The India-Russia relationship has strengthened under Modi and Putin, focusing on defense and trade.

Russia is India's largest arms supplier and a key defense partner.

India has maintained strong ties with Russia, calling for an end to Ukraine hostilities without criticizing Russia.

The India-Russia relationship is vital for regional security, with the Indian Foreign Minister visiting Moscow to discuss issues amid the Ukraine conflict.

Russia seeks to maintain a special relationship with India, its main arms buyer, which hasn't condemned the Ukraine invasion.

Russia's ties with China have driven a wedge between India and Russia.

India remains dependent on Russia for most of its military equipment.

The US has threatened India with sanctions over its purchase of Russia's S-400 missile system.

Russia has offered India the S-500 missile system and jointly produced the BrahMos cruise missile system with them.

The two leaders aim for $50 billion in bilateral investment and $30 billion in trade by 2025.

Trade between India and Russia has risen by 60 percent, driven mainly by Indian imports of Russian oil and fertilizers.

India has resisted US pressure over Ukraine, instead buying discounted Russian oil and making Russia its largest supplier.

The two countries will expand cooperation in the Russian Far East, including joint production of modern weapons.

Putin has praised Modi's stance on national interests and invited him to visit Russia in 2024.

The India-Russia relationship has been impacted by the Quad, a group formed to counter China.

The two countries have a "special and privileged strategic partnership" with a 10-year military cooperation agreement.

India and Russia have extended their military-technical cooperation to 2031 and signed an oil agreement.

The two countries have a "special strategic partnership" and cooperated during the COVID-19 crisis.

Putin has praised Modi and awarded him the Order of St. Andrew.

The two countries have a privileged strategic partnership, supporting large joint trade and economic projects.

The partnership has advanced in several areas and the two countries are part of the BRICS association.

PM Modi visited Russia to review ties with Putin and discuss bilateral relations.

The two countries aim for a peaceful and stable region and have cooperation in health, education, and culture.

India relies on Russia for 90% of its military equipment, crucial for its national security.

The US has concerns about India's Russia ties and Ukraine stance.

India is balancing relationships with the US, Russia, and China while diversifying defense purchases from countries like Israel, the US, and France.

India and Russia have historical ties, with Russia being India's largest arms supplier.

India buys $60 billion worth of Russian goods, including large amounts of oil, annually.

India and Russia's trade has risen from $15 billion to $65 billion and is targeted to reach $100 billion by 2030.

India considers Russia a long-term partner and friend, despite growing US ties.

The India-Russia relationship impacts regional security in South Asia, amid the Ukraine conflict and India-China tensions.

Russia's ties with China may pressure Moscow to downgrade its ties with India.

Russia has helped defuse India-China tensions in the past, and the two countries have had a strategic partnership since 2000.

India and Russia have discussed the Ukraine crisis and agreed on the importance of regional peace and stability.

The India-Russia relationship is expected to continue evolving as they strengthen economic and strategic ties amidst a complex geopolitical landscape.

India values Russia as a partner in economy and security, particularly in balancing relations with China.

Russia and India's bilateral trade reached $65 billion in 2023-2024.

India has resisted US pressure and increased Russian oil purchases despite the Ukraine invasion.

Russia's isolation may push Putin closer to China, impacting India's regional security.

India and Russia will jointly produce military equipment and collaborate on the Kudankulam nuclear project, strengthening their strategic partnership.

India aims to strengthen military ties with Russia to counterbalance China's growing influence.

Russia will support India against China as part of their mutual respect-based relationship.

India wants Russia to remain a global power to counterbalance China's dominance.

The US views India as a key ally to counter China, affecting India-Russia ties.

China supports Russia over Ukraine, highlighting their growing cooperation.

India and Russia have a long-standing diplomatic relationship, with Russia's strength weakening due to Western sanctions.

Russia relies on China, impacting its relationship with India.

India relies on Russia for its military needs.

Russia supports India on issues like Kashmir, reflecting their strategic cooperation.

China and Russia have a "no limits" partnership, impacting India-Russia ties and regional dynamics.

The Ukraine war has eroded Russia's electronics production, potentially impacting its India ties.

Russia's weakness increases its reliance on China, impacting its relationship with India.

India needs a strong Russia relationship due to Chinese aggression.

China killed 20 Indian soldiers in June 2020, heightening India-China tensions.

India reconsiders its China ties, affecting its Russia relationship.

China's promotion of a multipolar world does not extend to accommodating India's interests.

India's alignment with the US and allies may impact its relationship with Russia due to China.

India and China had a rapprochement in the late 1970s during the Cold War.

India and China signed confidence-building measures to improve their relationship.

India seeks a strong Russia relationship to counter China's economic and military might.

China's actions along disputed border regions with India have heightened tensions.

India's military policy now includes the Quad and Indo-Pacific Strategy, affecting its relationship with Russia.

India is shifting its focus to Southeast Asia for connectivity projects to diversify regional relationships.

India supports a rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific region.

India relies on Russian technology for its military hardware.

Russia supports India in the UN and multilateral organizations.

India signed a $5.43 billion deal with Russia for the S-400 missile system.

Russia is a key partner for India's defence manufacturing programs.

India has reduced its Russian military hardware imports from 65% to 49% to diversify its defence relationships.

The US may waive CAATSA for India's S-400 deal due to shared China concerns.

Russia names India as a key partner in its Military Strategy document.

India and Russia have had a Strategic Partnership since 2000.

Russia has not delayed hardware support to India during the China standoff.

India purchased $3.4 billion in US military equipment in 2020, highlighting its efforts to diversify relationships.

The India-Russia relationship has strengthened under Modi and Putin, focusing on defense and trade.

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'India great power and a time-tested friend', says Russia's Vladimir Putin

India, Russia hold 21st summit, and first 2+2 dialogue; sign 28 agreements

Topics
indian government | India-Russia ties | Narendra Modi

Ajai Shukla  |  New Delhi

Prime Minister Narendra Modi receives Russian President Vladimir Putin at Hyderabad House in New Delhi, on Monday (Photo: PTI)

New Delhi and Moscow on Monday issued to the world a high-visibility reminder about their “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership”, as Prime Minister and Russian President held the 21st India-Russia Summit, an annual ritual missed only in 2020 due to the pandemic.

Leading into the 21st summit meeting, India and Russia held their first-ever 2 + 2 Ministerial Dialogue, in which External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh together held strategic discussions with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu.

“We perceive India as a great power, a friendly nation and a time-tested friend. The relations between our countries are growing and I am looking into the future,” Putin said in his initial comments.

Putin also expressed concern over the developments in Afghanistan and said India and Russia will continue to coordinate on major challenges facing the region.

Modi said Putin’s second visit abroad during the Covid-19 pandemic reflected his personal commitment to the and that the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two sides was getting stronger. In the last few decades, the world witnessed many fundamental changes and different kinds of geopolitical equations and variables, but the friendship of India and Russia remained constant, Modi said. “Your visit to India is a reflection of your commitment to ties with India,” the PM said.

Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla said 28 agreements were concluded between India and Russia after Modi-Putin meet. After the 2+2 meeting, Jaishankar tweeted: “A productive exchange of perspectives on cross-cutting and inter-related issues. Will be reporting it to the Annual Summit later today.”

Earlier on Monday, there was a meeting of the apex body that governs defence relations between the two: The Indo-Russian Inter-Governmental Commission on Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-MTC), co-chaired by the two defence ministers, Singh and Shoigu.

India’s military uses Russian weaponry extensively, such as Sukhoi-30MKI fighter aircraft, T-90S tanks and BMP infantry combat vehicles, Talwar-class frigates, and Kilo-class submarines. The two sides have jointly produced the highly regarded BrahMos cruise missile system.

During the 17th annual summit, the two countries concluded deals on India’s procurement of five units of the S-400 air defence systems for an estimated ~37,000 crore, constructing Talwar-class frigates under Project 1135.6, and a shareholders’ agreement on a joint venture (JV) to manufacture Kamov-226T helicopters in India.

The S400 is regarded as the world’s premier long-range missile system, with the ability to shoot down enemy aircraft at ranges up to 400 kilometres. During the confrontation over the last two years between the Chinese and Indian armies in Ladakh, China deployed the S400 along the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

On March 3, 2019, in Amethi, Modi announced another JV —Indo-Russian Rifles — that would manufacture 750,000 AK-203 assault rifles in Korwa under the “Make in India” programme for an estimated $687 million. Russia is also competing for a ~40,000-crore deal for building six submarines in India under Project 75I, and a ~50,000-60,000 crore agreement to manufacture 114 fighter aircraft in India.

To ensure that Russian defence equipment was not hampered by any shortfall in maintenance or spare parts, the two sides agreed during the 20th Annual Summit in Vladivostok in September 2019 to cooperate in producing spare parts for Russian/Soviet military equipment.

The India-Russia defence partnership is being tested by Washington, especially through the piece of legislation the US Congress passed in 2017, titled CAATSA (Countering America’s Adversaries through Sanctions Act). This provides for US sanctions on countries that have significant defence or intelligence relations with Russia, Iran, or North Korea. India’s purchase of the S400 missile system is regarded as a potential trigger for Washington to impose sanctions.

While the US Congress has created a “CAATSA waiver” for close partners such as India, the US president is required to determine whether to exercise that waiver. So far, President Joe Biden has not stated a preference.

India, which faces a growing threat from China, is determined to buy the S400 from Russia. Asked whether New Delhi would bow to CAATSA pressure, India’s foreign ministry spokesperson said last week: “India and the US have a special global strategic partnership. And we also have a very special and privileged strategic partnership with Russia. And as you’re all aware, we pursue an independent foreign policy. This applies to our defence acquisitions, and supplies which are and will continue to be guided by our security interest.”

New Delhi and Moscow have identified trade and economic relations as a priority area. Modi and Putin have set a bilateral investment target of $50 billion and a bilateral trade target of $30 billion by 2025. (With inputs from PTI)

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First Published: Tue, December 07 2021. 01:24 IST
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How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
commerce
weapons joint production
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What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Russia is India's largest arms supplier and a key defense partner.

