The India-Russia relationship has evolved significantly under Prime Minister Modi and President Putin, with a focus on strengthening strategic partnerships and cooperation in various areas, including defense, trade, and energy.

The two countries have signed 28 cooperation agreements, including a 10-year military cooperation agreement, which outlines the specific milestones and deliverables for their military cooperation.

India and Russia have a long-standing cooperation in the defense sector, with Russia being one of India's largest suppliers of military equipment.

The partnership between India and Russia has been driven by their mutual interest in countering China's rise, with Russia providing military aid to India during the Indo-Chinese conflict.

India's arsenal is mostly Soviet or Russian-made, and the country sees China's rise as the biggest threat in its neighborhood.

The India-Russia partnership has been further strengthened by their cooperation in the defense sector, with India and Russia signing a 10-year military cooperation agreement.

The agreement includes the joint development and production of weapons and equipment, with a focus on air defense systems, such as the S-400.

The India-Russia relationship has been affected by India's rivalry with China, with India seeking to balance its Russia-India relations with its concerns over China.

Despite this, Russia respects India's policy of strategic autonomy, allowing India to maintain its independence in its diplomatic relations.

The US has attempted to influence India's relationship with Russia, including through the imposition of CAATSA sanctions, but India has maintained its commitment to its bilateral relationship with Russia.

The India-Russia partnership has significant implications for regional security in South and Central Asia, with the potential to counterbalance China's growing influence in the region and promote strategic stability.

The partnership has also led to cooperation on issues such as counter-terrorism and non-proliferation, with India and Russia discussing the need to combat radicalization and terrorism in the region.

The India-Russia partnership has also been driven by economic interests, with the two countries aiming to reach $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025 and cooperating on energy projects, including the development of the International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC).

Overall, the India-Russia partnership has the potential to promote regional security and stability in South and Central Asia, while also advancing India's strategic interests and countering China's growing influence in the region.

The partnership between India and Russia is expected to continue, with plans to reach $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025, and the extension of the military-technical cooperation agreement until 2031.

The India-Russia relationship has been described as a "special and privileged strategic partnership" with the two countries signing 28 cooperation agreements.

The India-Russia trade has exceeded $50 billion, with Russia being India's biggest oil supplier.

India has resisted US pressure to condemn Russia over Ukraine, and has played a key role in G20 negotiations on Ukraine.

Russia respects India's strategic autonomy policy, and India is a member of the Quad and supports the Indo-Pacific concept.

However, Russia has reservations about the Quad and the Indo-Pacific concept, and has predicted a long transition to global multipolarity.

The India-Russia partnership may counter China's rise in the Indo-Pacific, and India can counter China with the support of the Quad nations.

The Quad aims to prevent a Ukraine-like situation in the Indo-Pacific, and the US and India relationship may be affected by the Ukraine crisis.

India's position on Russia differs from other Quad members, and India has abstained from voting against Russia in the UN.

The Quad's move to create an "Asia version of NATO" is challenging, and India's cooperation is crucial for the Quad's success.

The India-Russia partnership has the potential to impact the regional dynamics of the Indo-Pacific, particularly in relation to the Quad and ASEAN.

The Quad aims to build a secure and prosperous Indo-Pacific region, and ASEAN has expressed support for the Quad's objectives.

The India-Russia partnership may play a crucial role in shaping the regional dynamics of the Indo-Pacific, and its impact will depend on various factors, including the actions of other countries and organizations in the region.

The India-Russia relationship has evolved significantly under Prime Minister Modi and President Putin, with a focus on strengthening strategic partnerships and cooperation in various areas, including defense, trade, and energy.

Title:

Content: 31 Dec, 2023 08:46

Deeper than diplomacy: There is a reason why New Delhi and Moscow rely on each other

Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy is the core strength of bilateral ties, as the Indian foreign minister’s latest visit proves

Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar’s five-day official visit to Russia was timely and significant for more than one reason.

India and Russia had held annual summits at the leadership level since 2000. This sent an important message in terms of the value attached by the two countries to bilateral ties, but it also conveyed a broader geopolitical message to other international partners of the two countries.

