US president at the beginning of the year, Biden has inherited and strengthened the Indo-Pacific strategy of his predecessor, Trump, and has courted India as the key to its success.
To this end, Biden has made efforts to promote the upgrading and implementation of the four-nation mechanism.
In March this year, the four-nation mechanism held its first video summit, issued a joint declaration, and established three working groups to implement the summit consensus.
In September, the four-nation mechanism held its first offline summit, reiterating the implementation of cooperation in the fields of vaccines and high-quality infrastructure, and proposing to jointly train scientific and technological talents to create a "closed loop of scientific and technological talents of the four countries".
For example, the United States has continued to deepen the "comprehensive global strategic cooperative partnership" between the United States and India.
On March 19, U.S. Defense Secretary William Austin visited India, calling the U.S.-India relationship "a key pillar of a free and open Indo-Pacific."
Under the continued cozying up of the Biden administration, India's attitude of strategic autonomy has become blurred, and it has clearly moved closer to and tilted toward the United States in implementing its foreign policy of "multi-faceted alliance."
During his visit to the United States in September, Modi said that "the relationship between the United States and India has entered a critical transition period".
In the face of the continuous promotion of the "Indo-Pacific Strategy" by the United States and the drift and deviation of India in the two strategic directions of the Indo-Pacific Ocean and the Eurasian continent, Russia is certainly alert.
As early as the Cold War, Russia and India established a relatively special strategic cooperative partnership, even reaching the level of quasi-allies.
At the end of the Cold War, Russia pushed India to join strategic designs such as the "trilateral dialogue between China, Russia and India" in an attempt to promote the establishment of a fair and multipolar world order.
Russia also sees India as an important partner in the Indian Ocean region and an important contributor to the effects of radiation in the Indian Ocean region.
To this end, Russia has taken a series of actions, Foreign Minister Lavrov and other high-level leaders directly expressed opposition to the United States using the "Indo-Pacific strategy" as a tool to contain China and Russia and create regional division.
This round of Russian-Indian strategic coordination is also the proper meaning of Russia's anti-Indo-Pacific strategy.
In particular, Russia and India signed a major defense cooperation order, began the delivery of S-400 air defense system, and will soon sign a military logistics agreement, which is conducive to consolidating defense and military cooperation between the two countries, hedging the penetration and erosion of the traditional Russian arms market by the United States in the past 10 years, and preventing India from falling into the "Indo-Pacific camp" because of increased dependence on weapons and equipment.
Therefore, Russian-Indian interaction is conducive to maintaining the relative balance between the two camps of the Eurasian continent and the Indo-Pacific Ocean, as well as to global strategic stability and peace.
(The writer is deputy director of the South Asia Institute of the Chinese Institute of Modern International Relations)
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India and Russia have continued to strengthen ties despite Ukraine conflict tensions, with Modi and Putin discussing increased trade cooperation.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India has refused to condemn Putin's war in Ukraine, instead seeking peace in the region.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

India and Russia have cooperated on energy projects, including oil and gas extraction.

Title:

Content: Under pressure, will India abandon Russia?
Author: External Submission
Published: Updated:
Recently, Sameer Lalwani, a senior expert at the Asia Center of the American Institute of Peace, and Happymon Jacob, an associate professor of diplomacy and disarmament at Nehru University, wrote that in the short and medium term, the foundation of Russian-Indian relations is still very solid, and in the long term, Indian-Russian relations are on a long-term downward trend, from partnership to trading. "Change".
Following the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in February 2022, major democracies have come together to defend Ukraine by condemning Russia ’ s military actions.
But India did not join in, opting instead to abstain in a key UN vote and refusing to condemn its longtime partner, Russia.
Many countries expressed disappointment with India's stance on the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.
However, some observers believe that India has shown signs of considering a rupture with Russia, and India may change its previous neutral course. In September 2022, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in a conversation with Russian President Vladimir Putin that “today ’ s era is not an era of war ”, a phrase that seemed to warn Russia, as U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken called Modi ’ s stance“ significant. ”
American political scientist Happymon Jacob also wrote that the Indian government is weakening its “long-term partnership ” with Russia and is committed to closer cooperation with the United States.
Based on the interpretation of these events, India needs to strengthen its cooperation with the West and is alienating Russia.
However, the view that "India and Russia will part ways" is too "taken for granted" and does not reflect realistic possibilities.
It is true that in the context of Russia ’ s growing economic dependence on China and its provision of unreliable weapons to India, India should theoretically move away from Russia and promote diversification of partnerships, but this is not realistic or feasible.
The United States, the first Western country to win over India on a number of issues, turned a blind eye to the human rights dispute.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and US President Joe Biden at last year ’ s G20 summit. (Reuters)
In fact, India is not ready to give up the India-Russia partnership, and in November 2022, Indian Foreign Minister Sujishin visited Russia, stressing that the relationship between the two countries is “strong and stable. ”
For this reason, US policymakers still need to make policy plans around the reality of a lasting India-Russia relationship, but they should also make India realize that Russia is a burden; the United States cannot punish and sanction India because of the close India-Russia relationship.
Because for the United States, India can play a more prominent and more active role in the Indo-Pacific region.
The False Dawn
Analysts have concluded that India is trying to distance itself from Russia based on what Indian officials say, including Modi ’ s verbal confrontation with Putin in September 2022, a vote against Russia at the United Nations, and the cancellation of a multi-billion dollar Russian weapons procurement program (fighters and helicopters).
However, these developments do not mean that India has explicitly chosen to stay away from Russia.
The Washington Post called Modi ’ s September 2022 statement to Putin a “rebuke. ”
But in fact, Modi ’ s statement was not intended primarily to address the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, but to express concern about rising food and energy prices.
Several assessment reports issued in India have warned against over-reading Modi ’ s remarks, which are no different from the official position of India in the past that the war has inflicted great trauma on developing countries.
It is undeniable that India has indeed sided with the West in some of the UN ’ s procedural votes, such as allowing Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky to speak at the UN General Assembly in September 2022.
But in more substantive votes, such as the October 2022 vote on four regions of Russia ’ s military campaign in Ukraine, India abstained.
In addition, in early 2022, India cancelled several agreements to purchase Russian weapons (such as the MiG-29 fighter).
But the decision has little to do with the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and is more about promoting domestic arms production and supporting India ’ s “self-reliance ” program.
A few months before the Russian-Ukrainian conflict erupted, the Indian government had planned to cancel these deals, including the purchase of Boeing P-8I aircraft from the United States, in favor of domestically produced weapons.
But India will still buy major weapons such as S-400 air defense systems, stealth frigates and nuclear submarines from Russia, which means India will be tied to Russia for decades to come.
In fact, India cannot really break with Russia, because Russian-made weapons account for a large share of India ’ s arsenal, and Russia still plays a significant role in India ’ s geopolitical considerations, so most of India ’ s political elite still prefer friendly Indian-Russian relations.
India can ’ t really break with Russia because Russian-made weapons make up the bulk of India ’ s arsenal and most of India ’ s political elite still prefer friendly India-Russia relations.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin.
(Reuters)
(2) Patience and persistence
India has long regarded Russia as a valued partner in its “multidirectional alliance ” strategy.
Within the framework of this strategy, India wants to maintain a constructive strategic partnership with several major powers at the same time, but refuses to form an exclusive alliance with any major powers.
India ’ s leaders believe that the “multidirectional alliance ” strategy is still valid today because Western analysts have misjudged Russia in several important ways.
The authors ’ study found that despite strong Western sanctions against Russia, Indian national security officials still believe in Russia ’ s endurance and durability.
They expect Europe to struggle under pressure from inflation and energy shortages, while Russia ’ s economy will be boosted by rising commodity prices.
After all, Indian companies are investing in Russian energy projects, such as oil and gas extraction projects in Sakhalin, Russia ’ s Far East.
In addition, India has doubled its investment in future India-Russia cooperation in defense technology research and development (including the development of the Brahmos cruise missile).
The leaders also believe that the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is likely to turn into a military stalemate that will culminate in a negotiated cease-fire and that Russia will eventually be allowed to reintegrate into the international community.
Indian policymakers also believe that Russia will remain an important geopolitical force that will help India.
India relies on Russia for missile technology, submarine nuclear reactors, and hypersonic weapons, and Russia can still provide diplomatic support to India in the United Nations Security Council, which can exert influence on India ’ s other continental neighbors.
In addition, with the Russian regime in turmoil, Indian officials want to be able to extract more benefits from their dealings with the Russian government, just as India did at the beginning of the collapse of the Soviet Union, when the two countries established the Brahmos Aerospace Joint Venture.
As India continues to maintain friendly relations with its old partner Russia, the West is hesitant to punish India.
Some observers believe that India will downplay the India-Russia relationship as Russia becomes closer to China and even more dependent on China.
But unlike Western officials, Indian officials do not believe that tough sanctions will force Russia into China ’ s arms, because there is no shortage of friction between China and Russia over Central Asia and the Arctic.
In the eyes of Indian policymakers, India can become a "wedge" between Russia and China, helping Russia retain some autonomy in Sino-Russian relations, and avoiding Russia becoming a "small follower" of China.
On September 15, 2022, Chinese President Xi Jinping held a bilateral meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin at the Samarkand State Guesthouse to exchange views on China-Russia relations and international and regional issues of common concern. (Xinhua)
Third, get on with it.
Much of the Indian military ’ s combat and strike equipment is dependent on Russia.
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict has limited and delayed India ’ s process of acquiring spare parts and equipment upgrades, thus creating a “supply shock ” to India ’ s main Russian-made weapons arsenal.
While India remains concerned about the performance of Russian-made weapons and Russia ’ s ability to provide spare parts, it has not taken any hard measures to curtail the use of Russian materials or to purchase substitutes to accelerate the diversification of military equipment imports.
All in all, India has no plans to achieve a rapid and comprehensive transformation of its Russian-made weapons systems by bringing in other foreign suppliers. After the border crises of 2019 and 2020, there has been some peace and stability in the border area, and Indian strategists believe that India should maintain a low level of operational readiness for the next few years, even if that means increased vulnerability.
In the short to medium term, India plans to keep up with its existing inventory, while at the same time sourcing from the secondary market for Russian components and relying more on domestic military equipment.
India will continue to work with Russia to meet outstanding delivery commitments and selectively sign contracts with the West to support the development of India ’ s indigenous defence industry.
In the long run, India wants to be largely self-sufficient in terms of defense needs and no longer rely on external suppliers.
While India aims to diversify its arsenal and become self-sufficient within the next 20 years, it still needs some key technical support from Russia.
Su-30 fighters will remain the backbone of the IAF for decades, but they cannot be maintained or upgraded without Russian technical support.
India ’ s most important defense export, the BrahMos anti-ship cruise missile, currently sold mainly to Southeast Asian countries to deter China, uses Russian propulsion technology.
As long as Russia is in control of key elements of India ’ s advanced weapons systems, especially fighter jets, cruise missiles and submarines, Russia has considerable influence over India.
Much of the Indian military ’ s combat and strike equipment is dependent on Russia.
Su-30 fighters will remain the backbone of the IAF for decades. (Getty)
The First Friend of India
In addition to the above material considerations, the common ideological orientation has also driven India and Russia to maintain friendly relations.
Both Indian and Russian officials support the “polycentric ” vision of a global order in which there is no single dominant hegemony and each major power maintains its own sphere of influence.
Both India and Russia believe that a “multicentre ” is more stable than an international order governed by one or two superpowers.
India ’ s political elite also maintains a “sense of closeness ” to Russia, which stems from India ’ s decades-long tradition of cooperation with the former Soviet Union.
Two months after the conflict broke out, Yoga Jyotsna, an Indian scholar, said that “Russia is India ’ s number one friend in the eyes of the military and people of insight. ”
According to Rajeswari Rajagopalan, another Indian scholar,
Strategic sympathy for Soviet Russia was widespread not only among Indian politicians, but also among the general Indian population.
This is because Russia ’ s historical support and assistance to India has been “romanticized. ”
Although Indian diplomatic agencies have not helped Russia in its defense, national security officials believe that multiple actors, including NATO, should be held responsible for the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, and not all blame should be placed on the Russian side.
A September 2022 survey of more than 1,000 Indian adults found that Indians believe the West and Russia are equally responsible for the Russia-Ukraine conflict. (Reuters)
The Indian public is also sympathetic to Russia. A July 2022 poll found that a majority of Indians refuse to describe Russia ’ s military actions in Ukraine as “wrong. ” A September 2022 survey of more than 1,000 Indian adults found that Indians believe that the West and Russia are equally responsible for the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and most Indians do not believe that a Russian victory will make the world more dangerous.
Public attitudes in India are not only very different from those in Europe, Australia and Japan, but also in emerging countries such as Brazil and South Africa.
Read the second half of the article.
This article was first published in the South Asia Research Newsletter. It only represents the author 's opinion and does not represent Hong Kong' s position.

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Russia supplies 60% of India's military equipment under a 10-year cooperation agreement.

Title:

Content: Russia / India / Political / Military
Modi Meets Putin, Putin Praises India as ‘ Strong and Reliable Ally ’
Russian President Vladimir Putin, who is visiting India, praised India as Moscow's "strong and reliable ally", Putin's visit focused on "energy" and "national defense", and the foreign ministers and defense ministers of the two sides held their first 2 + 2 meeting and signed a number of military cooperation agreements.
In a joint statement, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation and achieve the goal of 30 billion US dollars in bilateral trade by 2025.
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Indian diplomatic officials said on Monday that Russia had begun supplying India with S-400 long-range air defense systems.
During Putin's meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the two sides also signed a 10-year military cooperation agreement and an oil cooperation agreement.
In a joint statement issued after the meeting, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation, including joint research and development and production of military equipment.
The two sides also stressed the need to achieve the goal of 30 billion U.S. dollars in bilateral trade by 2025, and to strengthen cooperation in energy and satellite navigation.
The two sides pointed out that it is necessary for the Eurasian Economic Union and India to start negotiations on a free trade agreement on goods.
Speaking to the media before his meeting with Modi, Putin said: "We consider India to be a big country, a friendly country and a security ally."
Putin ’ s visit to India is aimed at strengthening ties with India ’ s traditional allies, which are being eroded by the United States.
To counter China ’ s rise, the Quadripartite Security Dialogue (Quad), established by the United States with India, Japan and Australia, has drawn the attention of Beijing and Moscow.
During the Cold War, India had close ties with the Soviet Union, a relationship that continues to this day, described by New Delhi as a “special and privileged strategic partnership. ”
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi met with visiting Russian President Vladimir Putin on Monday to discuss defense and trade relations between the two countries in an effort to strike a balance with the United States.
"There have been many fundamental changes and geopolitical elements in the world over the past few decades, but India's friendship with Russia remains the same," Modi said before meeting Putin.
India ’ s foreign ministry said the annual bilateral summit covered political and defense issues.
The two leaders also discussed the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan caused by the takeover of the Afghan government by the Taliban earlier this year.
India and Russia have long had close ties, and both sides have set a goal of reaching $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025.
Recently, however, India has drawn closer to the United States, believing that the United States is a key force against China.
India is also trying to manage its defense relations with Russia while strengthening its military ties with the United States, the sources said.
India, a major arms importer, relied heavily on the former Soviet Union for armaments during the Cold War, but now it is diversifying its procurement of arms, as well as buying US-made weapons.
During the period of former US President Trump, India signed more than $3 billion of arms purchase contracts with the United States, and the arms trade between the two countries has increased from zero in 2008 to $15 billion in 2019.
On the other hand, India's purchase of the Russian-made S-400 missile system to counter China has become a major problem in relations with the United States.
This sophisticated anti-missile system, once available, is expected to enable India to gain strategic deterrence power against China and Pakistan.
However, the United States has asked its partners not to purchase Russian-made armaments, or it may impose sanctions.
In addition, India and Russia held their first 2 + 2 meeting in New Delhi on Monday, where the two sides signed a number of cooperation agreements on "military and small arms".
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu arrived in New Delhi on Monday for a 2 + 2 meeting with Indian Foreign Minister Sujson and Defense Minister Manmohan Singh.
The 2 + 2 ministerial meeting was the first between India and Russia.
Singh tweeted after the meeting that discussions on defense cooperation between the two sides had been fruitful and that India cherished the "special strategic partnership" with Russia.
He added that the two sides have signed several agreements, contracts and protocols on small arms and military cooperation.
However, Singh and India ’ s Ministry of Defence have not issued a formal statement or press release disclosing details of the various agreements signed with Russia.
Indian media reported that one of the major agreements was the transfer of technology and local production of the Russian-made AK-203 assault rifle.
Under the agreement, India will produce more than 600,000 AK-203 assault rifles in India over the next 10 years through an Indian-Russian joint venture.
The report also said that another agreement is to extend the 10-year India-Russia military-technical cooperation agreement until 2031.
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The India-Russia relationship remains unchanged, with cooperation on vaccines and humanitarian support during the COVID-19 crisis.