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Putin visiting India: Is it strategic balancing?

By Major General S.B. Asthana
With heated exchanges between the US and Russia due to heavy concentration of troops in Ukraine border scheduled for talks between both, Russias growing dependency on China due to sanctions from West, and Indian tilt towards the US with inclusion in Quad, the visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to India on December 6, appears to be viewed differently by different world players. Even in domestic debates, the public anger due to Chinese intrusion in Ladakh and growing partnership of Russia and China, indicates that the visit is sensitive in context of international geopolitical scenario; hence will require a delicate strategic balancing including text of joint statement, if issued at the end of the visit. Notwithstanding the above, the visit is a scheduled 21st India-Russia Annual Summit, which couldnt take place earlier due to coronavirus pandemic, there are many justified reasons to continue with 'Indo-Soviet Friendship Treaty (1971)' matured into 'Strategic Partnership (2000)', which has stood the test of time till date, even during ongoing rough relations between China and India.

Why Russia Matters to India Despite Chinese Embrace?

Despite Indian effort for Atmanirbhar Bharat in defence manufacturing and SIPRI indicating significant 33 per cent decrease in import of military hardware by India in recent years, it remains heavily dependent on Russian technology, maintenance, procurement of hardware and spares. For many decades Russians have been collaborating with India in its indigenous manufacturing programs and were amenable to transfer of technology, which India was finding difficult to get from others. It includes some major systems like nuclear-powered submarines, warships/frigates, nuclear reactors, space programmes and flagship projects like Brahmos.

The impending visit, besides deal to commence indigenous manufacturing of AK 203 Kalashnikov rifles, may see some forward movement in collaboration in manufacturing (including transfer of technology of very short range air defence missile systems (VSHORADS), twin engine helicopters to replace Cheetah and Chetak, upgradation of inventory of MIG-29 and Sukhoi aircrafts. S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile system which India had signed in 2018 for $5.43 billion is a done deal, and the threat of CAATSA is unlikely to have any impact on delivery schedule. It was chosen because it was most suitable to Indian requirement at that point of time. There are also speculations of approximately ten agreements to be signed between the two countries, which could include reciprocal exchange of logistics Agreement and 10-year military technical agreement, besides Two plus Two dialogue to strengthen existing strategic partnership. While the US may be amenable to a waiver on CAATSA for S-400, in view of common China challenge, but further deals may create some new friction points in strengthening of Indo-US relations.

On strategic context, Russia continues to be a favourable P5 member in UN and continues to support India in various multilateral organisations like the UN, SCO, BRICS on crucial issues. It's a technological powerhouse, with one of the largest producer of military hardware, producing rugged equipment suited for variety of terrain, where Indian forces operate. While its nearness to China, its discomfort with Indian embrace to Quad, growing Indo-US partnership, and hardware sale to Pakistan, forces some of the opinion makers in India to suggest divorcing Russia in favour of US, but such opinions are marred by impracticality, ignorance of Indian hardware dependency on Russia and its track record of reliability of its partnership with India. In its revised Military Strategy document Russia continues to name India as its partner along with China, and has not delayed/defaulted on any hardware support to India, even during standoff with China. The interest of both countries also coincide regarding concerns on export of terror after Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan and resultant humanitarian crisis, which will certainly be a subject of discussion and may find some mention in joint statement.

Reality of Sino-Russian Embrace

The much publicised Sino-Russian embrace by Chinese media and Russian acceptance to go along has been due to economic compulsions due to increasing sanctions from West, common adversary US branding both as competitors in security strategy documents. Objectively an expansionist, aggressive China seeking Sino-centric world order does suit Russia as well, which is looking for multilateral world order. Chinese BRI has already side-lined Eurasian dream, its technological theft like alleged hypersonic technology proliferation and increasing border claims in previously settled border with Tajikistan are not to Russian liking. Russia has made no commitment to back China's misadventure in South China Sea/Himalayas and China has also not made any commitment on Ukraine borders. Reiterating India as a strategic partner may be Moscow's message to US and Beijing both. It is however, impractical to expect Russia criticising China or Pakistan or India discussing Ukraine issue during this visit, due to peculiar geo-political equations, and Russians need for strategic and economic balancing.

Strategic Balancing by India

India and US have commonality of Interest in most issues including tackling China, which has pushed India to become an important global strategic partner of US, by its aggressive designs. There is congruence of interests in most global issues between US and India in the current geo-strategic equation. India stands with US and Quad in context of Indo-Pacific and facing China challenge. India continues to do its best to respond to sensitivities and concerns of the US, at times risking some of its old relationships like Iran. To accommodate US interest India reduced import of oil from Iran, bearing a cost disadvantage, as Iran oil was being imported in Rupee terms, in crude form and attuned to existing refineries in India. India doesn't seem to be repeating the same mistake with Russians, who haven't done anything bilaterally which demands a divorce in mutual relationship. Moreover, military capacity building of India also adds to collective strength of Quad, which is in collective interest.

Lately India is trying to be self-reliant, as well as diversifying procurement from various countries to include US, France, Israel. In last decade the defence procurement from Russia has gradually reduced from over 65 percent approximately to nearly 49 percent and correspondingly increased in favour of the US, Israel and France. There is a noticeable upward trend in purchase of US military hardware, as the year 2020 alone saw a purchase $3.4 billion worth of US military equipment, indicating enough accommodation by India. In a buyers' market US has competitors to include Russia, Israel and France, and every country will make sovereign choice to pick the best deal including India. India has also made modest beginning in exporting Rs 38,000 crore worth of military equipment, as a step towards self-reliance, seeking support of all the partners.

(Major General S.B.Asthana is a strategic and security analyst, a veteran Infantry General. He is the Chief Instructor, United Service Institution of India. The views expressed are personal)

--IANS
asthana/ksk/

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

India has maintained strong ties with Russia, calling for an end to Ukraine hostilities without criticizing Russia.

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Content: Russian partnership: Jaishankar’s visit cements time-tested ties - The Tribune India

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Russian partnership

Jaishankar’s visit cements time-tested ties

S Jaishankar External Affairs Minister. PTI file photo

SUFFICE it to say that External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar has reassured the Kremlin that from New Delhi’s point of view, there is no attempt to alienate Russia. Also, that India’s deepening economic and security partnership with the West is not at the expense of Russia. That could explain why both Jaishankar and his counterpart Sergey Lavrov felt it necessary to highlight the special relationship. Moscow is a very valued and time-tested partner, Jaishankar, who’s on a five-day visit of the country, responded to a question on the western perception that India’s relationship with Russia is a handicap. Lavrov said the ties were built on mutual respect and not subject to political fluctuations. Inviting Prime Minister Narendra Modi to Russia, President Vladimir Putin said ties with friends were progressing despite the turbulence in the world.

A sweeping review of bilateral relations has been on the agenda. New Delhi has consistently called for an end to the hostilities in Ukraine, but has not publicly criticised Russia following the invasion. It has also resisted pressure from the US to impose sanctions, and ramped up purchase of Russian oil. Jaishankar has described Russian supplies, including fertilisers, as very big components of bilateral trade. The rupee-rouble payment mechanism, though, still has not been resolved. One reason Washington has reconciled itself to India’s stand on Russia could be that on the issue of China, it is seen as aligning itself more closely with the US. For New Delhi, it is also critical to understand that Russia’s isolation would push Putin closer to China.

An agreement has also been reached on future units of the Kudankulam nuclear power project in Tamil Nadu. It will have six reactors. Two had become operational by 2016. Lavrov has claimed tangible progress on plans to jointly produce military equipment. That could involve sustained negotiations. India has been open about diversifying arms imports and building stronger military ties for defence production.

#Russia #S Jaishankar

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

The India-Russia relationship is vital for regional security, with the Indian Foreign Minister visiting Moscow to discuss issues amid the Ukraine conflict.

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Content: India, Russia
Indian Foreign Minister's Visit to Moscow Concerned Over Continued Russo-Ukrainian Conflict
Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar arrived in Moscow on Monday for a meeting with his Russian counterpart Sergei Lavrov.
Indian Foreign Ministry said that during the two-day visit, Sujson will hold discussions on all bilateral issues and exchange views on regional and international situations.
In the context of the ongoing war between Ukraine and Russia, the visit of the Indian foreign minister is of vital importance to Russia, which seeks to maintain a special relationship with New Delhi.
Over the past week, Russian President Vladimir Putin has repeatedly praised India and its leaders.
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According to the Bangalore-based journalist Côte Bastin, the purpose of Sujason ’ s visit was to reaffirm the close relationship between India and Russia, which has been tested in the context of the ongoing Russian-Ukrainian conflict, and India ’ s refusal to face Russia ’ s invasion of Ukraine at the United Nations, mainly on the basis that New Delhi does not want to offend its traditional partners, while Russia is India ’ s main arms supplier.
But Moody's tone changed when he spoke with Putin on the sidelines of the SCO summit in Samarkand on Sept. 16.
At the time, Modi told Putin that "the present is no longer an era of war, but an era of dialogue."
India also demanded assurances from Russia that it would not be the first to use nuclear weapons.
In the past 10 days, Russian President Vladimir Putin has publicly praised India on various occasions, saying that "the future belongs to India - the world's largest democracy led by patriot Modi" and "Indians are talented and determined."
Russian media also generally echo Putin, emphasizing India's role as a multi-polar power.
For India, the primary purpose of the visit is to discuss strategic business agreements between the two sides, including Russian gas.
The Indian Foreign Ministry declined to comment on the specifics of the talks, but India is likely to reiterate its desire for a peaceful resolution of the Russian-Ukrainian crisis.
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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

Russia seeks to maintain a special relationship with India, its main arms buyer, which hasn't condemned the Ukraine invasion.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Russia's ties with China have driven a wedge between India and Russia.