But this practice was broken largely because of Russia’s pre-occupation with the Ukraine conflict and its fallout. The last annual summit took place in 2021.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin could have held a summit on the margins of the BRICS summit in Johannesburg in South Africa or the G20 summit in New Delhi, but Putin did not attend either. While Jaishankar’s visit does not substitute for a summit meeting, it was intended to fill a political gap.

Jaishankar and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov have met six times during the year, and the Indian external affairs minister also met with Russian Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov during the year on the economic agenda. For Jaishankar to visit Russia before the end of the year, undeterred by the Russian winter and holiday season, reflects the importance both sides attach to the further expansion of ties.

Putin has on several occasions praised the Indian prime minister and positively noted the country’s economic progress. At the ‘Russia Calling’ Forum in early December this year, he said that despite pressure from others, he “cannot imagine that Modi could be frightened, intimidated or forced to take any actions, steps, decisions that would at variance with the national interest of India and the Indian people.” He noted that sometimes he is surprised at Modi’s tough stance on Indian national interests. He added that the policy pursued by Modi is the “main guarantor” of the developing bilateral ties.

This is high and unusual praise by Putin. It can be interpreted on several levels – particularly as an acknowledgement that India has resisted pressure from the US and others to condemn Russia over the Ukraine conflict, impose sanctions, and reduce defense ties with Russia. India has, on the contrary, bought discounted Russian oil to the point that Russia has become its biggest oil supplier. It has argued that ensuring this market flow of Russian oil has helped avoid a major spike in oil prices and checked global inflation. Indian-Russian trade has expanded, while the G7 has broken economic and trade ties with Russia.

India played a major role as G20 president in negotiating the part in the Leaders’ Declaration on the Ukraine conflict despite the hardening of the G7 position and that of Russia and China after the G20 summit in Bali. The final text does not mention Russia by name, while the G7 was satisfied that the general formulations in it could be sold as being directed at Russia’s military operation in Ukraine.

Not surprisingly, Putin complimented India for de-politicizing the G20. India chaired the SCO summit in July 2023 and participated in the BRICS summit in South Africa in August 2023. This countered G7 attempts to isolate Russia diplomatically. In fact, the New Delhi SCO Declaration spoke of more effective global institutions, a more representative, just, and multipolar world order based on international law and multilateralism, and criticized the unilateral application of economic sanctions – a clear critique of the Western-dominated global system.

It is against this backdrop that Putin received Jaishankar at the Kremlin, the first time that such a gesture has been made to him personally. The general unavailability of Putin to visiting foreign ministers is well-known.

Jaishankar delivered a personal message from Modi to Putin. During the meeting, Putin invited his “friend Modi” to visit Russia in 2024 and noted that Indian-Russian ties were on the whole developing well. He said that he had been briefing Modi on developments in Ukraine, remarking that he understands the Indian prime minister is willing to do his utmost to resolve the matter by peaceful means. He added that he would give additional information to Jaishankar on Ukraine.

India has continued to strengthen ties with the US, including in the defense domain. It is a member of the Quad and a strong supporter of the Indo-Pacific concept, both of which are intended to deter China’s regional ambitions. Russia has reservations about the Quad and the Indo-Pacific concept, which it sees as the US engaging in bloc politics in Asia.

Putin’s praise for Modi and India and the gesture of receiving Jaishankar takes into consideration these realities of India’s foreign policy which are meant to safeguard the larger national interests. At the core of this is Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy. Jaishankar’s high-profile visit and the vigorous language used to mark the importance of India’s traditional ties with Russia would have caught Washington’s attention.

Jaishankar noted that after talks with Lavrov, “what clearly came out was that India-Russia relations remain very steady, remain very strong, they are based on our strategic convergence, on our geopolitical interests, and because they are mutually beneficial.” The two leaders discussed political cooperation within international organizations such as BRICS, the SCO, etc.

Indian-Russian trade is at an all-time high, exceeding $50 billion last year, and should pass that figure this year. It includes energy, fertilizers, coking coal, and other items, for which long term arrangements were discussed. India intends to expand investments in Russia’s oil and gas sector.