Title:

Content: New Delhi | Jagran News Desk: Prime Minister Narendra Modi met visiting Russian president Vladimir Putin at Delhi’s Hyderabad House on Monday evening. Prime Minister said that India-Russia ties are stronger than ever.

Prime Minister Modi added that despite the challenges posed by the pandemic, there has been no change in the relationship between India and Russia. He further pointed out that the two countries cooperated during the COVID-19 crisis too, in the field of vaccine and humanitarian support. "The relation between India and Russia is truly a unique and reliable model of interstate friendship," Prime Minister Narendra Modi said.

"You (Putin) should be credited for the strategic partnership between our countries for the 3 decades," PM Modi said, acknowledging Russian President Vladimir Putin's role in nurturing the bilateral traditions between India and Russia.

India a great power, time-tested friend: Vladimir Putin

Russian President Vladimir Putin said that Russia considers India 'a great power' and a 'time tested' friend. "The relations between our nations are growing and I am looking into the futur," Putin added while further asserting his happiness at being in India, saying that he is 'happy to travel to India'.

"Currently mutual investments stand at about 38 million with a bit more investment coming from the Russian side. We cooperate greatly in military and technical sphere like no other country. We develop high technologies together as well as produce in India," Putin said.

This is the first in-person meeting between PM Modi and President Putin after their meeting on the sidelines of BRICS summit in Brazil in 2019 before the beginning of COVID-19 pandemic. Both the leaders are scheduled to hold deliberations to review the prospects of bilateral relations and recalibrate the long standing India-Russia friendship.

"The agenda for the dialogue will cover political and defence issues of mutual interest. The establishment of this new mechanism of two plus two dialogue is expected to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries," Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Arindam Bagchi had said earlier.

Posted By: Mukul Sharma

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Modi and Putin discussed developing high technologies, including producing 600,000 AK-203 rifles through a joint venture.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
weapons supply
security & military

Russia and India aim to strengthen cooperation in energy and satellite navigation, and Russia will supply India with S-400 air defense systems.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India and Russia have signed a cooperation program to boost trade in Russia's Far East.

Title:

Content:
India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday. At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

The 22nd Russia-India Annual Summit will lead to a greater collaboration between the two countries in Russian Far East and the Eurasian space, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), according to experts.

The 81-paragraphbilateral Joint Statement underscored the "shared vision" to enhance transport and connectivity cooperation, as well as a "solid commitment" to enhance economic linkages in Russia's resource-rich Far East, Pravesh Kumar Gupta, an Associate Fellow at New Delhi-based think tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), told Sputnik India.

The 22nd Annual Summit, a "unique and pivotal event in the current global geopolitical context" according to Gupta, exposed the disappointment of Western countries.

"Amidst global turbulence, the summit served as a crucial platform for leaders to engage in constructive discussions and strategic dialogues, with the aim of bolstering cooperation in vital areas such as trade, energy, connectivity, defence, and technology. This event has been widely acknowledged as a significant milestone in the ongoing development of the close ties between India and Russia, a success that stood in stark contrast to the disappointment felt by the Western world," the Indian think-tanker asserted.

Lauding the Summit outcomes, Gupta remarked that the leaders would intensify effort to develop "promising production and marketing chains in Eurasia" and stick to the new plan for the Far East in providing enhanced cooperation in different sectors, including transport and connectivity.

Specifically both leaders shared a vision pointing to three projects – International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor as well as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), or the Polar Route.

"Most importantly, these connectivity projects are free from any political agenda, unlike the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as clearly mentioned in the joint statement. Their implementation will be based on the principles of transparency, broad participation, local priorities, financial sustainability, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations," the VIF pundit underlined.

Gupta expressed confidence that the proposal to establish a joint working group on developing the NSR would speed up the project, which promised "significant cost savings and reduced shipping times" for goods traveling between Europe and Asia.

"The route's increased accessibility due to melting Arctic ice has sparked increased interest in its potential for commercial shipping and trade, offering a bright future for global trade," Gupta stated.

In the context of the INSTC, the expert underscored that it could turn out to be the most "cost-effective and favourable" connectivity project to increase Indian exports to Eurasia and vice-versa. He explained that the 7,200-kilometre-long multimodal corridor was in line with Moscow's geo-economic focus on Asia-Pacific following the Ukraine conflict.

Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'

In terms of bolstering cooperation in Asia-Pacific, or near India's own neighbourhood, Modi and Putin shared approaches on building a "new architecture" of a 'Greater Eurasian space'.

Although, initially Russia was focused primarily on the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, the Ukrainian conflict completely changed the situation, Alexey Kupriyanov, an expert in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) at Moscow-based think tank IMEMO RAS told Sputnik India.

At the same time, the think-tanker highlighted that a growing trade turnover between Russia and India was pushing Moscow to return to the Indian Ocean Region, primarily to ensure the protecting of Russian vessels in areas not covered by Indian Navy's operations, which include the Red Sea and the Mediterranean region.

"In the long term, this means that Russian ships will soon operate more intensively in the Indian Ocean and expand their presence," Kupriyanov stressed.

It would bolster India's security efforts and help it manage the power competition between China and the US, even as Indian Navy has intensified inter-operability with western maritime forces in recent years, the expert asserted.

"Since India's focus is primarily on the eastern part of the region, Russian ships in the western part could help fill the vacuum of security there. This will reduce the need for East African countries to seek help from China and the US to combat pirates, smugglers and drug traffickers," Kupriyanov concluded.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

The two countries have announced projects including the INSTC, Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor, and Northern Sea Route.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

These projects aim to increase India-Russia trade and economic cooperation with a focus on transparency and sovereignty.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Russia views India as a great power and friend, with mutual investments of around $38 million.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The two countries have established a new two plus two dialogue mechanism to strengthen their partnership.

India's rivalry with China has not weakened its strong relationship with Russia.

Title:

Content: International
International News
Modi visits Russia to meet Putin to deepen relations analysis: intended to balance Russia-India Russia-China relations
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi began a two-day official visit to Russia on Monday, during which he will meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin.
The two sides will seek to strengthen the development of traditional friendly relations between Russia and India, review defense and energy cooperation, and discuss topical issues on international and regional agendas.
As Russia deepens relations with China, India ’ s main competitor, some analysts say Modi ’ s visit seeks to balance Russian-Indian relations with China.
View Defense Energy and other cooperation
After his arrival yesterday, Modi first met with the Russian-Indian community, and in the evening, he went to Putin ’ s new Ogarevo residence for an informal meeting. Today, he will be accompanied by Putin to visit the Russian nuclear energy research and development and science and technology exhibition.
After concluding his visit to Russia today, Modi will begin his first visit to Austria by an Indian prime minister in 41 years.
Modi ’ s last visit to Russia was in 2019, his first since the Russian military invasion of Uzbekistan in 2022, and his first bilateral foreign visit since his third term as prime minister began in June this year. However, Putin visited India in 2021 and met with Modi at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Uzbekistan the following year.
In a statement before his arrival in Russia, Modi said he looked forward to reviewing various aspects of bilateral cooperation with President Putin and sharing views on various regional and global issues, “We seek to play a supportive role for regional peace and stability. ”
Briefing on his trip on Friday, India ’ s Deputy Foreign Minister Kvatra said the meeting would provide an opportunity for both sides to examine a range of bilateral issues, from defence and trade and investment relations to energy cooperation, as well as bilateral contacts within international organisations such as the SCO and BRICS.
India and Russia have been close since the Cold War, when the Soviet Union became India ’ s main supplier of arms, but in recent years the shared concern over China ’ s rise has brought the United States and India closer together.
Make sure that the proximity of Russia and China does not affect relations with India.
At the same time, Russia-China relations have flourished in response to Western encirclement, and Putin met again with President Xi Jinping last Wednesday before the SCO summit in Kazakhstan, following his visit to China in May.
The Wall Street Journal quoted an analysis, saying that India believes these sanctions have brought Russia and China closer, so India has tried to provide Moscow with the option of balancing the West to balance relations.
Mahapatra, founder of the Karinga Indo-Pacific Institute in New Delhi, believes that India ’ s goal is to emphasize the importance of India-Russia relations and ensure that Putin ’ s strengthening of relations with China will not affect relations with India, so it is crucial to continue the dialogue with Russia at the highest level.
(CNBC / Wall Street Journal / Voice of America)
Related Words:
Previous / Next News

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India is trying to deepen relations with Russia as an alternative to Moscow's growing ties with China.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The two countries have cooperated on issues like the Ukraine conflict, with India supporting dialogue and diplomacy.

Title:

Content: Putin, Modi discuss development of relations between Russia and India
Friday 01 July 2022 - 03: 10 GMT
Russian President Vladimir Putin and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi discussed by telephone on Friday the core issues of relations between the two countries, with a focus on further developing economic ties.
The World - Russia
Putin and Modi expressed satisfaction with a significant increase in bilateral trade, including mutual supplies of agricultural products, and reaffirmed their common aspiration to comprehensively strengthen the particularly distinctive strategic partnership between Russia and India.
At Modi ’ s request, Putin briefed him on key aspects of Russia ’ s special military operation in Ukraine, stressing the dangerous and provocative nature of the approach of the Kiev regime and its Western sponsors to escalate the crisis and disrupt efforts to resolve it politically and diplomatically.
The two leaders discussed at length the current situation in the global food market, with Putin drawing attention to systematic mistakes made by a number of countries, which have disrupted the entire structure of free trade in food products and led to a significant increase in their prices.
Putin stressed that Russia has been and continues to be a reliable producer and supplier of grain, fertilizer and energy, including to Indian partners, according to the statement.
Modi paid special attention during the conversation with Putin to discuss "stimulating bilateral trade in agricultural commodities, fertilizers and pharmaceuticals," the prime minister's office said, adding that the two leaders also addressed global issues, including the state of international energy and food markets.
Modi ’ s office added that regarding the current situation in Ukraine, “the prime minister reiterated India ’ s firm position in favour of dialogue and diplomacy. ”

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

Russia briefed India on its Ukraine operation and discussed global food and energy market issues.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The India-Russia relationship has evolved under Modi and Putin, focusing on strategic partnership, trade, and Eurasian connectivity.

Title:

Content: Indian Prime Minister hopes to strengthen friendship with Russia
Indian PM Modi: talks will strengthen friendship with Russia
The talks, which will take place between India and Russia on July 9, will strengthen relations between the two countries and their friendship.
This was written by Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi following an informal meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin in his account in the social network X (former Twitter).
“I thank President Putin for hosting me tonight in Novo-Ogarev.
I look forward to tomorrow ’ s talks, which will undoubtedly contribute to the further strengthening of friendship between India and Russia, ” the head of the Indian government said.
Earlier it became known that Putin and Modi held talks in Novo-Ogarevo, discussing relations between the two countries.
The meeting took place in an informal atmosphere during which the Russian leader treated the Prime Minister of India with tea, berries and oriental sweets.
Putin also congratulated Modi on his reappointment to the post of head of government and stressed his success as head of the country.
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How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Russia supports India in its rivalry with China.

Title:

Content: English Edition
| E-Paper
Search
+

    Russia will support India in a stand-off against ally China. Here's why

    Synopsis

    Not that sentiment plays no role in relations between nations. It does. The immense soft power that the West wields over nations like India colours the discourse, and could even impede rational pursuit of the national interest. So how does the national self-interest of Russia, China and the US play out vis-à-vis India?

    Modern chess evolved from the game Indians called chaturanga, meaning four angas or anatomical parts. The four elements of the ancient Indian army were the infantry, the cavalry, the elephantry and the chariots. Moving pieces to gain advantage, anticipating the opponent’s countermoves, is the nub of the game.

    Geopolitics is a lot like playing chess. You position your pieces to gain advantage, not because you like or dislike any particular piece. You could sacrifice the queen, if that is the path to victory, as unsentimentally as you would take the opponent’s rook. It is that lack of sentiment that many people fail to appreciate when they reach facile conclusions on the relations between nations. In the popular mind, Indo-Russian relations are about Raj Kapoor songs and lingering gratitude for the Soviet navy’s interception of the US 7th Fleet’s Task Force 74 as it moved towards the Bay of Bengal, to threaten India during the 1971 war in East Pakistan.

    In the same vein of humanising international relations, many conclude that Russia’s indebtedness to China for its support during the ongoing Ukraine war, economically and politically, would rupture Russia’s support for India in the face of Chinese aggression. Whatever the sentiment, Russia would continue to support India. Because that is in Russia’s own interest.

    National Interest…
    Not that sentiment plays no role in relations between nations. It does. The immense soft power that the West wields over nations like India colours the discourse, and could even impede rational pursuit of the national interest. So how does the national self-interest of Russia, China and the US play out vis-à-vis India?

    The expansion of Nato to include assorted former Soviet bloc countries has been an attempt to underline Russia’s loss of salience as a global power. The West loved Boris Yeltsin and his chums, who not just disbanded the Soviet Union, but also eviscerated Russia’s economy by handing over valuable economic assets to their cronies — the so-called oligarchs —as well as by failing to put in place a functional system of governance and regulation, without which a market cannot function.

    Vladimir Putin put an end to this dissolution of Russian power, when he took office in 2000. He even sought Nato membership for Russia, a request that was dismissed out of hand by the West. It was only after Nato decided to offer membership to Georgia and Ukraine that Putin turned actively hostile to the West. He attacked Georgia in 2008, putting paid to any plan for Georgia to join Nato. In 2014, when a pro-West popular uprising threw out a pro-Russian regime in Ukraine, Putin moved in, to annex Crimea, which, till 1954, had been part of Russia, and hosts the base of Russia’s warm water navy.

    Extending Nato to Ukraine would bring Nato missiles to Russia’s borders. As it is, extension of Nato to Poland, Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia has brought St Petersburg within the range of short-range Nato missiles. The Cuban missile crisis, it may be recalled, had been about the US stomping into the ground Cuba’s sovereign right to place missiles of any nation it befriends on its territory. No power allows hostility that amounts to an existential threat to thrive in the immediate neighbourhood.

    By forcing Russia to docilely accept Nato missiles in Ukraine, the West wanted to tell Russia and the world that Russia no longer matters, despite all its nukes. It is this that Russia opposes, primarily, in its action against Ukraine. For the US, its geopolitical rival of significance is China. It is to contain China that George W Bush gave India its nuclear deal, thereby releasing India from assorted technology denial regimes, imposed originally to rid India of its nuclear ambitions. India continues to be a significant ally in the Asia-Pacific region for the US, in its quest to keep China in check. Hence its membership of the Quad. China does not want to be the sole focus of western hostility. Its interests are served by the West having to commit some of its men and materiel to Russia.