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Content: Top

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On Monday, PM Modi spoke over the phone with Russian President Vladimir Putin. The phone call reportedly was a follow-up on many of the issues raised during Putin's recent India visit on December 6. According to a statement by the PMO, the two leaders have agreed to remain in regular touch with each other on a range of issues covered under the India-Russia Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership. Insofar as visits from foreign dignitaries and leaders go, Putin's visit to India earlier this month was arguably the most consequential development for India in the field of foreign affairs for quite some time. India, as may be known, has a long and storied relationship with Russia and its precursor, the Soviet Union. From the earliest days, the friendship between the two nations had a strong strategic undertone with both sides supporting each other on the world stage whenever necessary. Indeed, the Soviet Union was undeniably India's greatest ally in the 20th century against the machinations of the western powers like the US that did not take kindly to India announcing itself to be a 'socialist' nation. From Kashmir to the Bangladesh Liberation War, Russia has stood by India in defence of its strategic interests. As a proof of the relationship, a majority of military equipment India currently possesses was either directly supplied by Moscow or is otherwise of Russian origin. In recent years, with the fall of the Soviet Union and India's move towards liberalising its economy, India has ventured out into the world to make a new set of friends. This time around, it is India and the US that are getting along like a house on fire. India has deliberately sought to widen its field diplomatically and militarily in order to not be tied down to a single nation with the rather pragmatic understanding that there are no permanent relationships in international politics. In more recent times, Russia and India have somewhat drifted further apart as Russia bands together with India's rival China to take on the hegemony of the western world that is held up by the US. While India has no interest in joining the US in its power games against Russia, it is very much interested in leveraging its relationship with the west in its struggle to contain a belligerent China. It is here that India has had to perform a tremendous tight-rope walk, particularly following the 2014 annexation of Crimea by Russia. On the one hand, you have America that wishes to limit or even extinguish India's strategic relationship with Russia. On the other, you have Russia that is increasingly concerned and agitated by India drawing ever closer to the US's sphere of influence as it joins America in endeavours like the Quad grouping. Of particular concern to both sides is India's continuing dependence on Russia for military equipment. The US, already having sanctioned Turkey for the same, looks on menacingly as it threatens India with sanctions for buying the S-400 missile system. Russia, of course, is not only interested in keeping its old defence ties but even expanding them, as it has been recently teasing India with the possibility of being the first nation in the world to buy the improved S-500 missile system. In this regard, Putin's visit to India could be termed as symbolic. Since the beginning of the pandemic, Putin has only ventured out twice from his country, with the second trip being the one to India. His tone and body language during the meeting with PM Modi spoke volumes of the importance he attaches to maintaining the ties with India. Aside from underscoring the good working relationship he has with India's PM, the visit also highlighted that despite the recent turns of history, the two nations still have much to share and collectively work towards. Common concern in regards to the Taliban and Afghanistan is one such area that the two sides are looking to cooperate on in the near future. Another is strengthening existing defence ties between the two nations. Underscoring its strategic independence, India has decided to continue with its defence dealings with Russia, discussing the purchase of the S-400 missile system while also finalising a long-pending Rs 5,000 crore deal for the production of over five lakh AK-203 rifles in a joint Indo-Russian deal. But all said and done, the future of India's relationship with Russia still has some shades of uncertainty. Primary amongst them is the ongoing escalation between Moscow and NATO in regards to Ukraine and eastern Europe. If Russia should choose to brave threats of western sanctions to take action in Ukraine, where does this leave India? Can India still continue its balancing game between east and west at a time when geopolitics are heating up to a boiling point? That remains to be seen.

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What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

India remains dependent on Russia for most of its military equipment.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The US has threatened India with sanctions over its purchase of Russia's S-400 missile system.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Russia has offered India the S-500 missile system and jointly produced the BrahMos cruise missile system with them.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons joint production
weapons supply

The two leaders aim for $50 billion in bilateral investment and $30 billion in trade by 2025.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Trade between India and Russia has risen by 60 percent, driven mainly by Indian imports of Russian oil and fertilizers.

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Content: Putin and Modi pledge close cooperation during official talks in Moscow - Sunrise Gate
Tuesday 9 July 2024 7: 08 PM Cairo Cairo 24 °
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Putin and Modi pledge close cooperation during official talks in Moscow
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Published on: Tuesday 9 July 2024 - 6: 45 PM | Last updated on Tuesday 9 July 2024 - 6: 45 PM
Russian President Vladimir Putin and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, during official talks in Moscow, hailed the close and decades-long bilateral ties between their countries.
Speaking at the Kremlin meeting, Putin said India and Russia had a "distinct strategic partnership".
India ’ s commerce ministry said trade between the two countries had risen by 60 percent last year.
India ’ s imports of oil and fertilizers from Russia accounted for the largest share of trade.
During a meeting with representatives of the Indian community in Moscow, Modi said: "Every Indian feels that Russia is a friend of India in the good and bad...
This relationship is built on a strong foundation of mutual trust and respect. ”
Modi, 73, also praised Putin ’ s leadership qualities.
Speaking ahead of official talks between the Russian and Indian delegations in the Kremlin, Modi said the two countries would continue to develop their relations and achieve new goals.
"I say with confidence, based on our past experience, that we will work together in the future, deepen all aspects of our cooperation and achieve new goals," Modi said.
Modi thanked Putin for his warm welcome and congratulations on winning India ’ s June election.
Modi said: “We have achieved an unprecedented victory in the Indian elections and thank you for congratulating us on the victory.
You also won the election last March and I congratulate you again. ”
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India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

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India has resisted US pressure over Ukraine, instead buying discounted Russian oil and making Russia its largest supplier.

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Content: 31 Dec, 2023 08:46

Deeper than diplomacy: There is a reason why New Delhi and Moscow rely on each other

Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy is the core strength of bilateral ties, as the Indian foreign minister’s latest visit proves

Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar’s five-day official visit to Russia was timely and significant for more than one reason.

India and Russia had held annual summits at the leadership level since 2000. This sent an important message in terms of the value attached by the two countries to bilateral ties, but it also conveyed a broader geopolitical message to other international partners of the two countries.

But this practice was broken largely because of Russia’s pre-occupation with the Ukraine conflict and its fallout. The last annual summit took place in 2021.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin could have held a summit on the margins of the BRICS summit in Johannesburg in South Africa or the G20 summit in New Delhi, but Putin did not attend either. While Jaishankar’s visit does not substitute for a summit meeting, it was intended to fill a political gap.

Jaishankar and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov have met six times during the year, and the Indian external affairs minister also met with Russian Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov during the year on the economic agenda. For Jaishankar to visit Russia before the end of the year, undeterred by the Russian winter and holiday season, reflects the importance both sides attach to the further expansion of ties.

Putin has on several occasions praised the Indian prime minister and positively noted the country’s economic progress. At the ‘Russia Calling’ Forum in early December this year, he said that despite pressure from others, he “cannot imagine that Modi could be frightened, intimidated or forced to take any actions, steps, decisions that would at variance with the national interest of India and the Indian people.” He noted that sometimes he is surprised at Modi’s tough stance on Indian national interests. He added that the policy pursued by Modi is the “main guarantor” of the developing bilateral ties.

This is high and unusual praise by Putin. It can be interpreted on several levels – particularly as an acknowledgement that India has resisted pressure from the US and others to condemn Russia over the Ukraine conflict, impose sanctions, and reduce defense ties with Russia. India has, on the contrary, bought discounted Russian oil to the point that Russia has become its biggest oil supplier. It has argued that ensuring this market flow of Russian oil has helped avoid a major spike in oil prices and checked global inflation. Indian-Russian trade has expanded, while the G7 has broken economic and trade ties with Russia.

India played a major role as G20 president in negotiating the part in the Leaders’ Declaration on the Ukraine conflict despite the hardening of the G7 position and that of Russia and China after the G20 summit in Bali. The final text does not mention Russia by name, while the G7 was satisfied that the general formulations in it could be sold as being directed at Russia’s military operation in Ukraine.

Not surprisingly, Putin complimented India for de-politicizing the G20. India chaired the SCO summit in July 2023 and participated in the BRICS summit in South Africa in August 2023. This countered G7 attempts to isolate Russia diplomatically. In fact, the New Delhi SCO Declaration spoke of more effective global institutions, a more representative, just, and multipolar world order based on international law and multilateralism, and criticized the unilateral application of economic sanctions – a clear critique of the Western-dominated global system.

It is against this backdrop that Putin received Jaishankar at the Kremlin, the first time that such a gesture has been made to him personally. The general unavailability of Putin to visiting foreign ministers is well-known.

Jaishankar delivered a personal message from Modi to Putin. During the meeting, Putin invited his “friend Modi” to visit Russia in 2024 and noted that Indian-Russian ties were on the whole developing well. He said that he had been briefing Modi on developments in Ukraine, remarking that he understands the Indian prime minister is willing to do his utmost to resolve the matter by peaceful means. He added that he would give additional information to Jaishankar on Ukraine.

India has continued to strengthen ties with the US, including in the defense domain. It is a member of the Quad and a strong supporter of the Indo-Pacific concept, both of which are intended to deter China’s regional ambitions. Russia has reservations about the Quad and the Indo-Pacific concept, which it sees as the US engaging in bloc politics in Asia.

Putin’s praise for Modi and India and the gesture of receiving Jaishankar takes into consideration these realities of India’s foreign policy which are meant to safeguard the larger national interests. At the core of this is Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy. Jaishankar’s high-profile visit and the vigorous language used to mark the importance of India’s traditional ties with Russia would have caught Washington’s attention.

Jaishankar noted that after talks with Lavrov, “what clearly came out was that India-Russia relations remain very steady, remain very strong, they are based on our strategic convergence, on our geopolitical interests, and because they are mutually beneficial.” The two leaders discussed political cooperation within international organizations such as BRICS, the SCO, etc.