On the nuclear side, two important amendments were agreed to which will take the Kudankulam nuclear power project forward. Mutual investments, progress on a bilateral investment treaty, and the resumption of negotiations between India and the Eurasian Economic Union for a free trade agreement will be resumed in the second half of January 2024.

Moscow and New Delhi will expand cooperation in the Russian Far East. India expects a large representation from this region at the Vibrant Gujarat Summit in January 2024.

Connectivity between India and Russia will be critical for expanding trade ties – connectivity from western India through the International North-South Transport Corridor, and connectivity from eastern India, from Chennai to Vladivostok, and the polar route. To promote tourism, India is open to increasing the number of flights from India every week.

The talks between Jaishankar and Lavrov were comprehensive. They discussed the global strategic situation, Ukraine, Gaza, the Indo-Pacific, ASEAN, Afghanistan, UN-related matters, the challenges facing the Global South, and the building of a multipolar order. China would undoubtedly have been discussed, but diplomatic discretion here would be normal.

In the joint press conference, Lavrov spoke of prospects for more defense cooperation, including joint production of modern weapons under New Delhi’s ‘Make in India’ program, and, importantly, expressed respect for India’s efforts to diversify its defense ties. He noted bilateral cooperation in rocket engine manufacturing and satellite navigation systems.

Jaishankar’s visit was productive in maintaining the momentum of Indian-Russian ties, which have been built over 60 years, a relationship that he believes is not just about politics, diplomacy, or economics, but is much deeper.

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The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RT.

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How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

energy
security & military
commerce
weapons joint production

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

The two countries have signed 28 cooperation agreements, including a 10-year military cooperation agreement, which outlines the specific milestones and deliverables for their military cooperation.

Title:

Content: Russia-India coordination, balance, US-India approach?
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Source: Global Times
Author: Wang Shida
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke by telephone with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the 20th to further develop the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
At the beginning of this month, Russia and India held an annual leaders' summit, launched the first "2 + 2" dialogue between foreign ministers and defense ministers, and agreed to strengthen cooperation and coordination on bilateral and multilateral issues, and signed up to 28 cooperation agreements.
In just two weeks, the summit had two interactions, which sent a signal that Russian-Indian relations were more special than before.
From the interaction on the 6th, Putin led a strong delegation to visit India and held the annual Russian-Indian leaders' summit.
This is Putin's second overseas visit since the outbreak of the COVID-19 epidemic, highlighting the importance he attaches to the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
During the visit, Russia and India held their first "2 + 2" meeting, which will help deepen mutual understanding and strengthen the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two countries.
The most important of the 28 cooperation agreements signed by Russia and India is the Agreement on Military Technical Cooperation 2021-2031.
The document will provide guidance for Russian-Indian military cooperation in the next 10 years, especially to promote joint development and production of weapons and equipment.
It can be said that the foundation for the next stage of military interaction between Russia and India has been laid.
In addition, Russia and India are also actively discussing the signing of a military logistics agreement similar to the memorandum of understanding on logistics exchange between the two countries to facilitate the use of each other's military bases.
Once signed in the future, the Russian-Indian military relations will take another step forward.
The two leaders discussed how to implement the agreement reached at the December 6 meeting, agreed to maintain regular contact on all aspects covered by the Russian-Indian “special and privileged strategic partnership ”, continue to deepen bilateral cooperation and consultation and coordination in multilateral forums, and exchange views on international stability and security issues, including the situation in the Asia-Pacific region.
Since taking office as US president at the beginning of the year, Biden has inherited and strengthened the Indo-Pacific strategy of his predecessor, Trump, and has courted India as the key to its success.
To this end, Biden has made efforts to promote the upgrading and implementation of the four-nation mechanism.
In March this year, the four-nation mechanism held its first video summit, issued a joint declaration, and established three working groups to implement the summit consensus.
In September, the four-nation mechanism held its first offline summit, reiterating the implementation of cooperation in the fields of vaccines and high-quality infrastructure, and proposing to jointly train scientific and technological talents to create a "closed loop of scientific and technological talents of the four countries".
For example, the United States has continued to deepen the "comprehensive global strategic cooperative partnership" between the United States and India.
On March 19, U.S. Defense Secretary William Austin visited India, calling the U.S.-India relationship "a key pillar of a free and open Indo-Pacific."
Under the continued cozying up of the Biden administration, India's attitude of strategic autonomy has become blurred, and it has clearly moved closer to and tilted toward the United States in implementing its foreign policy of "multi-faceted alliance."
During his visit to the United States in September, Modi said that "the relationship between the United States and India has entered a critical transition period".
In the face of the continuous promotion of the "Indo-Pacific Strategy" by the United States and the drift and deviation of India in the two strategic directions of the Indo-Pacific Ocean and the Eurasian continent, Russia is certainly alert.
As early as the Cold War, Russia and India established a relatively special strategic cooperative partnership, even reaching the level of quasi-allies.
At the end of the Cold War, Russia pushed India to join strategic designs such as the "trilateral dialogue between China, Russia and India" in an attempt to promote the establishment of a fair and multipolar world order.
Russia also sees India as an important partner in the Indian Ocean region and an important contributor to the effects of radiation in the Indian Ocean region.
To this end, Russia has taken a series of actions, Foreign Minister Lavrov and other high-level leaders directly expressed opposition to the United States using the "Indo-Pacific strategy" as a tool to contain China and Russia and create regional division.
This round of Russian-Indian strategic coordination is also the proper meaning of Russia's anti-Indo-Pacific strategy.
In particular, Russia and India signed a major defense cooperation order, began the delivery of S-400 air defense system, and will soon sign a military logistics agreement, which is conducive to consolidating defense and military cooperation between the two countries, hedging the penetration and erosion of the traditional Russian arms market by the United States in the past 10 years, and preventing India from falling into the "Indo-Pacific camp" because of increased dependence on weapons and equipment.
Therefore, Russian-Indian interaction is conducive to maintaining the relative balance between the two camps of the Eurasian continent and the Indo-Pacific Ocean, as well as to global strategic stability and peace.
(The writer is deputy director of the South Asia Institute of the Chinese Institute of Modern International Relations)
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India and Russia have a long-standing cooperation in the defense sector, with Russia being one of India's largest suppliers of military equipment.

Title:

Content: Moscow and New Delhi agree on joint production of Russian weapons in India - Libyan newspaper Al-Marsad
LATEST NEWS
Russia and India have strategic relations in various fields, including in the military-technical sphere, with New Delhi being one of the leading buyers of Russian arms and military equipment.
Dmitry Shogayev, Chairman of the Russian Federal Service for Military-Technical Cooperation, revealed in an interview the details of the agreements and understandings reached today with the Indian side during the meeting of the Inter-State Commission on Military-Technical Cooperation, which was chaired by the Ministers of Defence of the two countries.
The Russian official described today ’ s meeting as important and prominent because it was held personally in the shadow of the Corona pandemic, where he said: “Today ’ s meeting is an important event because the committee ’ s meeting was held in presence after the meeting was canceled last year because of the Corona pandemic. ”
On the issues discussed, Shogayev pointed out that the issues of cooperation in the military-technical field and the results of the work of 2020 and 2021 were discussed.
Prospects for cooperation for the future were also discussed, where important directions were identified, and a landmark document was signed, namely, the “Program for Military and Technical Cooperation until 2031 ′ ′, i.e., plans for cooperation for the next ten years, which includes the supply of weapons and military equipment and the joint production of some types in India. ”
He added that an agreement was signed today for the manufacture of the modern Russian AK-203 rifle in India, talking about the manufacture of 600 thousand rifles of this type in a joint factory in order to meet the Indian demand for this type of weapon.
He pointed out that India is one of Russia ’ s important strategic partners, as the volume of military orders with this country exceeds the level of $14 billion, and important agreements are being implemented, including the supply of the air defense system “S-400 ”, where the first batch of this system is planned to be delivered by the end of the year.
On the impact of US sanctions imposed on Moscow on military cooperation between Russia and India, the official stressed that the dollar currency is abandoned in contracts and the use of national currencies, pointing to the existence of understandings between Moscow and New Delhi in this regard.
Moscow and New Delhi have strategic ties, with Russia providing India with more than $65 billion worth of military equipment and weapons over the course of military-technical cooperation.
At present, the Indian Navy is 80% equipped with Russian equipment, while the Air Force is 70%, according to expert estimates.
In October 2018, Moscow and New Delhi signed a contract for the supply of five sets of S-400 anti-aircraft missile systems worth more than $5 billion.
Notable agreements signed between the two countries include an agreement to supply four Russian 11356 frigates and a large range of Igla portable anti-aircraft missile systems.
Source: RT