    That calls for retaining Russia as a significant geopolitical power. That is why China supports Russia over Ukraine.

    …Not Sentiment

    It is in India’s interest to retain Russia as a global power centre. The alternative is to confront the dual hegemony of the world by the US and China. Given China’s aggressive claims on Indian territory, that would redound to abject dependence on the US to resist China, scrapping India’s hopes for strategic autonomy.

    China wants Russia as a power centre that would consume the West’s attention and resources. Russia wants to retain its own geopolitical relevance. It has not invaded Ukraine and taken China’s help to give up that relevance. Just as the West gains by propping up India as a counterweight to China in Asia, Russia also gains by India’s ability to stem China’s rise to become the principal countervailing force against the US.

    In other words, the interests of Russia and the West converge in keeping India alive as a viable counterweight to China. China’s desire to have Russia as another pole of global power implicitly entails acceptance of India’s role as a counterweight to itself.

    Probably, China would count that as a pawn sacrifice.

    Views expressed are author's own

    Stories you might be interested in

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India maintains close ties with Russia due to its dependence on Russian defense supplies and spare parts.

Title:

Content: India’s Long Infatuation with Russia Must End

Seven months after China and Russia announced their "no limits" partnership, the two countries seem closer than ever. In the face of growing Chinese belligerence, this augurs ill for India, which should urgently reconsider its long-standing diplomatic and strategic dependence on a weakening Russia.

NEW DELHI – During a parliamentary debate in April, I expressed my concerns about India’s relationship with Russia. My words were met with grim-faced silence. But the events of the last five months have only strengthened my case.

The debate was on the Ukraine war. While deploring India’s reluctance to call a Russian shovel a spade, I acknowledged that India has historically depended on the Kremlin for defense supplies and spare parts, and appreciated Russia’s long-standing support on vital issues like Kashmir and border tensions with China and Pakistan. But the Ukraine war and Western sanctions had weakened Russia considerably, I noted. The ban on semiconductor chips, for example, had significantly eroded its ability to produce advanced electronics and defense goods that form the basis of India’s dependence.

Worse still, I argued, the war had highlighted and reinforced Russia’s reliance on China as its principal global partner – a relationship that would intensify as Russia grew weaker. India could then scarcely depend on the Kremlin to counter Chinese aggression, exemplified by the People’s Liberation Army’s territorial encroachments and killing of 20 Indian soldiers in June 2020.

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The US sees India as a key ally against China, with India's autonomy tied to Russia's global influence.

India and Russia have a long-standing relationship, with Russia being India's main arms supplier during the Cold War.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The Ukraine conflict has limited India's geopolitical options, as Russia is no longer a viable balancer.

Title:

Content: Archive | Countries | Persons | Catalog | News | Discussions | Jokes | Contacts | PDA
| Central Asia | Afghanistan | Kazakhstan | Kyrgyzstan | Tajikistan | Turkmenistan | Uzbekistan |
News & Events
|
Tuesday, 17.05.2022
22: 49 From the conflict in Ukraine, the geopolitical opportunities of India have narrowed, - The Hindu
22: 33 Expansion of the EAEU functions may be the best solution for it - A.Sibirskaya
21: 20 Collective security is strengthened.
The leaders of the CSTO countries celebrated two anniversaries in Moscow, - "K"
19: 54 Tokayev knocked 69
19: 27 In Alushta saboteurs mined the gas pipeline
14: 30 Russian singer Lev Leshchenko hid capital in Kazakhstan
14: 19 Arkasha Rogalsky did not sit at the head of the Kyrgyz Geology for a month (in the rank of deputy minister)
14: 11 How the war in Ukraine and rising prices affected access to food in Tajikistan
14: 02 Modern liberalism is the reincarnation of fascism - Mikh.Delyagin
13: 11 Tajik security forces used weapons during dispersal of protesters in Khorog
It became known about the strange detention of EU diplomats flying from Tehran
13: 03 Russians change dollars to Kazakh tenge
13: 01 P.V. Gusterin: Encyclopedia of Arabic "Brothers of Purity"
11: 51 Pro-Western military coup foiled in Mali
10: 52 I thought it was unnecessary.
Taliban dissolves key government departments in Afghanistan
10: 04 First Deputy Akim of Atyrau Region Nurlan Taubayev sentenced to 10 years in prison
09: 43 Former Minister of Culture of Kazakhstan Mukhamediuly accused of especially large predations
09: 29 Russians in the Latvian ethnocracy.
It ’ s time to take … .MK.
09: 17 on the preparation of biological warfare.
The UN has included a "fool" - A. Mezyaev
09: 15 Europe will not pull three troubles at once.
Feast during the plague of globalism, - A. Krengel
08: 37 Central Asia will be saved only by the CSTO, - Aynur Kurmanov
08: 25 The capitulation of the Azov "sidelets": Kiev is confused
06: 22 Kazakh film "Storm" won the Grand Prix of the film festival in Los Angeles
The price of anti-Russian sanctions is becoming more and more unaffordable, - "Kayhan"
In Ukraine, Russia chose the lesser of evils, - Ricardo Zedano
Gloomy CSTO summit: Lukashenko clashed with colleagues over Ukraine
Chinese rover unexpectedly found water at the landing site on Mars
"Good" or "bad" Afghans shot at Tajikistan?
00: 32 CSTO summit in Moscow: water in the stupa
Top managers detained, but why not touch the main "garbage queen" of Kazakhstan - Aliya Nazarbayev?
00: 27 Butin bizdin.
The famous kaz-business bastard Bulat Abilov created the party Bizdin Tandau
Iranian President Not Forgiven for Rising Food Prices - I.Subbotin
Monday, 16.05.2022
23: 01 Three Deputy Minister of Health of Kyrgyzstan revolted and asked to dismiss his chief
22: 57 Staff sovenik of the 1st Deputy Prime Minister of Kyrgyzstan detained by the GKNB.
Turned out to be a spy?
22: 39 Zelensky put forward an ultimatum to Turkey.
But he won't get anything.
21: 50 Stop chewing snot.
RosMID needs tough actions in five countries - V.Trukhachev
21: 43 You have destroyed our great Persian Empire.
Notes on Iran, - S.V.Lukyanenko
21: 16 Narendra Modi Seduced by Western Values - V.Skosyrev
21: 14 The new Prime Minister of France will be Elizabeth Bourne
18: 20 President of Somalia, after a break, Hassan Sheikh Mahamud is re-elected
15: 56 Indo-Pakistani scenario prepared for Russia and Ukraine - A. Nosovich
13: 34 In Dushanbe, a secret benefactor presented a two-room apartment to the mother of many children Zarrina
13: 32 How the Taliban are fighting the media and journalists after the seizure of power in Afghanistan
13: 29 "Everyone will have his own fee": what children who find themselves in the conflict zone experience
13: 28 The Taliban increased the number of Afghan army to 130 thousand people
13: 23 CSTO - the union "together", not "in spite of" - Sergey Kim
13: 22 Uzbek parties decide to launch constitutional reform
12: 41 Rallies against opening of casino take place in Bishkek and Karakol
12: 37 Carcasses of seals rot on the shore in Mangistau
12: 32 Taliban to write new Shariah constitution for Afghanistan
“Even Netflix didn ’ t invent this ”: one scheme undermined the foundation of the crypto market
Archive
© CentrAsiaTop
CenterAsia |
From the conflict in Ukraine, India ’ s geopolitical opportunities have narrowed – The Hindu
22: 49 17.05.2022
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict has significantly reduced the geopolitical opportunities of India, writes the newspaper The Hindu.
The author of the material notes that New Delhi should be wary of the increased influence of the PRC in South Asia.
Happymon Jacob
The main concern is what to do with China, which is trying to rally the entire region under its influence.
The short-lived confrontation between Russia and Ukraine, as New Delhi had hoped, resulted in a full-scale conflict with no end in sight, and its long-term consequences are very vague.
As for India, the diplomatic rush is over, and as the conflict drags on, its geopolitical options are shrinking.
Fewer opportunities
For several weeks in late March and early April, the conflict in Ukraine seemed to open up a range of geopolitical opportunities.
Loud visits to New Delhi, pleas of world leaders to support their positions and political equilibrism on the part of India - it seemed that the country was in the center of attention of the whole world.
However, instead of expanding New Delhi ’ s strategic capabilities in its region, the conflict in Ukraine threatens, on the contrary, to narrow the options available to India – for at least three reasons.
First, Russia, a key strategic partner, is no longer available to India as a balancer.
In the third month of the special operation in Ukraine, Moscow is perhaps even more dependent on India than vice versa.
Second, Russia ’ s sudden fall from the Asian equilibrium has only strengthened China ’ s influence.
Whatever the global balance of power may be at the end of the conflict, the regional balance will irrevocably shift in favor of Beijing.
Third, given that the US and its Western partners are now more interested in the Ukrainian theater of operations, their attention to China has already suffered – and with it the entire Indo-Pacific region.
These factors will automatically limit India ’ s regional geopolitical capabilities.
The main dilemma for India today is not whether to continue to engage with Russia or not.
Further cooperation in the short and medium term is beyond doubt.
However, due to the Russian adventure, New Delhi has new reasons for anxiety and reflection.
The Growing Chinese Challenge
The main headache of New Delhi is still the solution to the Chinese problem.
Of course, the Chinese challenge as such is not connected with the Ukrainian crisis, but, as a result, it has only become more complicated.
The conflict in Ukraine has breathed new life into the US-led global military-political coalition, but it will inevitably weaken American influence in South Asia.
Although this process began long before the outbreak of hostilities, it will only accelerate in the future, especially given that Washington ’ s concern with European theater will further reduce its interest in South Asia.
The main benefit of reducing the American and Western presence in the region will be China - it will actually be carte blanche.
Thus, Moscow is no longer available to New Delhi from the point of view of regional interests, and the US ability to help India achieve favorable geopolitical results is also reduced.
Thus, New Delhi is not so much concerned about how to please both sides of the conflict, but what to do with China, which is rapidly consolidating the entire region under its influence.
How is India working in this direction?
Take the recent visit of Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi to New Delhi.
It was noted that the Indian counterpart Subramanyam Jaishankar and the national security adviser Ajit Doval convinced Wang that the normalization of diplomatic and political relations is possible only after the withdrawal of troops from the Indian side of the line of de facto control (LFK).
But Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s decision to attend the BRICS summit in China threatens to soften New Delhi ’ s harsh stance toward Beijing.
In other words, the harsh tone of Jaishankar and Doval in response to Wang ’ s proposal for normalization may be weakened by Modi ’ s presence at the BRICS summit, even if virtual.
But how could New Delhi, whose geopolitical choice in the region due to the fighting in Ukraine has been severely limited, leave the Chinese diplomatic initiative unheeded?
Engaging Chinese-Russian ties
While there is no doubt that, in the long run, a conflict-weary and weakened Russia will become China ’ s junior partner, India now has the opportunity to influence Moscow to persuade Beijing to abandon the irredentism of exercise therapy.
Imagine that option.
If the Chinese side, taking advantage of the general distraction to Ukraine, takes steps along the exercise therapy, India will have to turn to the West and the United States for support (political, diplomatic, intelligence, and so on).
This will always be at the expense of Russia ’ s interests.
Therefore, it makes sense for Moscow to ask Beijing to refrain from such steps until the end of hostilities.
Wang ’ s visit to New Delhi and his request for India to return to the status quo may indicate that Beijing is also seeking to resolve conflicts along the exercise track.
Although China may have other reasons to “normalize ” relations with India (for example, to give the impression that Beijing unites all of South Asia under its leadership, as long as the West and the United States are occupied with Ukraine), it is important for Russia that its main Asian friends - China and India - do not conflict.
At least until the fighting ends.
While this may well help deal with Chinese aggression along exercise therapy in the short term, the outcome will depend on how China views its own relationship with Russia and its relationship with India.
That is the challenge for New Delhi.
If China stabilizes exercise therapy with the participation of Russia, it will expect that India will let the events in the Indo-Pacific down on the brakes - and it cannot afford it.
Keeping Calm in Kashmir
India ’ s continental strategy in the northwest – particularly Afghanistan and Central Asia – will also be complicated by the conflict in Ukraine.
At first glance, it may seem that the situation favors India.
Consider the following.
The Line of Control (LK) with Pakistan has been quiet for more than a year, and violence in Kashmir has decreased.
The main reason for the current lull is that Pakistan was initially busy consolidating its successes as a result of the Taliban ’ s return to Afghanistan (the Taliban is a terrorist organization banned in Russia, approx.
And now it has unpleasant consequences.
Moreover, New Delhi ’ s presence in Afghanistan has disappeared as such.
So, roughly speaking, calm in Kashmir and along the LC can be called the price for India ’ s withdrawal from Afghanistan.
From the outside, this may seem like a good deal.
But in the long run this is not the case.
If New Delhi signs, the deal implies not only abandoning strategic interests in Afghanistan, but also reducing participation in the whole of Central Asia - against the background of feverish raids into the region by China, right on the margins of the Russian sphere of influence.
In the future, the situation will worsen, including due to the Ukrainian conflict.
If Moscow had not gotten involved in the fighting in Ukraine, it would have repelled Beijing ’ s attempts to seize its backyard (in a sense, China is doing the same economically with Russia as NATO is doing militarily).
During the December summit, India and Russia decided on a number of initiatives on Central Asia and Afghanistan.
But they are unlikely to revive in the near future – most likely, the countries will give up their positions to China and Pakistan.
The combination of geopolitical consequences from the untimely withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan, the conflict between Russia and Ukraine and the rapid expansion of Chinese influence shows how sharply the geopolitical choice of New Delhi has narrowed.
author:
Happimon Jacob teaches foreign policy at the School of International Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi
Source - inosmi.ru
Permanent address of the article - https: / / centrasia.org / newsA.php? st = 1652816940
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China's influence in South Asia has grown, limiting India's regional geopolitical capabilities.

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India may try to influence Moscow to persuade Beijing, while China may seek to resolve conflicts with India.

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India's northwest strategy will be complicated by the Ukraine conflict.

The Sino-Russian alliance opposes the US, with Russia backing China's claim to Taiwan.