Indian-Russian trade is at an all-time high, exceeding $50 billion last year, and should pass that figure this year. It includes energy, fertilizers, coking coal, and other items, for which long term arrangements were discussed. India intends to expand investments in Russia’s oil and gas sector.

On the nuclear side, two important amendments were agreed to which will take the Kudankulam nuclear power project forward. Mutual investments, progress on a bilateral investment treaty, and the resumption of negotiations between India and the Eurasian Economic Union for a free trade agreement will be resumed in the second half of January 2024.

Moscow and New Delhi will expand cooperation in the Russian Far East. India expects a large representation from this region at the Vibrant Gujarat Summit in January 2024.

Connectivity between India and Russia will be critical for expanding trade ties – connectivity from western India through the International North-South Transport Corridor, and connectivity from eastern India, from Chennai to Vladivostok, and the polar route. To promote tourism, India is open to increasing the number of flights from India every week.

The talks between Jaishankar and Lavrov were comprehensive. They discussed the global strategic situation, Ukraine, Gaza, the Indo-Pacific, ASEAN, Afghanistan, UN-related matters, the challenges facing the Global South, and the building of a multipolar order. China would undoubtedly have been discussed, but diplomatic discretion here would be normal.

In the joint press conference, Lavrov spoke of prospects for more defense cooperation, including joint production of modern weapons under New Delhi’s ‘Make in India’ program, and, importantly, expressed respect for India’s efforts to diversify its defense ties. He noted bilateral cooperation in rocket engine manufacturing and satellite navigation systems.

Jaishankar’s visit was productive in maintaining the momentum of Indian-Russian ties, which have been built over 60 years, a relationship that he believes is not just about politics, diplomacy, or economics, but is much deeper.

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

The two countries will expand cooperation in the Russian Far East, including joint production of modern weapons.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons joint production
weapons supply

Putin has praised Modi's stance on national interests and invited him to visit Russia in 2024.

The India-Russia relationship has been impacted by the Quad, a group formed to counter China.

Title:

Content: Russia / India / Political / Military
Modi Meets Putin, Putin Praises India as ‘ Strong and Reliable Ally ’
Russian President Vladimir Putin, who is visiting India, praised India as Moscow's "strong and reliable ally", Putin's visit focused on "energy" and "national defense", and the foreign ministers and defense ministers of the two sides held their first 2 + 2 meeting and signed a number of military cooperation agreements.
In a joint statement, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation and achieve the goal of 30 billion US dollars in bilateral trade by 2025.
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Indian diplomatic officials said on Monday that Russia had begun supplying India with S-400 long-range air defense systems.
During Putin's meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the two sides also signed a 10-year military cooperation agreement and an oil cooperation agreement.
In a joint statement issued after the meeting, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation, including joint research and development and production of military equipment.
The two sides also stressed the need to achieve the goal of 30 billion U.S. dollars in bilateral trade by 2025, and to strengthen cooperation in energy and satellite navigation.
The two sides pointed out that it is necessary for the Eurasian Economic Union and India to start negotiations on a free trade agreement on goods.
Speaking to the media before his meeting with Modi, Putin said: "We consider India to be a big country, a friendly country and a security ally."
Putin ’ s visit to India is aimed at strengthening ties with India ’ s traditional allies, which are being eroded by the United States.
To counter China ’ s rise, the Quadripartite Security Dialogue (Quad), established by the United States with India, Japan and Australia, has drawn the attention of Beijing and Moscow.
During the Cold War, India had close ties with the Soviet Union, a relationship that continues to this day, described by New Delhi as a “special and privileged strategic partnership. ”
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi met with visiting Russian President Vladimir Putin on Monday to discuss defense and trade relations between the two countries in an effort to strike a balance with the United States.
"There have been many fundamental changes and geopolitical elements in the world over the past few decades, but India's friendship with Russia remains the same," Modi said before meeting Putin.
India ’ s foreign ministry said the annual bilateral summit covered political and defense issues.
The two leaders also discussed the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan caused by the takeover of the Afghan government by the Taliban earlier this year.
India and Russia have long had close ties, and both sides have set a goal of reaching $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025.
Recently, however, India has drawn closer to the United States, believing that the United States is a key force against China.
India is also trying to manage its defense relations with Russia while strengthening its military ties with the United States, the sources said.
India, a major arms importer, relied heavily on the former Soviet Union for armaments during the Cold War, but now it is diversifying its procurement of arms, as well as buying US-made weapons.
During the period of former US President Trump, India signed more than $3 billion of arms purchase contracts with the United States, and the arms trade between the two countries has increased from zero in 2008 to $15 billion in 2019.
On the other hand, India's purchase of the Russian-made S-400 missile system to counter China has become a major problem in relations with the United States.
This sophisticated anti-missile system, once available, is expected to enable India to gain strategic deterrence power against China and Pakistan.
However, the United States has asked its partners not to purchase Russian-made armaments, or it may impose sanctions.
In addition, India and Russia held their first 2 + 2 meeting in New Delhi on Monday, where the two sides signed a number of cooperation agreements on "military and small arms".
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu arrived in New Delhi on Monday for a 2 + 2 meeting with Indian Foreign Minister Sujson and Defense Minister Manmohan Singh.
The 2 + 2 ministerial meeting was the first between India and Russia.
Singh tweeted after the meeting that discussions on defense cooperation between the two sides had been fruitful and that India cherished the "special strategic partnership" with Russia.
He added that the two sides have signed several agreements, contracts and protocols on small arms and military cooperation.
However, Singh and India ’ s Ministry of Defence have not issued a formal statement or press release disclosing details of the various agreements signed with Russia.
Indian media reported that one of the major agreements was the transfer of technology and local production of the Russian-made AK-203 assault rifle.
Under the agreement, India will produce more than 600,000 AK-203 assault rifles in India over the next 10 years through an Indian-Russian joint venture.
The report also said that another agreement is to extend the 10-year India-Russia military-technical cooperation agreement until 2031.
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Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The two countries have a "special and privileged strategic partnership" with a 10-year military cooperation agreement.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

India and Russia have extended their military-technical cooperation to 2031 and signed an oil agreement.

Title:

Content: Russia / India / Politics / Military
Modi Meets Putin, Putin Praises India as ‘ Strong and Reliable Ally ’
Putin, who is visiting India, praised India as a "strong and reliable ally" of Moscow. Putin's visit focused on "energy" and "defense". The foreign ministers and defense ministers of the two sides held their first 2 + 2 meeting and signed a number of military cooperation agreements.
In a joint statement, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation and achieve the goal of reaching US $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025.
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Indian diplomats said on Monday that Russia had begun supplying India with S-400 long-range air defense systems.
During Putin ’ s meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the two sides also signed a 10-year military cooperation agreement and an oil cooperation agreement.
In a joint statement issued after the meeting, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation, including joint research and development and production of military equipment. They also stressed the need to achieve the goal of 30 billion US dollars in bilateral trade by 2025, and strengthen cooperation in energy and satellite navigation.
Speaking to the media before his meeting with Modi, Putin said: "We consider India to be a big country, a friendly country and a security ally."
Putin ’ s trip to India is aimed at strengthening ties with India ’ s traditional allies, which are being eroded by the United States.
To counter China ’ s rise, the United States has established the Quad Security Dialogue (Quad) with India, Japan and Australia, drawing attention from Beijing and Moscow.
During the Cold War, India had close relations with the Soviet Union, a relationship that continues to this day, described by New Delhi as a “special and privileged strategic partnership. ”
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi met with visiting Russian President Vladimir Putin on Monday to discuss defense and trade relations between the two countries to strike a balance with the United States.
"Over the past few decades, there have been many fundamental changes in the world, as well as various geopolitical elements, but India's friendship with Russia has always been the same," Modi said before the meeting with Putin.
India ’ s foreign ministry said the annual bilateral summit covered political and defence issues.
The two leaders also discussed the takeover of the Afghan regime by the Taliban earlier this year, which has led to a humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan.
India and Russia have long had close ties, and both sides have set a goal of reaching US $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025.
But recently, India and the United States have drawn closer, seeing the United States as a key force in the fight against China.
India, while strengthening its military ties with the United States, is also trying to manage its defense relations with Russia.
India, a major arms importer, relied heavily on the former Soviet Union for its military supplies during the Cold War, and now buys weapons from the United States in a decentralized manner.
Under former US President Donald Trump, India signed more than US $3 billion in arms purchase contracts with the United States, and the two countries ’ armaments trade has increased from zero in 2008 to US $15 billion in 2019.
On the other hand, India ’ s purchase of the Russian-made S-400 missile system to counter China has become a major problem in relations with the United States.
This sophisticated anti-aircraft missile defense system, once available, is expected to give India the strategic deterrent power against China and Pakistan.
However, the United States has asked partners not to purchase Russian-made military equipment, or it may impose sanctions.
In addition, India and Russia held their first 2 + 2 meeting in New Delhi on Monday, where they signed a number of cooperation agreements on "military and small arms".
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu arrived in New Delhi on Monday night and held a 2 + 2 meeting with Indian Foreign Minister Igor Sujason and Defense Minister Manmohan Singh.
The Ministerial 2 + 2 meeting was the first between India and Russia.
Singh tweeted after the meeting that discussions on defence cooperation between the two sides had been fruitful and that India valued the "special strategic partnership" with Russia.
He added that the two sides had signed several agreements, contracts and protocols on small arms and military cooperation.
However, Singh and India ’ s Ministry of Defence have yet to release a formal statement or press release disclosing details of the various agreements signed with Russia.
Indian media reported that one of the major agreements was the technology transfer and local production of the Russian-made AK-203 assault rifle.
Under the agreement, India will produce more than 600,000 AK-203 assault rifles in India over the next 10 years through an Indo-Russian joint venture.
Another deal is to extend the 10-year India-Russia military-technical cooperation agreement until 2031.

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
energy
weapons supply

The two countries have a "special strategic partnership" and cooperated during the COVID-19 crisis.