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

The partnership between India and Russia has been driven by their mutual interest in countering China's rise, with Russia providing military aid to India during the Indo-Chinese conflict.

Title:

Content: Why does Russia have an alliance with India?
Russian defense and foreign ministers Sergei Shoigu and Sergei Lavrov arrived in India this morning, followed by President Vladimir Putin.
Why do Moscow need these visits and an alliance with New Delhi in general?
Before independence, India was a British colony.
After World War II, when the Cold War broke out between the USSR and the United States, India opted for neutrality.
Along with Egypt and Cuba, it joined the Non-Aligned Movement.
At the same time, relations with the USSR among the Hindus were quite close.
Suffice it to say that the Soviet Union provided significant military assistance to India under Khrushchev during the Indo-Chinese conflict – despite the fact that China was a communist country and Moscow ’ s ally in the Cold War.
In the same 60s, Moscow supported New Delhi in a dispute with Pakistan over Kashmir.
Moreover, it was with the participation of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers Kosygin that the Second Indo-Pakistani War was stopped.
On January 10, 1966, the declaration on the cessation of hostilities was signed in Tashkent.
Today, India is trying to follow the same course of non-alignment.
However, as then, geopolitical realities – the ongoing rivalry with China and Pakistan – are forcing Hindus to look for strong allies.
In this sense, India has a small choice: the United States, the European Union and Russia.
Europe could be a support, but traditionally tries not to get involved in the battle of the Titans.
Even in the U.S.-Russia standoff, Europeans are calling for a lessening of passions, and by the way, they recently challenged U.S. intelligence findings about an alleged Russian invasion.
The EU has close economic ties with China, plus the EU is a very heterogeneous structure.
France is now resentful of the Anglo-Saxons because of the anti-Chinese AUKUS, and Germany is very modest in foreign policy.
As for the US itself, this would be a very convenient option for India.
The United States is now actively opposing China, both economically and through military alliances.
India participates in the QUAD alliance and, together with the United States, Japan and Australia, conducts naval exercises in the Indian Ocean.
The last of them, in October, became the largest in 40 years.
Only the whole snag of the alliance with Washington for New Delhi is that the Americans demand complete submission.
The United States literally forbids India to buy S-400 air defense systems from Russia, threatens it with sanctions, as it was with Turkey.
In such a situation, Russia is, if not the only, then at least a unique partner for India.
Yes, unlike the United States, it will not oppose China, but at the same time, Russia sells India weapons that help maintain the balance of power in Asia.
We are also taking steps to reduce escalation.
For example, it is thanks to Russian efforts that India and China are now full members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.
Is it possible to imagine joint military exercises between the Hindus and the Chinese under the auspices of the Pentagon?
Of course not.
But almost such exercises took place this year: in September, 200 Indian military personnel, as well as Chinese and Pakistani observers, participated in the Russian-Belarusian Zapad-2021 maneuvers.
In addition, Russia is trying to bring China and India closer economically.
Within the framework of the BRICS format, there is a joint pool of reserve currencies that helps strengthen the financial sovereignty of the five countries.
In short, Russia is strengthening India ’ s defenses and working to reduce its conflict with China.
Separately, it is also worth mentioning the North-South project, which leads from Russia to India and vice versa, which will strengthen trade opportunities and macro-regional importance of both countries.
Thus, today ’ s visit of Putin, Lavrov and Shoigu to India is extremely important.
Relations with India need to be strengthened.
This increases our role in Asia, strengthens our cards to the United States and, in the good sense of the word, allows us to balance a growing China.
After all, an alliance with India is good money.
For 30 years on the supply of aircraft, tanks and "Kalashnikovs" the Russian budget was replenished by $60 billion.
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India's arsenal is mostly Soviet or Russian-made, and the country sees China's rise as the biggest threat in its neighborhood.