Title:

Content: Editorial on Sino-American Conflict Structure and Taiwan's Two Routes
In her speech to the Legislative Yuan yesterday, the speaker of the House of Representatives of the Czech Republic, Adamova, quoted a famous quote from the Prague Spring of 1968 in the Czech Republic: "I assure you that we are with you, we will continue to be with you, and we will be with you in all circumstances!" In contrast, Ma Ying-jiu went to China to pay homage to the ancestors and cooperated with President Tsai's visit to Central America and return to the United States.
Taiwan ’ s two lines intersect like never before as the conflict structure between China and the United States continues to consolidate.
Xi Jinping, on the one hand, criticized by name that Western countries led by the United States have implemented all-round containment, containment and suppression of China, bringing unprecedented challenges to China's development; on the other hand, despite the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for Putin, accusing him of war crimes, and taking personal criminal responsibility for the abduction of Ukrainian children. In fact, it is supporting Putin to continue to govern and deepen the comprehensive strategic partnership, and it is no secret that the Sino-Russian alliance is joining hands to oppose the United States.
In the joint statement, the Russian side “reaffirms its adherence to the one-China principle, recognizes Taiwan as an inalienable part of China ’ s territory, opposes any form of Taiwan independence, and firmly supports China ’ s moves to safeguard its sovereignty and territorial integrity. ”
Xi Jinping supported Putin ’ s invasion of Ukraine, Putin ’ s invasion of Taiwan, and other border disputes.
This development is likely to pose a strategic challenge to India.
For a long time, based on the confrontation with China, India has been far away from Russia.
However, as Sino-Russian relations become closer and closer, and the two sides cooperate to promote "great changes not seen in a century", if India's Indo-Pacific strategy to the United States is tilted, it is very reasonable, and it is in India's national security and interests.
During Xi Jinping ’ s stay in Moscow, Fox News reported on the 21st that last December, when China and India clashed on the disputed border, India obtained real-time intelligence from the US government beforehand, which gave India an advantage in the conflict and caught China off guard and repulsed China ’ s aggression.
Allegedly, the United States disclosed to the Indian side in advance the location of China's deployment, detailed information about its forces, and satellite images, which allowed the Indian side to intercept in time for the PLA operation.
Sharing intelligence to help with precision strikes is reminiscent of the Ukrainian battlefield, and the timing of the disclosure is no accident.
And after the United States has consolidated its traditional allies, the position and choice of this big country is crucial.
From the One Country, Two Systems Taiwan Plan in 2019 to the Hong Kong National Security Law in 2020, the policy toward Taiwan in the new era of Xi Jinping has lost its stability since Deng Xiaoping.
It is generally believed that Xi Jinping, who has been in power for a long time, must have new historical achievements to rationalize his three consecutive terms and even his life.
In this regard, the resolution of Taiwan by force is only his appetizer, and the rewriting of the international order with China and Russia as the axis is Mao Zedong ’ s incomparable achievement.
As for China ’ s rising international status, Russia ’ s weakening, and a large area of territory occupied by Russia since imperialism, if it can be returned to China, Xi Jinping will be even more arrogant.
Therefore, the democratic world must prevent the first domino of Taiwan from falling, so that the whole domino effect accelerates, and finally, in order to Xi Jinping's ambitions and delusions, the world's soldiers are entangled in misfortune and death.
In other words, the world is in the ascendancy, of course, Taiwan cannot contract its own security to the democratic world. Although in the eyes of the democratic world, Taiwan is a leader in democracy in the Indo-Pacific, an important regional economy, and an important contributor to key supply chains, it seems that Taiwan has not achieved democratic stability since democratization.
The political party rotation has become normal, and it is a good thing.
However, after 2014, Taiwan ’ s democratic agitation and ups and downs have become more intense, with the 2014 Democratic Progressive Party retreating from power, the 2016 Democratic Progressive Party returning to power, the 2018 Korean wave sweeping, the 2020 small British reverse victory, and the 2022 KMT in great shape, thus, 224 is full of variables.
This time, the Kuomintang cooperation, the Beijing election, the depth of the breadth, have more than the past momentum, coupled with the increasingly established Sino-US conflict structure, which will have a positive and negative impact on the psychological state of Taiwan's voters, which may be a challenge to be overcome by Taiwan itself.
Some people may think that a general election only changes the government, not the country.
In the third wave of democratic countries, the election of authoritarian governments has reverted to “democratically elected autocracies ”, and there are many examples.
We do not want to be alarmist. The nature of the 2022 election is different from that of the past. It will not only determine whether the political parties win or lose, but also whether Taiwan can maintain its independence status quo.
Last week, the U.S. House of Representatives overwhelmingly passed an amendment to the Taiwan Guarantee Act, which will be implemented in 2020. The sponsor, Republican Congressman John Wagner, vice chairman of the House Foreign Relations Committee, stressed that the amendment is a counter to Chinese aggression and supports an independent Taiwan.
As Biden told Xi, “It (Taiwan) is independent and it makes its own decisions. ”
Geopolitics have changed dramatically, and Taiwan is at a crossroads, and Ma Ying-jeou has declared that "Chinese on both sides of the Taiwan Strait" should "strive to revitalize China", which runs counter to the mainstream public opinion in Taiwan.
The structure of the Sino-US conflict, the two routes of Taiwan, are displayed in front of 23.0 million people.
The 2022 election will determine whether the world views Taiwan from the perspective of Ukraine or Belarus.
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Editor 's Choice

India's Indo-Pacific strategy favors the US, amid a challenging Sino-Russian alliance.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

India relies on Russia for energy and fertilizer goods, and Russia needs India to circumvent Western sanctions.

Title:

Content: Chairman of the Board of Directors and Editors
I'm sorry.
Mohamad Elbaz
Editor-in-Chief
Wael Lotfy
Chairman of the Board of Directors and Editors
I'm sorry.
Mohamad Elbaz
Editor-in-Chief
Wael Lotfy
Financial Times reveals the secret of the cohesion of Russian-Indian relations
The Financial Times on Tuesday highlighted the secret of India-Russia relations and India ’ s response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
India is sticking to Russia despite the Russian invasion of Ukraine, as New Delhi has refrained from angering Moscow over deep trade and defence ties and worries about China.
Indo-Russian relations
India relies on Moscow for goods such as energy and fertilizer, while Russia needs India to help it circumvent Western sanctions.
The newspaper pointed out that this is the second time for Russian President Vladimir Putin, who put Russia on the line of isolation, after the crisis of the new coronavirus last December, and his destination at the time to India was focused on preparing for future conflicts.
Russian President Vladimir Putin has told Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi that Moscow is working with New Delhi in the “military and technical sphere as with any other country, ” describing India as a“ time-tested friend ” as the two leaders signed a new 10-year defence pact.
Moscow remained India's most important military supplier, with Russian tanks, aircraft and other heavy weapons deployed on the Indian Himalayan border.
The Friendship Challenge
Friendship was also challenged just eight weeks later when Russian troops stormed Ukraine, pushing India to save more than 15,000 citizens, most of them students studying in the country.
Western countries condemned the Russian aggression, with New Delhi loyal to its old partner, and India, as a temporary member of the UN Security Council, abstained from voting on a resolution condemning the Russian invasion last week along with China and the UAE.
Analysts say India believes there is little benefit in not alienating Russia, which relies on it for commodities such as energy and fertilizers, with neighboring China as a much bigger strategic threat.
Russian support is seen as vital to managing the unresolved confrontation between India and China on its northern Himalayan border after deadly fighting in 2020.
Konstantino Xavier, a fellow at the Centre for Social and Economic Progress in New Delhi, said: “Here in Delhi, Russia has long been seen as a dangerous tactical distraction for the West, from India ’ s perspective, the only actor that will emerge stronger from the war in Ukraine is China. ”
Although Modi appealed to Putin to “immediately stop the violence ” in a phone call on the first day of the war, Indian officials avoided blaming the Russian president.
Instead, New Delhi has kept in touch with both Moscow and Kiev because it has prioritized evacuations of its citizens on Ukraine ’ s western border.
India ’ s partnership with Russia dates back to the early days of independence after 1947, when Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru inspired parts of his socialist economy from the Soviet Union.
Although India was "unbiased" during the Cold War, it came close to the Soviets as the United States drifted toward its enemy Pakistan.
Crucially, the Soviet Union is credited with helping India win the 1971 war with Pakistan over Bangladesh.
India ’ s relations with the United States and Europe have strengthened since the end of the Cold War.
New Delhi, a member of the Quadripartite Security Partnership with the United States, Japan and Australia, is seen as an indispensable Western ally and a counterweight to China in Asia.
However, India is surrounded by its enemies on its northern border, and India ’ s geographical location means it does not want to rely on distant Western support.
Uday Kotak, managing director of Kotak Mahendra Bank and one of India ’ s wealthiest men, tweeted: “China on the one hand and Pakistan on the other, both are nuclear enabled, adding that given“ our dependence on Russian military equipment, and the United States is far away, we have challenges. ”
Tanvi Madan, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, said: “India is watching Russian-Chinese relations closely, and what they have seen for years is that the relationship is getting closer and closer, and they didn ’ t want to push Putin further toward China. ”

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

rupee-ruble payments were introduced to avoid western sanctions on Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India views Russia as crucial in its confrontation with China, having signed a new 10-year defence pact.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India prioritizes relations with Russia due to China's strategic threat and their long-standing partnership since independence.

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Russia aided India in the 1971 Bangladesh war, so India avoids pushing Russia towards China.

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The India-Russia relationship is under pressure due to the Ukraine conflict, with India avoiding public criticism of Russia's invasion.

Title:

Content: China / Russia / India
Russian Ambassador to India: Russia is not China ’ s “junior partner ”
Denis Alipov, Russia ’ s ambassador to India, said in New Delhi on Feb. 6 that “there is this general perception that we have become China ’ s junior partner … Frankly, we have never been anyone ’ s ‘ junior partner ’ in history. ”
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According to the Hindustan Times, the Russian ambassador to India made the above remarks when speaking at an event commemorating the 30th anniversary of the signing of the Indo-Russian Friendship Treaty in 1993.
He also accused the United States of exploiting “contradictions ” between India and China, using a“ divide and rule ” strategy, and acknowledged that relations between India and Russia were “under pressure ” following the Ukraine conflict.
India has avoided publicly criticizing Russia ’ s invasion of Ukraine, the report said, even though Prime Minister Narendra Modi told Russian President Vladimir Putin at a meeting last year that “this is not an era of war. ”
In downplaying US-India relations, Alipov stressed that Russia ’ s assistance to India is better than that of the United States, saying that “the United States is actively taking advantage of the contradiction between India and China to promote“ a new example of a democratic state versus an authoritarian state. ”
He added that neither Russia nor India supported the “old divide and rule strategy. ”
Answering questions after his speech, Alipov sought to downplay claims that a new “uncapped partnership ” between Russia and China could affect Russia-India relations.
He said Russia would "do its utmost to promote" the normalization of relations between India and China.
“We ’ ve heard a lot of discussions about India ’ s close relationship with China at this stage … There ’ s this general perception that we ’ ve become China ’ s junior partner … Frankly, we ’ ve never been anybody ’ s junior partner in history … We have very close cooperation with China … but we ’ re never going to be replaced by China or anyone else, ” Alipov said. class partner."

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

Russia aims to normalize India-China relations, and Russia has close cooperation with China but maintains independence.

The India-Russia relationship has significant implications for Indo-Pacific regional security dynamics.

Title:

Content: Why is the relationship between India and Europe heading to a new peak when the situation between India and Russia is ambiguous?
Author: External Submission
Published: Updated:
After the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, India ’ s position in international politics suddenly became “hot. ”
During Prime Minister Boris Johnson ’ s visit to India in late April, the two sides issued a joint statement entitled “Achieving Common Security and Prosperity through National Resilience. ”
During the visit of EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen in the Indian capital of New Delhi, the EU and India agreed to establish a Trade and Technology Commission to strengthen cooperation between the two sides. Following Johnson and Von der Leyen, the foreign ministers of Poland, Lithuania, Slovenia, Portugal, the Netherlands, Norway and Luxembourg also visited India in succession.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi left for Germany, Denmark and France on May 2, after which he held talks with German Prime Minister Olaf Scholz in Berlin, followed by Copenhagen and a two-day India-Northern Europe summit with the Prime Ministers of Denmark, Iceland, Finland, Sweden and Norway.
Modi later made a brief stop in France, where he met with French President Emmanuel Macron to “share views on a variety of regional and global issues and assess ongoing bilateral cooperation. ”
It can be seen that although India chose to abandon the United States and Europe to maintain a more neutral stance in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, recently India-Europe relations not only rose against the trend, but also achieved many breakthroughs.
What are the reasons behind this phenomenon and what are the factors that affect it?
Raja Mohan, a well-known Indian geo-strategist, pointed out: First, India and the EU want to reduce their dependence on Russia; second, India and the EU need to better cope with the rapid rise of China; third, India and the EU are looking forward to playing an important regional role under the influence of the United States.
The author predicts that the combination of these three factors will lead to a new upsurge in India-European relations. Although this prediction is suspected of greatly exaggerating India ’ s strategic importance, it also provides a new perspective for our understanding of India ’ s attitude.
On April 21, 2022, British Prime Minister Johnson visited India to visit Gandhi ’ s hometown. (AP)
On April 24, 2022, Macron was re-elected President of France, which gave the whole of Europe and North America a sigh of relief.
India is also pleased with Macron ’ s successful re-election as he has laid a solid foundation for the India-France strategic partnership.
If Macron ’ s rival, Marine Le Pen, wins, Europe ’ s geopolitics will be dramatically complicated.
If the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is a challenge to the existing European regional order, then Le Pen ’ s challenge to Macron demonstrates Russia ’ s broad influence on European domestic issues.
Le Pen, like many other right-wing leaders in Europe, has close ties to Vladimir Putin, many of whom are deeply hostile to the EU.
If Le Pen wins, it will not only change France ’ s international trajectory, but also shake the political core of the European Union.
Unlike the Soviet Union, which tried to influence European politics through left-wing parties, Russia now influences European politics through right-wing parties.
Le Pen won nearly 42% of the vote, reflecting the growing challenges facing mainstream politics in Europe.
Europe now has no choice but to redouble its efforts against Putin.
Russia ’ s threat to Europe ’ s internal affairs is one of the factors influencing India ’ s increased engagement with Europe. While India and the EU have been talking about a strategic partnership for two decades, progress has been slow due to three external factors.
The Russian factor
In conversations with European leaders who recently visited Delhi, the Russia-Ukraine conflict was a key topic.
India ’ s reluctance to condemn Putin ’ s incursion may indicate that India-Russia relations remain inextricably linked.
This suggests that the best response India can make in the Russia-Ukraine conflict is to remain “neutral. ”
For the past few weeks, India has insisted that its silence was not in support of a Russian invasion.
It is worth noting that India has repeatedly stressed the need to respect the territorial integrity of countries, which in fact negates Russia.
Needless to say, in the context of the escalating strategic competition between China and India, the Russia-Ukraine conflict has made India very uneasy.
For India, normal relations between Russia and the West are ideal.
However, while India has rapidly drawn closer political and economic ties with Europe and the United States, Russia is locked in a fierce confrontation with the West.
India may be mindful of its old feelings toward Russia, but it will never sever its warming relationship with the West.
In recent years, given Russia ’ s declining economic power and growing isolation on the international stage, India ’ s options have become clear.
At the same time, geographical proximity and industrial complementarity determine the close economic and trade relationship between Russia and Europe.
The EU ’ s trade with Russia is huge, with an annual trade volume of about $260 billion, while the EU ’ s trade with India is only $10 billion.
Unlike India, Europe ’ s social ties with Russia are deeply rooted.
European leaders, including Macron, have long advocated a historic rapprochement with Russia and the inclusion of Moscow in the regional security order.
However, Putin ’ s actions in Ukraine have forced Europe to take costly measures to disengage from Russia.
This is especially true of Germany, which has strong and close commercial ties with Russia.
With Putin locked in a protracted and unwinnable conflict, Russia is set to pay a heavy price for its actions.
The Russia-Ukraine conflict undoubtedly raises a major short-term problem, one that both India and the EU have to deal with.
Now, India and the EU are finding themselves united in their goal of reducing their dependence on Russia.
In the long run, Russia will gradually decline, and its influence on Indo-European relations will diminish.
For nearly a century, Indo-Russian relations have complicated Indo-European relations.
If the Russian October Revolution of 1917 inspired India ’ s national independence movement, then the Soviet partnership dominated India ’ s foreign relations during the Cold War.
But now, the era of Russia ’ s influence on India ’ s international relations is coming to an end.
In December 2021, Modi warmly received the visiting Putin. (AP)
Second, the Chinese factor
China ’ s growing power objectively pushes India and Europe to strengthen their partnership with each other.
Contrary to India ’ s belief that Russia is “forced to make good friends with China, ” Russia has in fact been actively deepening its relations with China for more than two decades, which makes India very anxious. In June 2021, US President Joe Biden met with Putin in Geneva and proposed to explore the establishment of fruitful diplomatic relations with Russia.
However, Putin made a careful strategic choice – he chose China. In February 2022, Putin visited Beijing, and the two countries proposed “no cap on Sino-Russian relations. ”
Whether Russia is forced or proactively engaged with China makes no difference to India.
India has no choice but to deal with the consequences of Russia ’ s choice.
How to deal with China ’ s rise over the past two decades has become an epochal issue for Indian policymakers.
And the close relationship between China and Russia makes this challenge even more difficult to deal with.
As India strives to maintain reasonable relations with Russia, the EU should be an important partner for India in meeting the challenges posed by China.
This is also reinforced by the EU ’ s renewed understanding of China.
Trade between China and Europe has been very frequent for more than two decades, and it is clear that Europe has not given enough thought to China ’ s long-term political ambitions.
The multiplicity of problems between China and Europe, the close geopolitical relationship between China and Russia, and the rapid deterioration of Sino-US relations mean that the EU is afraid to invest more political capital to establish a more targeted strategic relationship with India.
India will also respond to this.
Third, the American factor
More recently, Europe ’ s attempts to wean itself off America ’ s call for “strategic autonomy ” are highly consistent with India ’ s wishes.
However, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict underscores the importance of the United States in helping Europe confront Russia.
In Asia, China ’ s assertiveness has once again made the United States a key factor in shaping regional peace and security.
However, the United States does not want its allies in Europe and Asia to become weak.
The United States wants Europe to be strong enough to take more responsibility for its own security, and it wants India to play a greater role in Asia to ensure regional security.
Above all, the United States wants a stronger relationship between India and Europe.
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict has forced India to readjust its relations with major powers and Europe to refocus on geopolitics.
For the first time since independence, India and the European Union have an unprecedented convergence of interests, which means that the two sides can work together to restore order in Eurasia and the Indo-Pacific region.
Raja Mohan is a senior research fellow at the Asia Society Policy Institute in New Delhi and a contributing editor for international affairs at The Indian Express.
This article was originally published on The India Express website on April 26 under the headline “India, Europe and the Russian complication ”.
The Chinese version of this article was published earlier on the South Asia Research Bulletin platform.
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The US and China are also impacted, as the US seeks to counter China's growing regional influence.