Title:

Content: New Delhi | Jagran News Desk: Prime Minister Narendra Modi met visiting Russian president Vladimir Putin at Delhi’s Hyderabad House on Monday evening. Prime Minister said that India-Russia ties are stronger than ever.

Prime Minister Modi added that despite the challenges posed by the pandemic, there has been no change in the relationship between India and Russia. He further pointed out that the two countries cooperated during the COVID-19 crisis too, in the field of vaccine and humanitarian support. "The relation between India and Russia is truly a unique and reliable model of interstate friendship," Prime Minister Narendra Modi said.

"You (Putin) should be credited for the strategic partnership between our countries for the 3 decades," PM Modi said, acknowledging Russian President Vladimir Putin's role in nurturing the bilateral traditions between India and Russia.

India a great power, time-tested friend: Vladimir Putin

Russian President Vladimir Putin said that Russia considers India 'a great power' and a 'time tested' friend. "The relations between our nations are growing and I am looking into the futur," Putin added while further asserting his happiness at being in India, saying that he is 'happy to travel to India'.

"Currently mutual investments stand at about 38 million with a bit more investment coming from the Russian side. We cooperate greatly in military and technical sphere like no other country. We develop high technologies together as well as produce in India," Putin said.

This is the first in-person meeting between PM Modi and President Putin after their meeting on the sidelines of BRICS summit in Brazil in 2019 before the beginning of COVID-19 pandemic. Both the leaders are scheduled to hold deliberations to review the prospects of bilateral relations and recalibrate the long standing India-Russia friendship.

"The agenda for the dialogue will cover political and defence issues of mutual interest. The establishment of this new mechanism of two plus two dialogue is expected to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries," Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Arindam Bagchi had said earlier.

Posted By: Mukul Sharma

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Putin has praised Modi and awarded him the Order of St. Andrew.

Title:

Content: Putin praised Modi ’ s contribution to strengthening Russian-Indian friendship - RIA Novosti, 09.07.2024
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Putin praised Modi ’ s contribution to strengthening Russian-Indian friendship
Putin: awarding Modi with the Order of Andrew the First-Called expresses gratitude to Russia
© RIA Novosti / Sergey Bobylev | Go to mediabanPresident of Russia Vladimir Putin awarded Prime Minister of India Narendra Modi the Order of St. Andrew during a meeting in Moscow
Russian President Vladimir Putin presented Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi with the Order of St. Andrew the First-Called during a meeting in Moscow.
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MOSCOW, July 9 - RIA Novosti.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s award of the Order of the Holy Apostle Andrew the First-Called reflects Russia ’ s appreciation for its contribution to strengthening the friendship of the two countries, Russian President Vladimir Putin said.
"Dear Prime Minister, dear friend, awarding you with the Order of the Holy Apostle Andrew the First-Called reflects the sincere gratitude of the Russian side for the significant contribution you make to strengthening friendship and mutual understanding between our states and peoples," Putin said at the ceremony in the Kremlin.
Modi spoke about the important decisions made by Russia and India
He noted that Modi has always actively advocated the expansion of contacts with Russia and, while still being the Chief Minister of Gujarat, put forward the initiative of establishing twinning ties with Russian regions - in this case with the Astrakhan region.
Having been at the head of the Government of India for ten years, you really contributed to the fact that Russian-Indian relations acquired the character of a particularly privileged strategic partnership.
With your direct support, the largest Russian-Indian projects in the trade, economic and military-technical spheres, in nuclear and hydrocarbon energy, in the field of high technologies and space are being successfully implemented, "Putin said.
Putin Wishes Peace and Prosperity to the People of India
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The two countries have a privileged strategic partnership, supporting large joint trade and economic projects.

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

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The partnership has advanced in several areas and the two countries are part of the BRICS association.

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Content:   • News
  • India News
  • Look forward to reviewing ties with my friend Putin: PM Modi ahead of Russia visit

Look forward to reviewing ties with my friend Putin: PM Modi ahead of Russia visit

NEW DELHI: Prime Minister Narendra Modi ahead of his visit to Russia on Monday said that he looks forward to reviewing all aspects of bilateral cooperation with his 'friend' Russian President Vladimir Putin. PM Modi expressed his eagerness to assess all aspects of bilateral cooperation with President Vladimir Putin and exchange views on various regional and global matters.
India aims to contribute to a peaceful and stable region.
"I am embarking on an official visit to the Russian Federation for the 22nd Annual Summit and my first ever visit to the Republic of Austria over the next three days," PM Modi said in a statment.
"The Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership between India and Russia has advanced over the past ten years, including in the areas of energy, security, trade, investment, health, education, culture, tourism and people-to-people exchanges," he added.
The Indian ambassador to Russia, Vinay Kumar, stated that the two leaders will discuss the progress of bilateral relations and other regional matters of shared interest, as reported by ANI.
Upon his arrival in Moscow on Monday afternoon, PM Modi will be welcomed by Russian President Vladimir Putin for a private lunch. The following day, the Prime Minister will engage with the Indian community residing in Russia. Subsequently, he will pay his respects at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier within the Kremlin and tour an exhibition site in the capital city.
PM Modi's most recent trip to Russia occurred in 2019 when he journeyed to Vladivostok in the Far East. Both India and Russia are part of the BRICS association, which also includes Brazil, China, and South Africa.

First visit to Austria by an Indian PM in over 40 years.
PM Modi will also visit Austria for the first time, marking the first visit by an Indian Prime Minister in over 40 years. During the three-day visit, he will meet President Alexander Van der Bellen and Chancellor Karl Nehammer. Discussions will focus on strengthening the partnership in innovation, technology, and sustainable development.
The Prime Minister will also engage with business leaders to explore trade and investment opportunities. Additionally, he will interact with the Indian community in Austria, known for their professionalism and conduct. This visit underscores the strong and reliable partnership between India and Austria, rooted in shared democratic ideals.
"Together with the Austrian Chancellor, I look forward to exchanging views with business leaders from both sides to explore mutually beneficial trade and investment opportunities. I will also be interacting with the Indian community in Austria who is well regarded for their professionalism and conduct," the statement said.
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TOI News Desk

The TOI News Desk comprises a dedicated and tireless team of journalists who operate around the clock to deliver the most current and comprehensive news and updates to the readers of The Times of India worldwide. With an unwavering commitment to excellence in journalism, our team is at the forefront of gathering, verifying, and presenting breaking news, in-depth analysis, and insightful reports on a wide range of topics. The TOI News Desk is your trusted source for staying informed and connected to the ever-evolving global landscape, ensuring that our readers are equipped with the latest developments that matter most."

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What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

PM Modi visited Russia to review ties with Putin and discuss bilateral relations.

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

The two countries aim for a peaceful and stable region and have cooperation in health, education, and culture.

India relies on Russia for 90% of its military equipment, crucial for its national security.

Title:

Content: Global News
The world today, during the war in Ukraine.
India is trying to hold the stick in the middle.
You are following the news in the shadow of the Ukraine war.
India is trying to hold the stick in the middle of the World News section, and now we leave you with the full details.
WEDNESDAY, Jan. 18, 2023 12: 22 PM – The Ukrainian war has highlighted India ’ s strategic importance, particularly in terms of relations with Russia and China separately, and its concern not to be drawn into a conflict between world powers.
In a historical review of China ’ s relationship with India:
• Sino-Indian tensions escalated shortly after the founding of the People ’ s Republic of China, when its annexation of Xinjiang and Tibet led to unresolved border disputes.
A quarter-century breakthrough in the name of economic development and cooperation during the height of China ’ s reform era began to evaporate around 2012 with the arrival of new leader Xi Jinping, who implemented an increasingly assertive vision of Chinese foreign policy.
Border tensions have flared, leading to the first combat deaths between the two sides in 45 years, straining ties and prompting India to ban several Chinese tech companies.
Despite high-level talks and a brief meeting between the leaders of the two countries on the sidelines of the G20, tensions, and the possibility of further armed conflict, remain high.
The conflict with China has somehow brought India closer to Washington, but nearly a quarter of Indian adults actually see America as the biggest threat to India.
The Indian people are afraid of being caught in the middle of a conflict between the United States and China that could destabilize regional security and endanger India.
India ’ s membership along with Japan, Australia and the United States, as well as its presence in the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, is the biggest indication of the country ’ s desire to carry the baton from the middle.
The Ukrainian War
A large number of Indian adults, about 38 percent, say Russia is responsible for the war in Ukraine, while 26 percent blame the United States and 18 percent blame NATO.
Russia is an indispensable source of ammunition and training, providing about 90 percent of India ’ s military equipment.
Indians are also enthusiastic about their country ’ s decision to buy Russian oil, which is now sold at a discount on world markets.
Indian public support for continuing business as usual with Russia means that the West should not expect a change in the situation anytime soon, and these dynamics, combined with Western efforts to motivate India to play the role of geopolitical counterweight to China, have led Western leaders to tacitly accept continued Russian-Indian military and economic cooperation.
We hope that we have succeeded in conveying the full details of the news in the shadow of the war in Ukraine.
India is trying to hold the stick in the middle.
In God ’ s care and protection.
You may also read.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The US has concerns about India's Russia ties and Ukraine stance.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India is balancing relationships with the US, Russia, and China while diversifying defense purchases from countries like Israel, the US, and France.

Title:

Content: Homepage

Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad

  • In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia.
  • The move signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow, and shows the world India is pursuing its own agenda.
  • Modi is aiming to correct the trade imbalance and address China's Indo-Pacific activities.
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In a move likely to anger the US, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is visiting Russia on Monday for his first bilateral trip after winning a historic third term in office.

Modi's two-day visit to Russia — where he is scheduled to meet with President Vladimir Putin — is significant in that it signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow. It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

Vinay Kwatra, India's foreign secretary, told reporters in New Delhi that issues between Russia and India have "piled up" and "need to be addressed," per Bloomberg.

Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine. India is a major buyer of Russian oil. Russia is also India's biggest arms supplier.