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Scholar: Modi ’ s visit to the United States is fruitful and the United States and India feel the threat of China
Sun Yun, director of the China Project of the US think tank Stimson Center, pointed out in an article that Indian Prime Minister Modi's recent visit to the United States can be said to be "high standards, results and broad expectations."
The U.S.-India coordination would not have progressed so smoothly and quickly without the shared threat perception brought by China.
In an opinion piece published by Voice of America (VOA), Sun Yun pointed out that the United States and India have repeatedly stressed that the continuous improvement of bilateral relations has nothing to do with China.
But behind Narendra Modi ’ s visit to the United States is the shadow of China as a common geopolitical challenge for the United States and India.
She pointed out that Modi's visit to the United States can be described as "high standard" - the highest form of state visit; "results" - the conclusion of a number of solid defense cooperation agreements; "broad expectations" - pointing out multiple directions for future cooperation between the United States and India.
Sun Yun believes that the US "Indo-Pacific Strategy" can be said to be a new version of the original "Asia-Pacific Strategy + India", including India's South Asian subcontinent and the Indian Ocean are included in the US global security architecture, which has been an important part of the US strategy towards China since the Trump administration.
At the same time, from an Asian perspective, enhancing India ’ s position of power and regional prestige will help India become a potential regional rival to China; from a global perspective, reducing and thus eliminating India-Russia defense cooperation will help weaken Russia ’ s influence in regional and even international affairs.
However, Sun Yun stressed that the gap between China and India's strength is still huge, and India's gross domestic product (GDP) is currently only about 20% of China's.
Under such conditions, India ’ s defense budget and military strength are difficult to rival China.
Therefore, the United States to help India, in the short term, it is difficult to make India into a regional power that can resist the Chinese Chamber of Commerce, to change the power gap between China and India and the balance of power is still too early.
However, according to Sun Yun, observers are concerned about the regional situation created by the close cooperation between the United States and India, as well as the constraints and pressures on China.
The point is that China is being targeted and isolated by regional powers.
She said that for the Indo-Pacific situation, with the "quadripartite structure" of the United States, Japan, India and Australia as the basic regional structure, the United States has recently increased security cooperation with its partners, including the Indo-Pacific strategic coordination with Canada, the enhanced extended deterrence with South Korea, the new military base cooperation agreement with the Philippines, and this defense cooperation with India, showing increasing regional security pressure on China.
Sun Yun believes that considering India's tradition of strategic autonomy, in the foreseeable future, the United States is difficult to persuade India to abandon its non-alliance policy and form a security alliance with the United States.
But by any measure, a stronger India is a plus for the strategic competition between the United States and China, not only in politics, economics, diplomacy, and security can distract China ’ s efforts in the region, creating obstacles and constraints for China ’ s influence in the region and global rise.
She said that even if India will not join the United States in the military struggle against China, the pressure and influence that India can bring to China in times of peace and even during crises is significant and even irreplaceable.
This is also the fundamental reason why Washington values Modi ’ s visit and focuses on US-India defense cooperation arrangements.
Sun Yun analysis, for the United States and India continue to approach, China is difficult to effectively deal with.
India has insisted in recent years that the border issue should be a prerequisite for the normalization of relations between the two countries.
China cannot and will not be satisfied with this.
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Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

India's partnership with the US, via the Quad, is seen as a response to China's growing regional influence.

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Content: Putin ’ s visit to India focuses on military and energy cooperation | Deutsche Welle introduces Germany from Germany | DW | 06.12.2021
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The political climate of the times
Putin's visit to India focuses on military and energy cooperation
Russian President Vladimir Putin arrived in New Delhi on Monday to seek to strengthen military and energy cooperation with his traditional ally.
The trip is Putin's second foreign visit since the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic.
India has also been "courted" by Washington.
On November 13, 2019, Modi and Putin met at the BRICS Summit in Brazil.
In response to a rising China, Washington has recently established a quadrilateral security dialogue with India, Japan and Australia, raising concerns in Beijing and Moscow.
During the Cold War, India had close ties with the Soviet Union.
The relationship has always existed, and New Delhi calls it a “special and privileged strategic partnership ”.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi told Putin at a video summit in September that "India-Russia friendship has stood the test of time... You have always been a great friend of India."
The visit is Putin's second overseas visit since the outbreak of the pandemic.
In June, after a summit in Geneva with US President Joe Biden, he did not attend the G20 and COP26 summits.
Nandan Unnikrishnan of the Observer Research Foundation, a think-tank in New Delhi, called the trip “symbolic. ”
"There has been a lot of speculation about the nature of India-Russia relations and whether this relationship has been fractured by the close relations between Russia and China and between India and the United States, and this visit has put an end to all these speculations," he said.
However, Putin still has to deal with the complex regional situation.
Relations between New Delhi and Beijing, a traditional ally of Moscow, have been strained following bloodshed in the disputed Himalayan region.
Tatiana Belousova, of Om Prakash Jindal Global University in Haryana, said, “Russia ’ s influence in the region is very limited.
This is mainly because it has close ties with China and is unwilling to act contrary to China's regional interests. "
September 2021 BRICS Video Summit
Defence and energy
The Kremlin said last week that the Russia-India summit would focus on defense and energy issues.
As the negotiations involved "several important energy agreements", Russian energy giant Rosneft boss Igor Sechin also attended the summit.
Russia has long been a major arms supplier to India.
India is committed to modernizing its armed forces, and one of the most high-profile India-Russia military contracts is the S-400 long-range surface-to-air missile defense system.
The deal, worth more than $5 billion, was signed in 2018.
The delivery of the weapon system is reported to have begun.
However, the arms deal has the potential to upend bilateral relations between New Delhi and Washington, which have grown rapidly in recent years.
The United States has threatened to impose sanctions under the Sanctions Against American Adversaries Act (CAATSA), which aims to deter Russia.
The State Department said last week that no decision had been made on granting India an exemption.
Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters on Monday that Indian friends had made it clear to the Russian side that India is a sovereign state and that it is up to itself to decide whose weapons to buy and who can become India's partner.
New Delhi has long sought to diversify its military imports.
However, analysts pointed out that it will take some time to get rid of Russia.
Unok Richenan said that given the "unabated" tension with Pakistan, military equipment is of "vital importance" to India and "to ensure this, it will do its best to get what it needs."
India is also focusing on expanding its own arms manufacturing capabilities.
Recently, the country has established a joint venture with Russia to produce AK-203 assault rifles.
The annual bilateral summit has been the practice of India and Russia.
However, the last time the two leaders met was during the BRICS summit in Brazil in 2019.
In a statement last month, India's Foreign Ministry said that at this week's summit, the two countries "leaders will assess the current status and prospects of bilateral relations and discuss ways to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries."
Prior to Putin's arrival on Monday, the foreign and defense ministers of the two countries had held preliminary talks.
Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh tweeted that the two sides had signed a number of agreements and contracts on small arms and military cooperation.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said Moscow and New Delhi held "consistent or almost identical positions" on the most important global issues and security issues.
(AFP)
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DW.COM

India seeks to balance its relationships with Russia and China, despite their growing ties.

Title:

Content: Opinion

Treading a fine line

Ajit Doval’s high-stake visits to Russia and the US are reflective of India’s consistent efforts to balance ties with the rival superpowers; writes Vinay Kumar

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India’s security and strategic interests on important global platforms have been in focus over the last month as National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval made hectic trips to the US and Russia.

Doval headed to the United States in late January and held a meeting with his US counterpart, Jake Sullivan. Earlier this month, he paid a visit to Russia where he joined top security officials from China, Iran and a number of Central Asian states to participate in a multilateral meeting on Afghanistan.

NSA’s recent visits to the world’s most important political capitals underlined the importance that India attaches to striking a delicate balance in its relations with both the countries at a time when global security and geopolitical environment appear uncertain. His visits to Washington DC and Moscow show India’s priorities in forging vital initiatives.

In Washington, the two NSAs agreed upon a number of important arrangements under the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) which was launched in 2022 and has the potential to have a transformative impact on India’s partnership with the US in areas like military, science & technology and key high-tech fields.

Considering the fact that Russia and the US have been at loggerheads, more so in the wake of the Ukraine War which has completed one year, Doval’s trip assumes significance. The icing on the cake was that the NSA also had one-on-one meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a rare instance of President Putin meeting a top-ranking official from India. His meeting with Doval also pointed towards the continued importance which both sides accord to each other in taking forward their engagement. At a time when Russia continues to face confrontation with the West over the war in Ukraine, Doval’s meeting with President Putin carries a special context. India, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has lent its voice to the peace-making efforts in Ukraine, stressing that today’s era is not an era of war. In his telephonic conversation with President Putin last September, PM Modi voiced his concern, stressing upon the need to take the path of diplomacy and dialogue, a stance often reiterated at various global forums at the highest level.

While India, having to put up with the Chinese threat, has warmed up to the US, it has also taken pains to maintain its relationship with Russia; though Moscow, facing increased isolation in the global community over the war in Ukraine, does not appear to be too pleased with the initiatives surrounding the Indo-Pacific, with the active involvement of the US and further deepening of strategic defence and technological ties between New Delhi and Washington. India has also stressed upon furthering its cooperation with Russia in sectors such as trade, energy and defence.

With the US, under the iCET initiative, India is poised to forge closer cooperation in the areas of Artificial Intelligence (AI), 6G, quantum technologies etc. Other focus areas include defence innovation, technology cooperation and semiconductor supply chains. Doval stressed upon the need to pin down the deliverables in these key focus areas to ensure that no slip-ups or laxity creeps in. Co-production and technology development have left much to be desired, though India is now billed as a major defence partner of the US

The NSA’s discussions in Washington DC and Moscow also point towards India’s keen desire to safeguard its key interests, make advances in high-tech areas and, at the same time, be ready to hold on to its independent position and avoid landing in confrontationist stance, so far as the two rival powers are concerned, as new dynamics is emerging rather rapidly in the geopolitical arena.

Views expressed are personal

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Why India is walking the tightrope between the US and Russia
12: 56 7 / 6 / 2024
Why India is walking the tightrope between the US and Russia
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After the Cold War, which began in the 1950s, split the world into two camps, the newly independent India became the founder of the Non-Aligned Movement, a group of countries that did not side with either Washington or Moscow.
Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India retained some elements of this policy unchanged, while abandoning others.
In particular, Modi has strengthened ties with the United States, in which he sees a partner in the confrontation with a more assertive China.
At the same time, he continued to develop his country ’ s long-standing ties with Russia.
As a sign of Russia ’ s important role for India, Modi will meet with President Vladimir Putin on July 8 during his first foreign visit to a fellow leader after being elected for a third term.
But these relations are becoming increasingly complex as Russia strengthens ties with China, seeking its broader support.
China and India are not allies.
1.
Is India an ally of the United States?
India and the United States have been strategic partners for at least two decades, which means they can build relationships and cooperate militarily, but are not official treaty bound allies.
Although they have much in common – both countries are large and diverse democracies – New Delhi pursues its own interests in ways that sometimes conflict with US interests.
For example, India has refused to condemn Russia in the conflict with Ukraine, while an alleged plot of assassins in the United States has triggered a criminal investigation in which senior Indian officials are implicated, according to prosecutors.
The basis of relations remains the transformation of China into an assertive regional power.
China and India are long-time rivals with a bitter border dispute, and the US is seeking to draw India as a counterweight to Beijing ’ s rise.
India is part of the Quartet, a regional security dialogue with the United States, Japan and Australia.
A group of senior U.S. officials recently visited India to discuss cooperation in technology, security and foreign investment.
2.
What is India ’ s relationship with Russia?
Although India openly declared its non-alignment during the Cold War, it maintained warm relations with Moscow and was wary of the United States, which was closer to India ’ s main rival, Pakistan.
India and Russia maintain strong ties to this day.
The basis of this relationship is India ’ s status as a reliable buyer of Russian arms and crude oil.
Today, Russia remains India ’ s largest arms supplier, although, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, shipments have declined from about two-thirds of India ’ s arms imports more than a decade ago to just over one-third today as India seeks to diversify its sources of arms supplies.
Russia also remains India ’ s largest oil supplier, although sanctions imposed on Russian oil exports have affected Russian oil imports to India.
India also stands out among the leading democracies for its unwillingness to criticize Russia and abstained from voting at the United Nations, which condemned Russia for the conflict in Ukraine.
3.
What is India ’ s relationship with China?
Relations have been tense for years.
The source of tension was a territorial dispute along their common border that lasted decades and over which the two countries fought a war in 1962.
The dispute flared up again in 2020, culminating in a series of deadly skirmishes and prompting New Delhi to ban Chinese smartphone apps and limit Chinese investment in India.
Recently, there have been rumors of a relaxation of tension.
In May, Beijing appointed its first ambassador to India in 18 months.
After his arrival, he expressed a desire to improve relations between the two countries.
China also congratulated Modi on winning the election in June, and a Chinese official said the countries were on a "healthy and stable path."
The two countries agreed on further negotiations to resolve the border dispute.
4.
How are relations between Russia and China changing?
Russia and China have been rivals since the Sino-Soviet split during the Cold War (a rivalry that also brought Russia and India closer together).
But relations have noticeably warmed as both countries united in their opposition to the US-led international order.
The Russian president made his first foreign trip to Beijing after he was re-elected for a third presidential term in March.
At the July summit on security in Kazakhstan, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin said that relations between them are “the best in history, ” and both sides vowed to jointly defend“ calm and stability in the region. ”
China has become another major buyer of Russian oil, gas and coal, helping Russia counter Western sanctions.
5.
How does the United States view relations between India and Russia?
Washington still views India as a bulwark preventing China from spreading its influence in the Indo-Pacific region.
While he has occasionally criticized India for alleged human rights abuses and the treatment of minorities, India ’ s ties with Moscow have come at minimal political cost.
Following a recent visit by senior US officials, Deputy Secretary of State Kurt Campbell said the US side had raised the issue of India ’ s ties with Russia, as well as accusations of India ’ s involvement in a plot to murder for hire.
But he also said that the United States is confident in its relations with India and wants to expand cooperation between the two countries.
According to some analysts, the US sees India as an important ally in its quest to contain China, so it does not want to risk antagonizing officials in New Delhi.
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Content: Perilous Ukrainian conflict

India’s stance of not taking sides in the Ukrainian conflict thus is bound to be severely tested as the war is entering a more dangerous phase.

India continues its delicate balancing act in not joining the chorus of Western nations in condemning Russia’s eight-month long war in Ukraine while appealing for dialogue to end the conflict. Unfortunately, the war has entered a more perilous phase with Ukraine staging a stunning military counter-offensive since early September and an increasingly cornered Russia annexing four regions through referenda and mobilising reserves for this never-ending conflict. Last Sunday, Ukrainian forces were in full control of the eastern logistics hub of Lyman, the most significant battlefield gain, which provides a staging post for lightening offensives to recapture more territory in the east. Russia, for its part, has vowed to use “all means” including nuclear weapons, to defend its territorial annexation. Worsening geopolitical tensions are bound to impact the energy and food security of the developing world, including India. Even on the diplomatic front there are costs involved as India’s stance is bound to be increasingly viewed by Western nations as a tacit support for president Putin. But true to form. India abstained on a resolution at the UN Security Council that condemned Russia’s “illegal so-called referenda” in four of Ukraine’s regions while reiterating its plea in favour of peace, diplomacy and dialogue.

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India’s restrained position on the Ukrainian conflict obviously stems from its limited geopolitical options. If it joins the West, there is the risk of antagonising the time-tested, reliable relations with Russia. At a time of Chinese aggression on its northern and northeastern borders, the last thing India wants is a disruption of Russian defence equipment on which it depends heavily. Since the Ukraine conflict began in late February, India has also emerged as a big purchaser of deep-discounted Russian oil—buying 765,000 barrels a day last month from limited quantities earlier—in the interests of its energy security. But there are costs with this strategic objective as the ambit of Western sanctions is steadily widening on Russian oil and gas supplies with the US unveiling a raft of new measures against top Russian officials. This is bound to pose serious payment problems for India which is not keen as yet to bypass the Western financial system. Not so long ago, there were reports that Russia was seeking payment for its oil supplies to some Indian customers in the UAE dirham. India would have been relatively insulated from all of this had the rupee-rouble trade agreement of yesteryear been fully re-activated. But this is still a work-in-progress at the moment with no clarity on the peg to fix the rupee-rouble exchange rate. India’s exporters are weighing the impact of fresh sanctions with concern with shipments to Russia dropping by 30% between April to July this fiscal, according to a report in FE.

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India’s stance of not taking sides in the Ukrainian conflict thus is bound to be severely tested as the war is entering a more dangerous phase. It has already unleashed the spectre of a full-blown global food crisis—with prices of wheat and other essentials spiraling up—that threatens vast parts of the developing world. Prime minister Narendra Modi did mention these issues to president Putin when they met at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization summit in Samarkand. The big question is how much longer would India sit on the fence as the costs are steadily mounting not just on the economic but also the international diplomatic front?

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India between Russia and America
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As a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, India abstained last week to condemn Russia, the largest and most capable country in Europe and Asia, for its military operation in Ukraine.
Western countries voted in the Security Council to demand that Russia stop its operation in Ukraine and withdraw its troops immediately, but Russia responded by vetoing a council resolution.
The reason for India's abstention was that it believed that non-alignment on this issue was in its national interests, while siding with one side meant harassing the other in a situation where both the United States and Russia were important to India and its national interests.
Abstaining in the Security Council has thus allowed India to avoid taking sides and being dragged into a crisis in distant places.
The challenge for India, which has no direct interests in Ukraine apart from evacuating its mostly student citizens there, is to make sure there is no reaction to the crisis on its relations with Russia, a key defense partner, or with the United States, which is crucial to addressing growing problems with China in the region.
The Ukraine crisis also comes at a time when India is in the process of acquiring five S-400 Triumph air defense missile systems from Russia and needs an exception from the United States, which has already sanctioned Turkey under the Countering America ’ s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) for possessing the same S-400 missiles from Russia.
Moscow has already begun delivering missiles to New Delhi, which is seen as an important element of defence readiness for India, which has an unstable border with both Pakistan and China.
Russia and India have been allies since the Cold War, and defense cooperation has long been a cornerstone of their relationship.
India has sought to diversify its defense purchases outside of Russia, from countries such as Israel, the United States and others.
But more than 60 percent of India ’ s weapons continue to come from Russia, which means India needs to continue to get spare parts from Moscow.
There is no doubt that the relationship between India and Russia has come under strain, as New Delhi has become closer to Washington, amid mutual concerns over a range of issues, including the rise of China.
Their relationship has deepened over the past decade and they are now partners, along with Japan and Australia, in the Quadripartite Security Forum.
Russia, in turn, has become closer to China and Pakistan even as its relations with the United States and the West deteriorate.
But developments in Afghanistan, where the withdrawal of U.S. troops has brought the Taliban back to power, have led to New Delhi ’ s increased political engagement with Moscow as India seeks access to Central Asia.
There is no doubt that India is trying to maintain a delicate balance between Russia and the United States, taking sides in the Ukraine conflict will only lead to problems for India, especially since it has no direct interests in Ukraine.
There have also been reports that Russia has quietly worked behind the scenes to defuse tensions between India and China following the 2020 border clashes.
As a result, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was among the few world leaders to have spoken by phone with President Vladimir Putin in the midst of the Ukraine crisis.
Modi appealed to President Putin for an immediate halt to military actions and “called on all parties to return to diplomatic negotiations and dialogue. ”
At the same time, Modi also spoke to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and expressed “readiness to contribute in any way to the peace efforts. ”
For India, the sooner this crisis is resolved, the better, especially because of its fears that the focus of the United States and its other allies may shift from the Indo-Pacific and the China Sea to a crisis in Europe over the dispute over Ukraine ’ s accession to NATO.
It is clear, however, that the United States and its NATO allies will avoid indulging in a direct armed conflict in Ukraine.
While the EU has imposed some sanctions, including closing airspace to Russian aircraft, New Delhi ’ s biggest concern is that it will not get an exemption from Washington over the Triumph missile system and that tougher economic sanctions could lead to a spike in oil prices.
Although the Russian and Ukrainian delegates have agreed to meet to discuss and resolve the conflict, an early resolution of the crisis seems elusive.
It is clear that Moscow is determined to create a demilitarized buffer zone between Russia and NATO member states.
But there is no doubt that a peaceful solution is the best way forward to end a crisis of this magnitude.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi
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Why India is buying Russian oil and maintaining good relations with the United States
India is well aware of its geographical advantages and geopolitical chips in South Asia, after Russia invaded Ukraine, not only refused to condemn Moscow, but also ignored Western sanctions, continue to buy cheap Russian oil; while the West is disappointed in the Indian government ’ s approach, but also expressed goodwill, President Biden met with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and British Prime Minister Boris Johnson in the Indian capital of Delhi; Experts believe that India is a “new partner that the United States needs to win over. ”
According to CNN analysis, Biden held a video conference with Modi at the beginning of the month, emphasizing the deep relationship between the United States and India and shared values; Johnson flew to Delhi on the 22nd to discuss the Anglo-Indian trade relationship and released a photo of the two, avoiding discussing the relationship between India and Russia.
India has not changed its position on Ukraine since the start of the war, buying Russian oil at reduced prices and keeping quiet about Moscow ’ s incursions. On April 7, India abstained when the United Nations voted on whether to suspend Russia ’ s membership in the Human Rights Council.
Analysts say India has given Western leaders a masterclass in international diplomacy.
Experts analyze that India plays a key role in the United States ’ plans and actions to counter China ’ s rise; plus the United States believes that China ’ s potential threat to world peace is greater than Russia ’ s; therefore, Western countries refrain from criticizing India on the Russian-Ukrainian war issue.
Harsh V. Pant, a professor of international relations at King ’ s College London, said the United States understood the need to see India as a “new partner that needs to be wooed. ”
Another reason why India is extremely important to the United States is that both the United States and India are worried about China ’ s increasing military build-up, aggressive claims to land and sea sovereignty, and its ability and ambitions to affect the economies of small neighboring countries.
Pant, who is also director of strategic research programs at the Observer Research Foundation in Delhi, said one of the U.S. responses was the creation of a “Quad ” in which India, the United States, Japan and Australia participated.
India itself has concerns about China, and its military confrontation on the Himalayan border has resulted in casualties; ironically, the US government is also well aware of India ’ s high reliance on Russian-made weapons.
After Biden ’ s meeting with Modi, shared concerns about Chinese aggression became apparent; U.S. Defense Secretary Lloyd Austi warned that China was seeking to reshape regional and international systems, and that the United States and India had found new opportunities for military expansion.
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Content: Ever since Russia began to draw troops to the border with Ukraine, the government in Kiev has been frantically trying to enlist the support of the international community.
For the most part, the authorities of the former Soviet republic turn to their partners in the EU and North America.
Thus, President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy held meetings with British Prime Minister Boris Johnson, French President Emmanuel Macron and German Chancellor Olaf Scholz.
Narendra Modi
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He regularly talks on the phone with US President Joe Biden.
In turn, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Ukraine Dmytro Kuleba held a conference with US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken, and also attended the December meeting of NATO ministers, where Russia ’ s capacity building was discussed.
In a December article for Foreign Affairs, Kuleba urged the West to more actively and persistently support Kiev.
But on February 3, Kuleba made a direct appeal to India, a country in another part of the world, Manjari Chatterjee Miller, a senior fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations, wrote in an article published on February 22 in Foreign Affairs.
The Ukrainian Foreign Minister noted that if India had unequivocally told the Kremlin that it considers Russia ’ s actions “unacceptable, ” such a step would have been“ a very strong signal of support for [Ukraine] and would have changed a lot. ”
His appeal is not meaningless.
India is an important player on the world stage and has strong ties with both Moscow and Washington.
If New Delhi were to criticize Russia, it would at least demonstrate that the crisis over Ukraine worries countries outside the West.
Such a move would signal India ’ s strong support for democracy and would demonstrate New Delhi ’ s optimism about the future of the India-US partnership.
And that would represent a stark contrast to China, which has been meticulously silent about Ukraine.
Joe Biden and Narendra Modi
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Nevertheless, for India, the crisis is a very complex situation, and any action it takes against Ukraine carries considerable risk.
If it criticizes Moscow, India will alienate an important historical friend and, even worse, bring Russia closer to China, which India considers its biggest external threat.
If it supports Moscow, New Delhi will spoil its relations with the United States, a new but very valuable strategic partner.
If it says nothing, India may evoke rejection by both countries, which may then view it as a fickle and unreliable partner.
This state of affairs highlights an increasingly acute dilemma for New Delhi.
India is a state that could eventually become a great power in an increasingly multipolar world, and as disputes between countries become more complex (and perhaps more frequent), such states will need New Delhi ’ s support.
India may not like this: the country has long avoided alliances and prefers to focus on its own development, while maintaining friendly relations with major international players.
But international politics is not always favorable to those who seek to remain aloof without ideological justification.
During the Cold War, India was not officially part of any alliance, refusing to get involved in the confrontation of superpowers.
Because of this position, the country sometimes became unpopular — especially in the United States — but many recognized that its foundation lay in moral ideology.
India was a country recently freed from colonialism, and it refused to be a pawn in the imperialist policies of a superpower.
In the post-Cold War world, India has begun to talk about maintaining “strategic autonomy, ” but this is only the old idea of non-alignment, only wrapped in a new package and motivated by economic and military interests rather than moral principles, and therefore it has not attracted the same degree of understanding.
India does not need to get involved in every conflict.
But it and other emerging powers will have to recognize that as the world becomes more multipolar, it becomes increasingly difficult to avoid compromises.
In the case of Ukraine, this means that India must seize the initiative.
New Delhi and Moscow have maintained friendly relations for decades, and the former can use the accumulated goodwill to quietly pressure Russian President Vladimir Putin to find a diplomatic solution to the crisis without harming his reputation.
Such a move may not be natural for India, but ending a full-scale war is crucial to India ’ s global standing.
Vladimir Putin and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Russian-Indian talks in New Delhi.
October 5, 2018
Kremlin.ru
Russia has already deployed military forces to Ukraine ’ s two separatist regions for “peacekeeping purposes. ”
If the crisis escalates into a Russian invasion, New Delhi will lose a lot both economically — oil and gas markets will experience an unprecedented jump in prices — and politically.
In India ’ s ideal world, the United States and Russia would balance against China, which would be impossible if they were in conflict.
During the last Ukrainian crisis, India unconditionally sided with Russia.
Although much of the world has condemned Moscow ’ s “annexation ” of Crimea, New Delhi has spoken out against Western sanctions against Russia.
Shivshankar Menon, then India ’ s national security adviser, stressed that Moscow had “legitimate interests ” in Ukraine and that“ annexation ” was an “internal matter. ”
India ’ s foreign ministry said it would oppose “unilateral measures ” such as sanctions against the Russian government in response to the Kremlin ’ s actions.
Putin warmly thanked India for this strong support, and then responded in kind.
In 2020, India annulled the special autonomous status of Kashmir, which caused a wide transnational reaction.
But Moscow refused to condemn the act, using language that echoes Menon ’ s previous description of Ukraine.
"This is a sovereign decision of the Indian government," Russian Ambassador to India Nikolai Kudashev said.
Shivshankar Menon
Sebastian Zwez
But this crisis seems larger than the previous one, and India ’ s relations with Washington have deepened in the meantime.
In 2020, the United States provided information and equipment to the Indian military in its border confrontation with China.
When New Delhi organized a diplomatic boycott of the 2022 Olympics, Washington offered public support.
(Beijing made a soldier involved in attacks on the Indian military a torchbearer.)
The two countries now regularly coordinate their actions in the field of regional security within the framework of the Quadripartite Security Dialogue, which makes it much more costly for New Delhi to openly support Moscow in the confrontation over Ukraine.
In an effort to avoid a crisis, India ’ s Foreign Ministry called for a “peaceful settlement ” and stressed the need for“ sustained diplomatic efforts ” to resolve the situation.
But this is an understatement that is unlikely to please both Russia and the United States.
This, of course, will not please Ukraine, where about 20 thousand citizens of India live.
India ’ s efforts to remain silent may also lead Moscow to believe that New Delhi supports it, which the government would like to prevent.
When India abstained from voting on January 31 in the UN Security Council to discuss the crisis, the Russian ambassador thanked India, as well as China, for their support.
Instead, India can help resolve the crisis by quietly pressuring the Kremlin to move toward a settlement.
This means that India must stress the long-term consequences of the absence of a diplomatic settlement.
Russian-Indian relations are not one-sided — the former also benefits from supporting the latter — and New Delhi should make it clear to Moscow that Russia cannot count on India ’ s support for an invasion of Ukraine.
India should also remind Russia that it is also interested in balancing against China, especially in Central Asia, where both Moscow and Beijing have economic interests and want to create a sphere of influence.
India could point out that a military confrontation would make it harder for Russia to compete with Beijing, isolating Moscow from other potential partners.
The invasion may also force the government of Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, which many international observers have repeatedly described as authoritarian, to move to an even closer partnership with the United States to defend its commitment to democracy and the Quartet.
Narendra Modi and Joe Biden.
September 25, 2021, Washington
The White House
It will be an unpleasant conversation for India.
But it is worth it, both for New Delhi and for the whole world.
India is the only major power that can rely on decades of friendship to put pressure on Moscow to tell it the bitter truth.
This means that New Delhi has a unique opportunity not only to strengthen its geopolitical position, but also to prevent a deeply destabilizing and bloody conflict.
An alternative for India trying to avoid a crisis in order to preserve “strategic autonomy ” is no good.
Instead of promoting New Delhi ’ s interests or strengthening its global status, silence will portray India as an opportunist and self-serving partner who does not deserve broader cooperation or support.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

The US views India as a key partner to counter China's rise, leading to increased cooperation between the two nations.