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Kwatra underscored that the two countries' trade relationship has remained "resilient."

Still, Modi's trip will "rankle many Western observers," Ved Shinde, a researcher and contributor to Australia's Lowy Institute think tank, wrote in a note on Wednesday.

"Since the Ukraine war began, India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in the heart of Europe," Shinde added.

Modi's visit to Russia will make the US look bad

Just like Putin's visit to supply-chain hot spot Vietnam, India's engagement with Russia isn't a good look for the US, as it comes while Washington is isolating Putin's regime.

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The US has raised "some concerns" about India's relationship with Russia with New Delhi, Kurt Campbell, the US Deputy Secretary of State, said last month.

However, Washington acknowledges that India's ties with Russia are different from its ties with the US.

"We have many areas of alignment, but it is not surprising that there would be areas where we've had perhaps different perspectives, views, historical ties," Campbell said about America's relationship with India.

India, for its part, is looking to balance its relationship with the world's key powerbrokers — the US, Russia, and China.

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"There are different degrees in India's multi-alignment. Make no mistake — the United States and its allies are more consequential for India's future than its relationship with Russia," wrote Shinde.

India needs to leverage its historical ties with Russia to secure its economy and security, so Modi isn't just in Russia for a goodwill trip.

Reducing the trade imbalance

A key agenda item for the visit is to reduce a huge bilateral trade imbalance, said Kwatra.

India imports about $60 billion of goods a year from Russia, but Russia buys less than 10% of this amount from India, per Bloomberg.

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Modi may also touch on China's activities in the Indo-Pacific region, said Kwatra.

India is trying to manage its relationship with China, which has been testy since a border dispute in 2020. Modi skipped the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kazakhstan last week.

There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

At the summit last week, Putin said Russia's relationship with China is in the "best period in history."

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Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

"The reason for the time-tested stability in India-Russia ties is to maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland. That is, to balance China," wrote Shinde.

"Or to put it another way, don't go around making new adversaries when there are already two open fronts — China and Pakistan," Shinde added.

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What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

India and Russia have historical ties, with Russia being India's largest arms supplier.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India buys $60 billion worth of Russian goods, including large amounts of oil, annually.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India and Russia's trade has risen from $15 billion to $65 billion and is targeted to reach $100 billion by 2030.

Title:

Content: Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s recent two-day visit to Russia may have been watched more in the West than in India itself.
Modi received an official reception in Russia, where President Vladimir Putin, who faces Western sanctions over the war in Ukraine, described the Indian prime minister as his “best friend. ”
The visit, Modi ’ s first overseas trip after taking office for a new term, has been described as of international significance.
India is in a unique position as it enjoys long-term relations with Russia while at the same time getting closer to the United States and is now in a position to win the trust of both sides.
Thus, while India is unlikely to play the role of mediator, the South Asian country, during the crisis period, could play some role in helping to find a solution to the war in Ukraine.
But throughout the visit, Modi was clearly balancing India ’ s position between the two sides.
He has described Russia as a friend at all times, referring to how Moscow has advanced in the past to help New Delhi.
Russia shared nuclear technology with India at a time when no other country was willing to do so.
It is also supplying arms to India and helping to strengthen its defence deterrence amid border problems with neighbouring countries.
While India is now diversifying its defense purchases from Israel, the United States, and France, among others, 80 percent of India ’ s military equipment to date comes from Russia.
Russia has also become important since the outbreak of the Ukrainian war, to provide fuel at reduced prices, which is crucial for India, whose energy needs are growing exponentially.
Cheap fuel helped New Delhi adjust inflation in India.
At the same time, India ’ s relations with the United States have grown at a rapid pace in recent times.
Against this backdrop, the visit was also a lesson in skilful diplomatic manoeuvres, as Modi managed to strike a good balance between the two sides.
During the visit, Modi noted that his 17 meetings with Putin over the past decade have strengthened mutual trust and respect between the two sides.
The Indian prime minister not only called Russia a friend at all times, but also a “partner for better or worse. ”
The two leaders also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis.
The Indian prime minister reiterated his country's position that there could be no solutions to the crisis amid "guns, bullets and bombs".
"Whether it is a war, a conflict or a terrorist attack, anyone who believes in humanity suffers when there is a loss of life," he said, stressing that "when innocent children are killed, the heart bleeds and this pain is very frightening."
There is no doubt that Modi ’ s visit to Russia was significant.
Apart from the international attention from a political point of view on its outcome, the visit is seen as adding to the continued momentum in relations between the two countries.
Economic relations in particular have received a boost since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis, mainly due to India ’ s imports of oil, fertilizers and gas at reduced prices.
Trade between India and Russia, which has been stagnant for years, rose from $15 billion in 2021-2022 to $65 billion in 2023-2024 after the outbreak of the Ukrainian war in 2022.
So, during Modi ’ s visit, the two sides also discussed ways to strengthen economic ties.
The two countries agreed to boost trade to $100 billion by 2030, reduce non-tariff barriers, reduce trade imbalances in Russia ’ s favor, improve connectivity and increase trade in agricultural goods.
They also discussed some outstanding problems that remain unresolved between the two countries, such as the issue of the growing trade imbalance.
The outbreak of the Ukrainian war, which was the reason for the strengthening of energy ties between the two countries, put pressure on the military relationship, delaying shipments of spare parts and new weapons.
For example, Russia has so far delivered only three of the five S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile systems, while the other two are behind schedule.
The delivery of spare parts and other military equipment remained an essential part of the discussions.
The two sides are now exploring the possibility of establishing partnerships in joint ventures in India for some important parts of arms.
Modi ’ s visit to Russia, while surprising to the West, was of great importance to India in pushing forward its relations with Russia.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India considers Russia a long-term partner and friend, despite growing US ties.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

The India-Russia relationship impacts regional security in South Asia, amid the Ukraine conflict and India-China tensions.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Russia's ties with China may pressure Moscow to downgrade its ties with India.

Title:

Content: Skip to Content

India unsure of Russian arms to meet China, Pakistan threats

By ASHOK SHARMA
Associated Press

NEW DELHI (AP) — India is bracing for a disruption in Russian arms supplies following Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s tightrope walk between Moscow and Washington could become more difficult due to a border standoff with China. Up to 60% of Indian defense equipment comes from Russia. Modi has so far avoided voting against Russia at the United Nations or criticizing Russian President Vladimir Putin for invading Ukraine. Beijing could pressure Moscow to downgrade its ties with India. President Joe Biden has publicly spoken about unresolved differences with India over the Ukraine issue, but he is building ties with New Delhi under the Indo-Pacific security alliance known as “the Quad” that also includes Japan and Australia.

Associated Press

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What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Russia has helped defuse India-China tensions in the past, and the two countries have had a strategic partnership since 2000.

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India and Russia have discussed the Ukraine crisis and agreed on the importance of regional peace and stability.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The India-Russia relationship is expected to continue evolving as they strengthen economic and strategic ties amidst a complex geopolitical landscape.

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

India values Russia as a partner in economy and security, particularly in balancing relations with China.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Russia and India's bilateral trade reached $65 billion in 2023-2024.

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

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India has resisted US pressure and increased Russian oil purchases despite the Ukraine invasion.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

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India's purchases of Russian oil increased

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India aims to strengthen military ties with Russia to counterbalance China's growing influence.

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Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Russia will support India against China as part of their mutual respect-based relationship.

Title:

Content: English Edition
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    Russia will support India in a stand-off against ally China. Here's why

    Synopsis

    Not that sentiment plays no role in relations between nations. It does. The immense soft power that the West wields over nations like India colours the discourse, and could even impede rational pursuit of the national interest. So how does the national self-interest of Russia, China and the US play out vis-à-vis India?

    Modern chess evolved from the game Indians called chaturanga, meaning four angas or anatomical parts. The four elements of the ancient Indian army were the infantry, the cavalry, the elephantry and the chariots. Moving pieces to gain advantage, anticipating the opponent’s countermoves, is the nub of the game.

    Geopolitics is a lot like playing chess. You position your pieces to gain advantage, not because you like or dislike any particular piece. You could sacrifice the queen, if that is the path to victory, as unsentimentally as you would take the opponent’s rook. It is that lack of sentiment that many people fail to appreciate when they reach facile conclusions on the relations between nations. In the popular mind, Indo-Russian relations are about Raj Kapoor songs and lingering gratitude for the Soviet navy’s interception of the US 7th Fleet’s Task Force 74 as it moved towards the Bay of Bengal, to threaten India during the 1971 war in East Pakistan.

    In the same vein of humanising international relations, many conclude that Russia’s indebtedness to China for its support during the ongoing Ukraine war, economically and politically, would rupture Russia’s support for India in the face of Chinese aggression. Whatever the sentiment, Russia would continue to support India. Because that is in Russia’s own interest.

    National Interest…
    Not that sentiment plays no role in relations between nations. It does. The immense soft power that the West wields over nations like India colours the discourse, and could even impede rational pursuit of the national interest. So how does the national self-interest of Russia, China and the US play out vis-à-vis India?

    The expansion of Nato to include assorted former Soviet bloc countries has been an attempt to underline Russia’s loss of salience as a global power. The West loved Boris Yeltsin and his chums, who not just disbanded the Soviet Union, but also eviscerated Russia’s economy by handing over valuable economic assets to their cronies — the so-called oligarchs —as well as by failing to put in place a functional system of governance and regulation, without which a market cannot function.

    Vladimir Putin put an end to this dissolution of Russian power, when he took office in 2000. He even sought Nato membership for Russia, a request that was dismissed out of hand by the West. It was only after Nato decided to offer membership to Georgia and Ukraine that Putin turned actively hostile to the West. He attacked Georgia in 2008, putting paid to any plan for Georgia to join Nato. In 2014, when a pro-West popular uprising threw out a pro-Russian regime in Ukraine, Putin moved in, to annex Crimea, which, till 1954, had been part of Russia, and hosts the base of Russia’s warm water navy.

    Extending Nato to Ukraine would bring Nato missiles to Russia’s borders. As it is, extension of Nato to Poland, Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia has brought St Petersburg within the range of short-range Nato missiles. The Cuban missile crisis, it may be recalled, had been about the US stomping into the ground Cuba’s sovereign right to place missiles of any nation it befriends on its territory. No power allows hostility that amounts to an existential threat to thrive in the immediate neighbourhood.

    By forcing Russia to docilely accept Nato missiles in Ukraine, the West wanted to tell Russia and the world that Russia no longer matters, despite all its nukes. It is this that Russia opposes, primarily, in its action against Ukraine. For the US, its geopolitical rival of significance is China. It is to contain China that George W Bush gave India its nuclear deal, thereby releasing India from assorted technology denial regimes, imposed originally to rid India of its nuclear ambitions. India continues to be a significant ally in the Asia-Pacific region for the US, in its quest to keep China in check. Hence its membership of the Quad. China does not want to be the sole focus of western hostility. Its interests are served by the West having to commit some of its men and materiel to Russia.

    That calls for retaining Russia as a significant geopolitical power. That is why China supports Russia over Ukraine.

    …Not Sentiment

    It is in India’s interest to retain Russia as a global power centre. The alternative is to confront the dual hegemony of the world by the US and China. Given China’s aggressive claims on Indian territory, that would redound to abject dependence on the US to resist China, scrapping India’s hopes for strategic autonomy.

    China wants Russia as a power centre that would consume the West’s attention and resources. Russia wants to retain its own geopolitical relevance. It has not invaded Ukraine and taken China’s help to give up that relevance. Just as the West gains by propping up India as a counterweight to China in Asia, Russia also gains by India’s ability to stem China’s rise to become the principal countervailing force against the US.

    In other words, the interests of Russia and the West converge in keeping India alive as a viable counterweight to China. China’s desire to have Russia as another pole of global power implicitly entails acceptance of India’s role as a counterweight to itself.

    Probably, China would count that as a pawn sacrifice.

    Views expressed are author's own

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Content: India’s Long Infatuation with Russia Must End

Seven months after China and Russia announced their "no limits" partnership, the two countries seem closer than ever. In the face of growing Chinese belligerence, this augurs ill for India, which should urgently reconsider its long-standing diplomatic and strategic dependence on a weakening Russia.

NEW DELHI – During a parliamentary debate in April, I expressed my concerns about India’s relationship with Russia. My words were met with grim-faced silence. But the events of the last five months have only strengthened my case.

The debate was on the Ukraine war. While deploring India’s reluctance to call a Russian shovel a spade, I acknowledged that India has historically depended on the Kremlin for defense supplies and spare parts, and appreciated Russia’s long-standing support on vital issues like Kashmir and border tensions with China and Pakistan. But the Ukraine war and Western sanctions had weakened Russia considerably, I noted. The ban on semiconductor chips, for example, had significantly eroded its ability to produce advanced electronics and defense goods that form the basis of India’s dependence.

Worse still, I argued, the war had highlighted and reinforced Russia’s reliance on China as its principal global partner – a relationship that would intensify as Russia grew weaker. India could then scarcely depend on the Kremlin to counter Chinese aggression, exemplified by the People’s Liberation Army’s territorial encroachments and killing of 20 Indian soldiers in June 2020.

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Content: India’s Long Infatuation with Russia Must End

Seven months after China and Russia announced their "no limits" partnership, the two countries seem closer than ever. In the face of growing Chinese belligerence, this augurs ill for India, which should urgently reconsider its long-standing diplomatic and strategic dependence on a weakening Russia.

NEW DELHI – During a parliamentary debate in April, I expressed my concerns about India’s relationship with Russia. My words were met with grim-faced silence. But the events of the last five months have only strengthened my case.

The debate was on the Ukraine war. While deploring India’s reluctance to call a Russian shovel a spade, I acknowledged that India has historically depended on the Kremlin for defense supplies and spare parts, and appreciated Russia’s long-standing support on vital issues like Kashmir and border tensions with China and Pakistan. But the Ukraine war and Western sanctions had weakened Russia considerably, I noted. The ban on semiconductor chips, for example, had significantly eroded its ability to produce advanced electronics and defense goods that form the basis of India’s dependence.

Worse still, I argued, the war had highlighted and reinforced Russia’s reliance on China as its principal global partner – a relationship that would intensify as Russia grew weaker. India could then scarcely depend on the Kremlin to counter Chinese aggression, exemplified by the People’s Liberation Army’s territorial encroachments and killing of 20 Indian soldiers in June 2020.

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What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

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Title:

Content: India’s Long Infatuation with Russia Must End

Seven months after China and Russia announced their "no limits" partnership, the two countries seem closer than ever. In the face of growing Chinese belligerence, this augurs ill for India, which should urgently reconsider its long-standing diplomatic and strategic dependence on a weakening Russia.

NEW DELHI – During a parliamentary debate in April, I expressed my concerns about India’s relationship with Russia. My words were met with grim-faced silence. But the events of the last five months have only strengthened my case.

The debate was on the Ukraine war. While deploring India’s reluctance to call a Russian shovel a spade, I acknowledged that India has historically depended on the Kremlin for defense supplies and spare parts, and appreciated Russia’s long-standing support on vital issues like Kashmir and border tensions with China and Pakistan. But the Ukraine war and Western sanctions had weakened Russia considerably, I noted. The ban on semiconductor chips, for example, had significantly eroded its ability to produce advanced electronics and defense goods that form the basis of India’s dependence.

Worse still, I argued, the war had highlighted and reinforced Russia’s reliance on China as its principal global partner – a relationship that would intensify as Russia grew weaker. India could then scarcely depend on the Kremlin to counter Chinese aggression, exemplified by the People’s Liberation Army’s territorial encroachments and killing of 20 Indian soldiers in June 2020.

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

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Content: India’s Long Infatuation with Russia Must End

Seven months after China and Russia announced their "no limits" partnership, the two countries seem closer than ever. In the face of growing Chinese belligerence, this augurs ill for India, which should urgently reconsider its long-standing diplomatic and strategic dependence on a weakening Russia.

NEW DELHI – During a parliamentary debate in April, I expressed my concerns about India’s relationship with Russia. My words were met with grim-faced silence. But the events of the last five months have only strengthened my case.

The debate was on the Ukraine war. While deploring India’s reluctance to call a Russian shovel a spade, I acknowledged that India has historically depended on the Kremlin for defense supplies and spare parts, and appreciated Russia’s long-standing support on vital issues like Kashmir and border tensions with China and Pakistan. But the Ukraine war and Western sanctions had weakened Russia considerably, I noted. The ban on semiconductor chips, for example, had significantly eroded its ability to produce advanced electronics and defense goods that form the basis of India’s dependence.

Worse still, I argued, the war had highlighted and reinforced Russia’s reliance on China as its principal global partner – a relationship that would intensify as Russia grew weaker. India could then scarcely depend on the Kremlin to counter Chinese aggression, exemplified by the People’s Liberation Army’s territorial encroachments and killing of 20 Indian soldiers in June 2020.

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Content: India’s Long Infatuation with Russia Must End

Seven months after China and Russia announced their "no limits" partnership, the two countries seem closer than ever. In the face of growing Chinese belligerence, this augurs ill for India, which should urgently reconsider its long-standing diplomatic and strategic dependence on a weakening Russia.

NEW DELHI – During a parliamentary debate in April, I expressed my concerns about India’s relationship with Russia. My words were met with grim-faced silence. But the events of the last five months have only strengthened my case.

The debate was on the Ukraine war. While deploring India’s reluctance to call a Russian shovel a spade, I acknowledged that India has historically depended on the Kremlin for defense supplies and spare parts, and appreciated Russia’s long-standing support on vital issues like Kashmir and border tensions with China and Pakistan. But the Ukraine war and Western sanctions had weakened Russia considerably, I noted. The ban on semiconductor chips, for example, had significantly eroded its ability to produce advanced electronics and defense goods that form the basis of India’s dependence.

Worse still, I argued, the war had highlighted and reinforced Russia’s reliance on China as its principal global partner – a relationship that would intensify as Russia grew weaker. India could then scarcely depend on the Kremlin to counter Chinese aggression, exemplified by the People’s Liberation Army’s territorial encroachments and killing of 20 Indian soldiers in June 2020.

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What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

The Ukraine war has eroded Russia's electronics production, potentially impacting its India ties.

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Content: India’s Long Infatuation with Russia Must End

Seven months after China and Russia announced their "no limits" partnership, the two countries seem closer than ever. In the face of growing Chinese belligerence, this augurs ill for India, which should urgently reconsider its long-standing diplomatic and strategic dependence on a weakening Russia.

NEW DELHI – During a parliamentary debate in April, I expressed my concerns about India’s relationship with Russia. My words were met with grim-faced silence. But the events of the last five months have only strengthened my case.

The debate was on the Ukraine war. While deploring India’s reluctance to call a Russian shovel a spade, I acknowledged that India has historically depended on the Kremlin for defense supplies and spare parts, and appreciated Russia’s long-standing support on vital issues like Kashmir and border tensions with China and Pakistan. But the Ukraine war and Western sanctions had weakened Russia considerably, I noted. The ban on semiconductor chips, for example, had significantly eroded its ability to produce advanced electronics and defense goods that form the basis of India’s dependence.

Worse still, I argued, the war had highlighted and reinforced Russia’s reliance on China as its principal global partner – a relationship that would intensify as Russia grew weaker. India could then scarcely depend on the Kremlin to counter Chinese aggression, exemplified by the People’s Liberation Army’s territorial encroachments and killing of 20 Indian soldiers in June 2020.

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Content: India’s Long Infatuation with Russia Must End

Seven months after China and Russia announced their "no limits" partnership, the two countries seem closer than ever. In the face of growing Chinese belligerence, this augurs ill for India, which should urgently reconsider its long-standing diplomatic and strategic dependence on a weakening Russia.