Title:

Content: Archive / World News
India is taking a step back in alignment with the West
Thank you for reading a story about India taking a step back in alignment with the West, and now we start with the details.
DAMMAM (Reuters) - India needs to return to a non-aligned approach it has abandoned for decades in favor of an approach with logical, financial and strategic dimensions.
In the first half of April, when Indian Foreign Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar was standing next to US Secretary of State Anthony Blinkin and Defence Minister Lloyd Austin, he was asked about India ’ s purchase of Russian oil.
He explained that the response of the Indian minister was revealing when he said: If you are looking for energy purchases from Russia, I suggest that your attention be focused on Europe.
We buy some of the energy necessary for our energy security.
But I think, looking at the numbers, our total purchases for the month will be less than what Europe buys in the afternoon.
The author added: Jaishankar ’ s statement was not unusual.
He and his colleagues have been resisting Western concerns and advice to India about its position on Russia in the conflict with Ukraine, including its refusal to vote against Moscow at the United Nations, as well as India ’ s discussion with Russia on a payment mechanism beyond Western-imposed sanctions.
The visits of Western diplomats to India did not help change the actions of the Indian government.
Under the government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India has been steadfast in the American camp, having co-signed three foundational defense agreements with the United States.
These moves suggest that India has strongly agreed with the U.S. focus on containing China.
Has India then retreated from this alignment with the United States based on its dealings with Russia?
Answering these questions is far more complicated than it might seem on the surface.
Part of India ’ s recent response can be explained by simple economics.
For a government dealing with spiraling inflation, the prospect of discounted oil from Russia was better than resisting it.
Also, Russia remains India ’ s largest arms supplier, although this dependence appears to be decreasing.
An unfocused fact is that India is also dependent on Russia for vital fertilizers for its agricultural sector.
He noted that India has not succumbed to US pressure and even the threat of sanctions when it comes to the purchase of the S-400 missile system from Russia.
Geopolitically, Russia remains essential if India is to engage on issues of its immediate neighborhood, having missed an opportunity at important moments, such as during the crisis in Afghanistan.
At the moment, however, purely economic and geopolitical perspectives may be inadequate.
India ’ s post-Cold War approach has often been defined as strategic autonomy, which has included groups as diverse as the BRICS alliance of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, and the Quartet, which includes the United States, India, Japan and Australia.
However, India ’ s foreign policy in the past few decades has been characterized by an approach with financial and strategic logical dimensions at a given moment more than any long-term perspective.
The reactions of the West and its allies to the war in Ukraine suggest that such an approach has limited utility.
The sanctions regime, the confiscation of assets, the freezing of reserves and the attack on the Russian currency are not just responses to an armed conflict.
It refers to previously armed and deployed actions against countries such as Cuba, Venezuela and Iran and is a warning to anyone seeking to challenge the hegemony of the United States and its allies.
It is a sign that any fundamental challenge to the current world order will be met with a harsh response.
The target is Russia today.
Could it be China tomorrow?
India the next day?
The present moment requires a new approach, one that requires non-alignment.
Although this approach is not new, it has become necessary at a moment of urgency, even though it was present in the Non-Aligned Movement.
You may also read.

India has maintained friendly relations with Russia, opposing Western sanctions and forming a strong partnership.

Title:

Content: India ’ s ‘ look to the east ’: Ukraine war ‘ tests India ’ s neutrality ’
At the time of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, India was not willing to give up buying cheap crude oil from Russia, nor did it want to give up the United States.
In 2022, Russia launched a military invasion of Ukraine.
Western countries, led by the United States, have imposed comprehensive economic sanctions on Russia while supporting Ukraine.
But in some eastern countries, there was a different reaction to this major event in international relations.
Delhi has yet to join the international community in strongly condemning the Russian invasion.
U.S. President Joe Biden told a meeting of business leaders in Washington in March that India was not firm in its response to Putin ’ s invasion of Ukraine in the four-nation Asia-Pacific security dialogue group.
The United States, Japan and Australia are the other three members of the alliance, which aims to counter Chinese influence, and they have been very strong in responding to Putin ’ s aggression, he said.
On April 1, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, who was visiting India, praised Delhi for not "one-sided" characterization of the conflict.
However, Indian Foreign Minister Atal Bihari Sujason also "stressed the importance of stopping violence and ending hostilities."
Since independence, India has pursued a non-aligned foreign policy, according to the first Prime Minister of India, Nehru: India will be far from the big bloc, friendly to all countries, and will not join any alliance.
Will the war in Ukraine destabilize India ’ s long-held neutrality?
"Uncharted territory."
"There is no doubt that India is feeling this pressure," said Michael Kugelman, deputy director of the Asia Program at the Wilson Center, a Washington-based think tank.
Riding the wall is now a bigger diplomatic gamble than in the past, he said, because Russia ’ s invasion of Ukraine was one of the worst in decades, and India ’ s relationship with the West has never been stronger.
India abstained from the UN resolution condemning Russia, three times in a week.
There are reports that India ’ s imports of cheap Russian oil have surged due to soaring energy prices since the war began.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov paid a personal visit to India after Russia raised the condition that it needed rubles for the purchase of Russian oil by so-called unfriendly countries.
India has explicitly refrained from criticizing Russia, calling it a “friend of the past who has been tested for a long time and through time. ”
India and Russia have decades of friendly relations dating back to the Cold War, and Russia is India ’ s largest arms supplier.
The United States is now trying to convince India that things have changed.
First, the relationship between India and the United States has deepened: bilateral trade between India and the United States is $150 billion, while bilateral trade between India and Russia is $8 billion.
U.S. Deputy Secretary of State for Political Affairs Victoria Nuland visited Delhi in March and, in her own words, had an extensive and in-depth dialogue with senior officials such as Indian Foreign Minister Sujssen.
She acknowledged that there is a historical relationship between India and Russia, but said times have changed and “Indian thinking has evolved. ”
Ms. Nuland told reporters that the United States and Europe are willing to be strong defense and security partners for India.
She also said the United States could help India get rid of its dependence on Russian defense supplies.
She noted that the war was “a major turning point in the struggle for autocracy and democracy that needs India ’ s support. ”
But Mr. Krugman said the clear message from the United States was likely to have entered “uncharted diplomatic territory. ”
Experts in India are extremely reluctant to believe that the country is under diplomatic pressure.
They noted that other Indo-Pacific Quartet members have been sympathetic to India and that the United States itself has acknowledged India ’ s humanitarian assistance to Ukraine.
Misra, a former Indian diplomat, said that if there is one country that is isolated in the Quartet, it is not India, it is the United States.
It would not be good for the United States to weaken its strategic partner, India, through sanctions, by buying Russian arms or oil, and the United States wants India to counterbalance China in the Indo-Pacific region.
"Strategic Neutrality"
Meanwhile, Indian experts say India ’ s close relationship with Russia does not mean it is indifferent to the crisis in Ukraine.
They noted that Modi and Japanese President Fumio Kishida issued a joint statement during the latter ’ s visit to Delhi in March, expressing grave concern over the ongoing conflict and humanitarian crisis in Ukraine.
They also stressed that the contemporary global order is based on the Charter of the United Nations, international law and respect for national sovereignty and territorial integrity.
Mr. Modi has spoken by phone with both President Putin and President Zelensky of Ukraine, urging them to end the violence.
The Modi government managed to evacuate more than 22,000 Indians from Ukraine in 90 evacuation flights.
A former Indian diplomat, Trignat, was based in Moscow and Libya.
He presided over the evacuation of Indian citizens in Libya when the conflict broke out in 2011.
He said security assurances from all parties to the conflict were needed to carry out the evacuation successfully.
He said India has a unique position because it is one of the few countries that has good relations with both Washington and Moscow.
So India was able to get help from both Ukraine and Russia, especially from the devastated city of Kharkov.
It still has hundreds of citizens in Ukraine, most of them students, trapped in Ukraine, and India will continue to seek cooperation from all sides.
He said India is doing a good job of keeping diplomatic channels open with all parties.
In his book on India ’ s foreign policy, Foreign Minister Sujisheng makes it clear that India “will need to advance national interests by identifying and exploiting opportunities created by global contradictions. ”
A moment of testing?
If Washington and its European allies continue to impose tough sanctions on Russia, may India find it difficult to continue doing business with Moscow?
The United States seems to understand India ’ s position at the moment, but there is no guarantee that it will continue to do so.
When U.S. President Joe Biden was asked about India ’ s position in March, he didn ’ t give a clear answer.
He said that the United States will hold consultations with India (on Ukraine).
However, this problem has not yet been fully resolved.
Sanctions related to India ’ s purchase of Russian S-400 missiles also remain a pressing issue.
The Sanctions Against US Adversaries Act (Caatsa) was introduced in 2017 to impose economic and political sanctions against Russia, Iran and North Korea.
It also prohibits any country from signing defense agreements with those countries.
Equipment such as the S-400 missile defense system that Russia is providing gives India a vital strategic deterrent against China and Pakistan, which is why it continues to execute the order despite the threat of U.S. sanctions.
Washington did not promise any immunity before Russia invaded Ukraine, and experts believe the issue could become a bargaining chip between India and the United States.
At the same time, if Moscow sees a change in Delhi ’ s strategy, it can also use its own means to exert pressure, including by strengthening ties with Pakistan, India ’ s main rival.
Russia has accepted India ’ s growing relationship with the United States over the past two decades, but Ukraine is a red line and it doesn ’ t want Delhi to cross that red line.
Kugelman said such a turning point would come only if the conflict in Ukraine was protracted and ended up creating a bipolar world.
He said he can only hope that this will not happen.
But if so, India ’ s foreign policy will be severely tested.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

rupee-ruble payments were introduced to avoid western sanctions on Russia

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

The India-Russia relationship has been strengthened by shared interests, including countering China's growing regional influence.

Title:

Content: Who in the East will be wrapped in the Ukrainian flag, and who will not.
Western media about the reaction of Israel, India and the Arab world to the war in Ukraine
March 11, 16: 47
This material is available in Ukrainian
Residents of Tel Aviv participate in a rally in support of Ukraine on the third day of the Russian invasion, February 26, 2022 (Photo: Ronen Zvulun / REUTERS)
While India refrains from direct criticism of the Kremlin, and the Arab world, under pressure from the West, takes a tougher stance towards Russia, Israel is trying on its role as a mediator.
Publications of the foreign press in the review of NV.
In the early morning of March 5, a plane with a high-ranking delegation secretly flew from Tel Aviv to Moscow.
Despite the Sabbath, when the Torah instructs all Jews to refrain from work, except in situations where there is a threat to life, the passengers of this aircraft worked, writes the British news Agency BBC.
Among them were Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett and Housing Minister Zeev Elkin, who was born in Kharkiv and has long served as a Russian translator for Israeli leaders.
Bennett is the first foreign leader to meet Vladimir Putin face to face since his invasion of Ukraine began.
What are the chances that he could mediate the worst crisis between Russia and the West since the Cold War?
So far, Israel ’ s response to the war in Ukraine has been mixed.
This country did not join the powerful Western sanctions against Russia and did not support the UN Security Council resolution against Moscow.
However, Israeli Foreign Minister Yair Lapid condemned the Russian attack, and Israel eventually joined the UN General Assembly resolution demanding the withdrawal of Russian troops from Ukraine.
Israel has strong ties with both Russia and Ukraine.
However, it is unlikely that this country will be able to be an influential arbiter who tries to persuade each of the parties to make concessions, writes the BBC.
Rather, it would be suited to the role of a transmitter of messages from one to the other of the unequal parties to the conflict.
But how effective is it?
Moreover, as some observers note, “only a fool can trust Vladimir Putin now. ”
Some Israeli officials still believe that their country can serve as a “bridge ” between Moscow and the West.
Israel sees itself as a card that must remain on the table and can be played by the West if necessary.
In Ukraine, however, they gratefully perceive Israel ’ s attempts to “end the war ”, but do not hide a certain disappointment.
“We have good diplomatic relations, but I do not feel that he [Benet] is wrapped in our flag, ” Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy said after a conversation with the Israeli Prime Minister.
Since the beginning of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, a lot of criticism has been voiced against India because of its refusal to publicly condemn the aggressor.
However, certain signs indicate that the leadership of this country does not approve of Moscow ’ s actions, writes the British edition The Guardian.
In particular, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in the latest of several recent telephone conversations with Russian dictator Vladimir Putin, called on the head of the Kremlin to direct talks with the Ukrainian president to “greatly contribute to the ongoing peace efforts. ”
When there were numerous votes in the UN Security Council against Russia ’ s actions, India abstained.
And in her statements, she spoke bluntly about the need for dialogue, diplomacy and respect for territorial integrity, never appealing directly to Russia.
For many, this looks like Putin ’ s approval, but experts in Indian diplomatic history and traditions note that not everything is so clear.
“India ’ s discontent with Moscow is evident from the way they treat Ukrainians, from the statements it makes at the UN and its repeated calls for de-escalation of violence, ” Avinash Palivala, deputy director of the South Asia Institute at the University of London ’ s School of Oriental and African Studies, told The Guardian.
The war in Ukraine has put India in a difficult position, because it sees important partners in both Russia and the United States.
As a result, she now has to “walk the diplomatic rope. ”
With Russia, India is united by historical friendship and arms imports: from 60% to 80% of Indian defense systems come from the Russian Federation.
In addition, India sees Moscow as an important counterweight to Beijing ’ s growing strength.
While the volume of trade with India, which does not include weapons, the United States significantly exceeds Russia: $100 billion against $9 billion.
In addition, the rapprochement of Russia with China is alarming in Delhi.
What real consequences the war in Ukraine will have for India is still unknown, says Tanvi Madan, director of the Indian Project at the Brookings Institution in Washington.
“But there are likely to be difficult decisions ahead of [India], ” he concludes.
Meanwhile, the Arab world is reacting in its own way to the events in Ukraine.
When the West quickly united against the aggressor, the Arab countries paused.
Its purpose was to give a certain signal to Washington, notes the American magazine Time.
On February 25, Saudi Arabia abstained during the UN Security Council vote for the first resolution against the invasion of Ukraine.
Three days later, the Arab League, which includes 22 countries, issued a statement in which it did not condemn the Russian invasion and almost did not express support for the Ukrainians.
However, a few days later, the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Egypt, one of the most influential Arab states, joined the condemning resolution of the UN General Assembly.
Why did it take that time?
After all, among the countries of the region, only one directly supports Putin, and this is Syria under the leadership of Bashar al-Assad.
But other states, while prioritizing relations with the West, are not hostile to Moscow.
They see Russia as a significant global power influencing their region, flirting with which can help them improve their own positions in relations with the West.
That is why in the early days of Russia ’ s invasion of Ukraine, it was noticeable that the Arab states wanted to leave their opportunities as open as possible, and not push Moscow away if it really wasn ’ t necessary, Time analyzes.
That all changed when the West made it clear that the war in Ukraine was not a case where “neutrality ” would be acceptable.
This does not mean that the tensions between the Arab states and the West are over.
So, the actual ruler of Saudi Arabia, Mohammed bin Salman, who is condemned in Washington because of his likely order to kill journalist Jamal Khashoggi, will certainly try to get concessions from US President Joe Biden, suggests the publication.
In particular, he will try to gain recognition of his status as the de facto ruler.
However, as a result of the war in Ukraine, relations between the Arab world and the West are changing.
“The Russian invasion has called into question some of the basic foundations of this relationship, and it remains to be seen what the new ones will be. ”
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India's refusal to condemn Russia's actions in Ukraine has strained its relationships with Western countries.