NEW DELHI – During a parliamentary debate in April, I expressed my concerns about India’s relationship with Russia. My words were met with grim-faced silence. But the events of the last five months have only strengthened my case.

The debate was on the Ukraine war. While deploring India’s reluctance to call a Russian shovel a spade, I acknowledged that India has historically depended on the Kremlin for defense supplies and spare parts, and appreciated Russia’s long-standing support on vital issues like Kashmir and border tensions with China and Pakistan. But the Ukraine war and Western sanctions had weakened Russia considerably, I noted. The ban on semiconductor chips, for example, had significantly eroded its ability to produce advanced electronics and defense goods that form the basis of India’s dependence.

Worse still, I argued, the war had highlighted and reinforced Russia’s reliance on China as its principal global partner – a relationship that would intensify as Russia grew weaker. India could then scarcely depend on the Kremlin to counter Chinese aggression, exemplified by the People’s Liberation Army’s territorial encroachments and killing of 20 Indian soldiers in June 2020.

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Content: India’s Long Infatuation with Russia Must End

Seven months after China and Russia announced their "no limits" partnership, the two countries seem closer than ever. In the face of growing Chinese belligerence, this augurs ill for India, which should urgently reconsider its long-standing diplomatic and strategic dependence on a weakening Russia.

NEW DELHI – During a parliamentary debate in April, I expressed my concerns about India’s relationship with Russia. My words were met with grim-faced silence. But the events of the last five months have only strengthened my case.

The debate was on the Ukraine war. While deploring India’s reluctance to call a Russian shovel a spade, I acknowledged that India has historically depended on the Kremlin for defense supplies and spare parts, and appreciated Russia’s long-standing support on vital issues like Kashmir and border tensions with China and Pakistan. But the Ukraine war and Western sanctions had weakened Russia considerably, I noted. The ban on semiconductor chips, for example, had significantly eroded its ability to produce advanced electronics and defense goods that form the basis of India’s dependence.

Worse still, I argued, the war had highlighted and reinforced Russia’s reliance on China as its principal global partner – a relationship that would intensify as Russia grew weaker. India could then scarcely depend on the Kremlin to counter Chinese aggression, exemplified by the People’s Liberation Army’s territorial encroachments and killing of 20 Indian soldiers in June 2020.

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Content: India’s Long Infatuation with Russia Must End

Seven months after China and Russia announced their "no limits" partnership, the two countries seem closer than ever. In the face of growing Chinese belligerence, this augurs ill for India, which should urgently reconsider its long-standing diplomatic and strategic dependence on a weakening Russia.

NEW DELHI – During a parliamentary debate in April, I expressed my concerns about India’s relationship with Russia. My words were met with grim-faced silence. But the events of the last five months have only strengthened my case.

The debate was on the Ukraine war. While deploring India’s reluctance to call a Russian shovel a spade, I acknowledged that India has historically depended on the Kremlin for defense supplies and spare parts, and appreciated Russia’s long-standing support on vital issues like Kashmir and border tensions with China and Pakistan. But the Ukraine war and Western sanctions had weakened Russia considerably, I noted. The ban on semiconductor chips, for example, had significantly eroded its ability to produce advanced electronics and defense goods that form the basis of India’s dependence.

Worse still, I argued, the war had highlighted and reinforced Russia’s reliance on China as its principal global partner – a relationship that would intensify as Russia grew weaker. India could then scarcely depend on the Kremlin to counter Chinese aggression, exemplified by the People’s Liberation Army’s territorial encroachments and killing of 20 Indian soldiers in June 2020.

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India reconsiders its China ties, affecting its Russia relationship.

Title:

Content: ISSN 2330-717X

India Rethinks Ties With China – Analysis

By

By B R Deepak*

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The rise of China triggered a regional power shift that has been felt across East Asia and into the Himalayas. As China changes the status quo of the Indo-Pacific, it talks of promoting a multipolar world. But in practice it has a problem with multipolar Asia and is unwilling to accommodate India’s interests. In response to this, India is aligning itself more closely with the United States and its allies.

When evaluating India’s policy choices in East Asia, history cannot be overlooked. India–China rapprochement in the late 1970s, amid the Cold War and the rise of globalisation, saw the two countries grow closer. Their budding relationship found common ground in being at the same stage of development.

It was through this parity that a series of confidence-building measures (CBMs) were signed, enabling India and China to normalise and diversify their relationship into other areas. They became part of various multilateral mechanisms such as the Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, East Asia Summit and the BRICS grouping (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa).

Trade flourished and Chinese investment in India’s telecom, electronics, solar and, most notably, digital sectors increased by leaps and bounds. While India had a twinge of envy for China’s rise, it saw opportunities for win–win cooperation. Yet over the past two decades, India has become increasingly wary of the dangers of widening economic, military and technological asymmetries between the two countries.

The power shift in Asia has resulted in Chinese behavioural changes. With its growing regional power, China has felt less compulsion to abide by the CBMs. It has started flexing its muscles along the disputed border regions between India and China, resulting in bloodshed and prolonged standoffs.

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Until very recently, India acted like a ‘swing state’ between major powers in the region and avoided taking sides. This can be gleaned from India’s initial lukewarm reception to the idea of the Quad. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s keynote address at the 2018 Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore wished for India and China to ‘work together in trust and confidence, sensitive to each other’s interests’.

Many believe it was the 2017 border standoff in Doklam that pushed India to rethink its involvement in the Quad. If that is the case, the 2020 border clash in Galwan likely played a decisive role in India’s move to incorporate the Quad and the Indo-Pacific Strategy into its military and foreign policy.

It is unsurprising that Chinese scholars now see India’s ‘Act East Policy’ and other sub-regional and multilateral mechanisms as subservient to the Indo-Pacific strategy. These multilaterals include the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation, the Security and Growth for All in the Region vision and the Indian Ocean Rim Association — many of which are designed to counterbalance China’s growing influence.

Whether or not these mechanisms serve the goals of the Indo-Pacific strategy, India has indeed shifted its gaze away from China and towards Southeast Asia to initiate connectivity projects. One of them — the India–Myanmar–Thailand Trilateral Highway — has been extended to run through Cambodia and Vietnam and is expected to be completed by 2023

India supports the idea of ‘ASEAN centrality’ and envisages a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific region built on a rules-based international order. This obvious rebalancing has enhanced India’s security cooperation with the United States and other regional middle powers. The institutionalisation of the India–US 2+2 dialogue, the Quad, the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework and the US–India Malabar exercises point to this growing cooperation.

The growing India–US partnership has riled China. Some Chinese scholars have claimed that India refuses to support the ‘One China Policy’ over the Kashmir issue, which is home to a long-standing territorial dispute between India and China. But the late Indian minister of external affairs Sushma Swaraj has also called upon China to respect its own ‘One India Policy’.

Compared to China, India is relatively weak in economic and political power. In 2021, China–ASEAN trade accounted for US$878.2 billion, outstripping India–ASEAN trade, which stood at US$78 billion. But East Asian countries have always been positively inclined towards India’s engagement in the region, though most do not support India’s self-proclaimed role as a ‘net security provider’ — a role that they believe should be reserved for the United States.

China believes that India’s Act East Policy ‘will allow India to intervene’ and ‘warm up’ to other countries on issues surrounding the South China Sea. This may become a drag on China–ASEAN relations in future. But China will not cede the space it once did before its rise.

Similar anxieties have been expressed by India over China’s attempts to increase its footprints in the Indian Ocean. The docking of the Yuan Wang 5 — a Chinese ‘spy ship’ — at Hambantota, Sri Lanka, was particularly concerning for India.

In the face of a prolonged standoff on the India–China border and the growing US–China rivalry, India finds itself leaning more towards the United States and its allies. India sees this as best for its economic and technological advancement and for the realisation of its larger global aspirations.

*About the author: B R Deepak is Professor of Chinese and China Studies at the Centre of Chinese and Southeast Asian Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

Source: This article was published by East Asia Forum

East Asia Forum

East Asia Forum is a platform for analysis and research on politics, economics, business, law, security, international relations and society relevant to public policy, centred on the Asia Pacific region. It consists of an online publication and a quarterly magazine, East Asia Forum Quarterly, which aim to provide clear and original analysis from the leading minds in the region and beyond.

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

China's promotion of a multipolar world does not extend to accommodating India's interests.

India's alignment with the US and allies may impact its relationship with Russia due to China.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

India's growing closeness to the U.S.
Russia's growing closeness to China

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India and China had a rapprochement in the late 1970s during the Cold War.

India and China signed confidence-building measures to improve their relationship.

India seeks a strong Russia relationship to counter China's economic and military might.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

China's actions along disputed border regions with India have heightened tensions.

India's military policy now includes the Quad and Indo-Pacific Strategy, affecting its relationship with Russia.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

India is shifting its focus to Southeast Asia for connectivity projects to diversify regional relationships.

India supports a rules-based order in the Indo-Pacific region.

India relies on Russian technology for its military hardware.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons joint production
weapons supply

Russia supports India in the UN and multilateral organizations.

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

India signed a $5.43 billion deal with Russia for the S-400 missile system.

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
commerce
weapons supply

Russia is a key partner for India's defence manufacturing programs.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons joint production
weapons supply

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

India has reduced its Russian military hardware imports from 65% to 49% to diversify its defence relationships.

How has Russia/ India arms trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

The US may waive CAATSA for India's S-400 deal due to shared China concerns.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Russia names India as a key partner in its Military Strategy document.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

India and Russia have had a Strategic Partnership since 2000.

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Russia has not delayed hardware support to India during the China standoff.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India purchased $3.4 billion in US military equipment in 2020, highlighting its efforts to diversify relationships.

India purchased $3.4 billion in US military equipment in 2020, highlighting its efforts to diversify relationships.

India purchased $3.4 billion in US military equipment in 2020, highlighting its efforts to diversify relationships.