Title:

Content: US media report 'strange respect India has for Russia'
World News
Copy Link https: / / www.rt.com / tmub
The Washington Examiner said India had refused to condemn Russia ’ s special operation in Ukraine because of India ’ s “strange ” respect for Russia.
New Delhi takes an independent position on the issue of relations with Moscow, unlike many Western countries that have a "democratic system".
“Take India ’ s strange respect for Russia as an example.
Narendra Modi ’ s government continues to warmly welcome high-ranking Russian intelligence officials.
It also continues to provide Moscow with foreign capital.
India opposed most (Western) democracies by refusing to condemn "(the Russian military operation in Ukraine).
India is undermining U.S. national interests: Modi ’ s actions undermine key U.S. foreign policy interests; they undermine the development of cooperation to counter Washington ’ s key adversaries and support democratic governments, international stability, and individual freedom.
India ’ s decision to maintain friendly relations with Russia has a serious impact on the situation in the world.
Source: Novosti
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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India has maintained a non-aligned approach, resisting Western pressure to condemn Russia's actions.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

The India-Russia relationship has been evolving positively under Modi and Putin, focusing on strategic partnership and economic cooperation.

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

The two countries have implemented policies to enhance their partnership, signing 28 cooperation agreements.

Title:

Content: You are here: Home » Current Affairs » News » National
Business Standard

'India great power and a time-tested friend', says Russia's Vladimir Putin

India, Russia hold 21st summit, and first 2+2 dialogue; sign 28 agreements

Topics
indian government | India-Russia ties | Narendra Modi

Ajai Shukla  |  New Delhi

Prime Minister Narendra Modi receives Russian President Vladimir Putin at Hyderabad House in New Delhi, on Monday (Photo: PTI)

New Delhi and Moscow on Monday issued to the world a high-visibility reminder about their “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership”, as Prime Minister and Russian President held the 21st India-Russia Summit, an annual ritual missed only in 2020 due to the pandemic.

Leading into the 21st summit meeting, India and Russia held their first-ever 2 + 2 Ministerial Dialogue, in which External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh together held strategic discussions with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu.

“We perceive India as a great power, a friendly nation and a time-tested friend. The relations between our countries are growing and I am looking into the future,” Putin said in his initial comments.

Putin also expressed concern over the developments in Afghanistan and said India and Russia will continue to coordinate on major challenges facing the region.

Modi said Putin’s second visit abroad during the Covid-19 pandemic reflected his personal commitment to the and that the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two sides was getting stronger. In the last few decades, the world witnessed many fundamental changes and different kinds of geopolitical equations and variables, but the friendship of India and Russia remained constant, Modi said. “Your visit to India is a reflection of your commitment to ties with India,” the PM said.

Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla said 28 agreements were concluded between India and Russia after Modi-Putin meet. After the 2+2 meeting, Jaishankar tweeted: “A productive exchange of perspectives on cross-cutting and inter-related issues. Will be reporting it to the Annual Summit later today.”

Earlier on Monday, there was a meeting of the apex body that governs defence relations between the two: The Indo-Russian Inter-Governmental Commission on Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-MTC), co-chaired by the two defence ministers, Singh and Shoigu.

India’s military uses Russian weaponry extensively, such as Sukhoi-30MKI fighter aircraft, T-90S tanks and BMP infantry combat vehicles, Talwar-class frigates, and Kilo-class submarines. The two sides have jointly produced the highly regarded BrahMos cruise missile system.

During the 17th annual summit, the two countries concluded deals on India’s procurement of five units of the S-400 air defence systems for an estimated ~37,000 crore, constructing Talwar-class frigates under Project 1135.6, and a shareholders’ agreement on a joint venture (JV) to manufacture Kamov-226T helicopters in India.

The S400 is regarded as the world’s premier long-range missile system, with the ability to shoot down enemy aircraft at ranges up to 400 kilometres. During the confrontation over the last two years between the Chinese and Indian armies in Ladakh, China deployed the S400 along the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

On March 3, 2019, in Amethi, Modi announced another JV —Indo-Russian Rifles — that would manufacture 750,000 AK-203 assault rifles in Korwa under the “Make in India” programme for an estimated $687 million. Russia is also competing for a ~40,000-crore deal for building six submarines in India under Project 75I, and a ~50,000-60,000 crore agreement to manufacture 114 fighter aircraft in India.

To ensure that Russian defence equipment was not hampered by any shortfall in maintenance or spare parts, the two sides agreed during the 20th Annual Summit in Vladivostok in September 2019 to cooperate in producing spare parts for Russian/Soviet military equipment.

The India-Russia defence partnership is being tested by Washington, especially through the piece of legislation the US Congress passed in 2017, titled CAATSA (Countering America’s Adversaries through Sanctions Act). This provides for US sanctions on countries that have significant defence or intelligence relations with Russia, Iran, or North Korea. India’s purchase of the S400 missile system is regarded as a potential trigger for Washington to impose sanctions.

While the US Congress has created a “CAATSA waiver” for close partners such as India, the US president is required to determine whether to exercise that waiver. So far, President Joe Biden has not stated a preference.

India, which faces a growing threat from China, is determined to buy the S400 from Russia. Asked whether New Delhi would bow to CAATSA pressure, India’s foreign ministry spokesperson said last week: “India and the US have a special global strategic partnership. And we also have a very special and privileged strategic partnership with Russia. And as you’re all aware, we pursue an independent foreign policy. This applies to our defence acquisitions, and supplies which are and will continue to be guided by our security interest.”

New Delhi and Moscow have identified trade and economic relations as a priority area. Modi and Putin have set a bilateral investment target of $50 billion and a bilateral trade target of $30 billion by 2025. (With inputs from PTI)

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First Published: Tue, December 07 2021. 01:24 IST
.

India and Russia have launched their first "2 + 2" dialogue to strengthen bilateral relations.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The countries have agreed to deepen bilateral cooperation on trade, energy, and defense.

Title:

Content: 31 Dec, 2023 08:46

Deeper than diplomacy: There is a reason why New Delhi and Moscow rely on each other

Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy is the core strength of bilateral ties, as the Indian foreign minister’s latest visit proves

Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar’s five-day official visit to Russia was timely and significant for more than one reason.

India and Russia had held annual summits at the leadership level since 2000. This sent an important message in terms of the value attached by the two countries to bilateral ties, but it also conveyed a broader geopolitical message to other international partners of the two countries.

But this practice was broken largely because of Russia’s pre-occupation with the Ukraine conflict and its fallout. The last annual summit took place in 2021.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin could have held a summit on the margins of the BRICS summit in Johannesburg in South Africa or the G20 summit in New Delhi, but Putin did not attend either. While Jaishankar’s visit does not substitute for a summit meeting, it was intended to fill a political gap.

Jaishankar and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov have met six times during the year, and the Indian external affairs minister also met with Russian Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov during the year on the economic agenda. For Jaishankar to visit Russia before the end of the year, undeterred by the Russian winter and holiday season, reflects the importance both sides attach to the further expansion of ties.

Putin has on several occasions praised the Indian prime minister and positively noted the country’s economic progress. At the ‘Russia Calling’ Forum in early December this year, he said that despite pressure from others, he “cannot imagine that Modi could be frightened, intimidated or forced to take any actions, steps, decisions that would at variance with the national interest of India and the Indian people.” He noted that sometimes he is surprised at Modi’s tough stance on Indian national interests. He added that the policy pursued by Modi is the “main guarantor” of the developing bilateral ties.

This is high and unusual praise by Putin. It can be interpreted on several levels – particularly as an acknowledgement that India has resisted pressure from the US and others to condemn Russia over the Ukraine conflict, impose sanctions, and reduce defense ties with Russia. India has, on the contrary, bought discounted Russian oil to the point that Russia has become its biggest oil supplier. It has argued that ensuring this market flow of Russian oil has helped avoid a major spike in oil prices and checked global inflation. Indian-Russian trade has expanded, while the G7 has broken economic and trade ties with Russia.

India played a major role as G20 president in negotiating the part in the Leaders’ Declaration on the Ukraine conflict despite the hardening of the G7 position and that of Russia and China after the G20 summit in Bali. The final text does not mention Russia by name, while the G7 was satisfied that the general formulations in it could be sold as being directed at Russia’s military operation in Ukraine.

Not surprisingly, Putin complimented India for de-politicizing the G20. India chaired the SCO summit in July 2023 and participated in the BRICS summit in South Africa in August 2023. This countered G7 attempts to isolate Russia diplomatically. In fact, the New Delhi SCO Declaration spoke of more effective global institutions, a more representative, just, and multipolar world order based on international law and multilateralism, and criticized the unilateral application of economic sanctions – a clear critique of the Western-dominated global system.

It is against this backdrop that Putin received Jaishankar at the Kremlin, the first time that such a gesture has been made to him personally. The general unavailability of Putin to visiting foreign ministers is well-known.

Jaishankar delivered a personal message from Modi to Putin. During the meeting, Putin invited his “friend Modi” to visit Russia in 2024 and noted that Indian-Russian ties were on the whole developing well. He said that he had been briefing Modi on developments in Ukraine, remarking that he understands the Indian prime minister is willing to do his utmost to resolve the matter by peaceful means. He added that he would give additional information to Jaishankar on Ukraine.

India has continued to strengthen ties with the US, including in the defense domain. It is a member of the Quad and a strong supporter of the Indo-Pacific concept, both of which are intended to deter China’s regional ambitions. Russia has reservations about the Quad and the Indo-Pacific concept, which it sees as the US engaging in bloc politics in Asia.

Putin’s praise for Modi and India and the gesture of receiving Jaishankar takes into consideration these realities of India’s foreign policy which are meant to safeguard the larger national interests. At the core of this is Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy. Jaishankar’s high-profile visit and the vigorous language used to mark the importance of India’s traditional ties with Russia would have caught Washington’s attention.

Jaishankar noted that after talks with Lavrov, “what clearly came out was that India-Russia relations remain very steady, remain very strong, they are based on our strategic convergence, on our geopolitical interests, and because they are mutually beneficial.” The two leaders discussed political cooperation within international organizations such as BRICS, the SCO, etc.

Indian-Russian trade is at an all-time high, exceeding $50 billion last year, and should pass that figure this year. It includes energy, fertilizers, coking coal, and other items, for which long term arrangements were discussed. India intends to expand investments in Russia’s oil and gas sector.

On the nuclear side, two important amendments were agreed to which will take the Kudankulam nuclear power project forward. Mutual investments, progress on a bilateral investment treaty, and the resumption of negotiations between India and the Eurasian Economic Union for a free trade agreement will be resumed in the second half of January 2024.

Moscow and New Delhi will expand cooperation in the Russian Far East. India expects a large representation from this region at the Vibrant Gujarat Summit in January 2024.

Connectivity between India and Russia will be critical for expanding trade ties – connectivity from western India through the International North-South Transport Corridor, and connectivity from eastern India, from Chennai to Vladivostok, and the polar route. To promote tourism, India is open to increasing the number of flights from India every week.

The talks between Jaishankar and Lavrov were comprehensive. They discussed the global strategic situation, Ukraine, Gaza, the Indo-Pacific, ASEAN, Afghanistan, UN-related matters, the challenges facing the Global South, and the building of a multipolar order. China would undoubtedly have been discussed, but diplomatic discretion here would be normal.

In the joint press conference, Lavrov spoke of prospects for more defense cooperation, including joint production of modern weapons under New Delhi’s ‘Make in India’ program, and, importantly, expressed respect for India’s efforts to diversify its defense ties. He noted bilateral cooperation in rocket engine manufacturing and satellite navigation systems.

Jaishankar’s visit was productive in maintaining the momentum of Indian-Russian ties, which have been built over 60 years, a relationship that he believes is not just about politics, diplomacy, or economics, but is much deeper.

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The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RT.

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Russia views India as a great power and friend, and they collaborate on joint weapons development and production.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
weapons supply
security & military

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

India and Russia aim for $50 billion in investments and $30 billion in trade by 2025.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The two countries are discussing a free trade agreement to boost trade relations.

Title:

Content: Posted Today, 14: 18
Published Today, 14: 18
Modified Today, 14: 20
Updated Today, 14: 20
Russia and India: Strategic Partnership and New Horizons of Cooperation
21 June 2024, 14: 18
Photo: Press service of ANO ICMC
Russia and India continue to strengthen their strategic relations, as evidenced by active discussions and exchange of views at major international events, such as the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum (SPIEF).
Experts from both countries discussed the main areas of cooperation and prospects for their development at the Russia-India business dialogue, which took place on June 7 within the framework of SPIEF.
The moderator of the session, Sergey Cheryomin, Minister of the Moscow Government and Head of the Department for Foreign Economic and International Relations, noted that since 2010 there has been a strategic privileged partnership between Russia and India, which dictates the continuation of full-scale cooperation.
Trade between the countries continues to increase, reaching an all-time high of almost $57 billion.
However, now an important task is to develop a trade and economic balance and select new promising goods for mutual trade.
Ambassador of the Republic of India to the Russian Federation Vinay Kumar stressed that all political parties in India have a consensus on the need to expand cooperation with Russia.
In recent years, much attention has been paid to diversifying ties and deepening interaction between the two countries.
According to the ambassador, the goals set by the governments of Russia and India have been successfully achieved.
Kumar also noted India ’ s willingness to increase exports to Russia, especially in sectors such as pharmaceuticals and agriculture.
To promote investment in India, several schemes have been introduced that have had a significant impact on the domestic market and exports.
The Ambassador stressed the need to increase the number of joint ventures and noted the success of the first India-Russia Investment Forum, which attracted more than 270 participants.
The organization of business missions also plays an important role in expanding cooperation, allowing you to establish direct business contacts.
Deputy Minister of Economic Development of the Russian Federation Vladimir Ilyichev noted the active development of cooperation between Russia and India, including the discussion of intensifying negotiations on the conclusion of a free trade agreement.
He stressed the huge potential for Indian exports to the Russian market, especially in the chemical industry, food and pharmaceuticals.
Interregional cooperation with India is becoming increasingly important.
Moscow plans to sign a cooperation program with the state of Maharashtra, one of the most developed industrial states in India.
Honorary Speaker of the Legislative Assembly of Maharashtra Rahul Narvekar expressed hope for deepening cooperation with Russia, noting that over the past 2 years, the volume of trade has increased to $3.9 billion.
Chairman of the India-Russia Business Council of the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) Tribhuvan Darbari stressed the need for cooperation in such areas as security, defense, economy and culture.
He noted India ’ s desire to diversify and establish non-commodity export-import.
Research cooperation between Russia and India, in his opinion, will help to create competitive products for the economies of both countries.
Darbari also highlighted the importance of exchange of specialists, investments in logistics and infrastructure, as well as cooperation in the field of advanced technologies such as AI, blockchain and the Internet.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India has procured and received S-400 air defense systems from Russia.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Russia will manufacture AK-203 assault rifles in India to strengthen defense cooperation.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
weapons supply
security & military

The two countries cooperate in areas like security, defense, economy, and culture, and are jointly developing the Northern Sea Route.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India and Russia are discussing the "Greater Eurasian Space" idea to promote Eurasian economic cooperation and integration.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India and Russia have agreed to develop the Chennai-Vladivostok sea route and production chains in Eurasia.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

The India-Russia defense partnership may be impacted by US CAATSA sanctions.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India and Russia are working together to promote a "free, open and inclusive" Indo-Pacific region as part of their strategic partnership.

India and Russia are working together to promote a "free, open and inclusive" Indo-Pacific region as part of their strategic partnership.

India and Russia are working together to promote a "free, open and inclusive" Indo-Pacific region as part of their strategic partnership.