Title:

Content: Vox: India ’ s behavior speaks of its desire to maintain long-standing relations with Russia
New Delhi ’ s balanced behavior reflects its interest in maintaining long-standing relations with Moscow amid the current crisis, writes Jan Kirby, a columnist for the American portal Vox.
• Gettyimages.ru
In her opinion, in the context of the Ukrainian crisis, India is trying to find a delicate geopolitical balance that will allow maintaining a long-standing friendship with Russia.
India established relations with the Soviet Union during the Cold War.
This has been postponed to our days because of mutual interest, ” the journalist writes.
Another reason for this policy of New Delhi is cooperation in the defense sector, Kirby believes.
“India ’ s arsenal is mostly Soviet or Russian-made.
India needs a military force to counter what it sees as the biggest threat in its neighborhood: the rise of China.
On March 18, Russian Ambassador to New Delhi Denis Alipov said that the Indians are “interested in the supply of Russian oil and hydrocarbons. ”
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The India-Russia partnership has been further strengthened by their cooperation in the defense sector, with India and Russia signing a 10-year military cooperation agreement.

Title:

Content: Russia / India / Political / Military
Modi Meets Putin, Putin Praises India as ‘ Strong and Reliable Ally ’
Russian President Vladimir Putin, who is visiting India, praised India as Moscow's "strong and reliable ally", Putin's visit focused on "energy" and "national defense", and the foreign ministers and defense ministers of the two sides held their first 2 + 2 meeting and signed a number of military cooperation agreements.
In a joint statement, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation and achieve the goal of 30 billion US dollars in bilateral trade by 2025.
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Indian diplomatic officials said on Monday that Russia had begun supplying India with S-400 long-range air defense systems.
During Putin's meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the two sides also signed a 10-year military cooperation agreement and an oil cooperation agreement.
In a joint statement issued after the meeting, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation, including joint research and development and production of military equipment.
The two sides also stressed the need to achieve the goal of 30 billion U.S. dollars in bilateral trade by 2025, and to strengthen cooperation in energy and satellite navigation.
The two sides pointed out that it is necessary for the Eurasian Economic Union and India to start negotiations on a free trade agreement on goods.
Speaking to the media before his meeting with Modi, Putin said: "We consider India to be a big country, a friendly country and a security ally."
Putin ’ s visit to India is aimed at strengthening ties with India ’ s traditional allies, which are being eroded by the United States.
To counter China ’ s rise, the Quadripartite Security Dialogue (Quad), established by the United States with India, Japan and Australia, has drawn the attention of Beijing and Moscow.
During the Cold War, India had close ties with the Soviet Union, a relationship that continues to this day, described by New Delhi as a “special and privileged strategic partnership. ”
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi met with visiting Russian President Vladimir Putin on Monday to discuss defense and trade relations between the two countries in an effort to strike a balance with the United States.
"There have been many fundamental changes and geopolitical elements in the world over the past few decades, but India's friendship with Russia remains the same," Modi said before meeting Putin.
India ’ s foreign ministry said the annual bilateral summit covered political and defense issues.
The two leaders also discussed the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan caused by the takeover of the Afghan government by the Taliban earlier this year.
India and Russia have long had close ties, and both sides have set a goal of reaching $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025.
Recently, however, India has drawn closer to the United States, believing that the United States is a key force against China.
India is also trying to manage its defense relations with Russia while strengthening its military ties with the United States, the sources said.
India, a major arms importer, relied heavily on the former Soviet Union for armaments during the Cold War, but now it is diversifying its procurement of arms, as well as buying US-made weapons.
During the period of former US President Trump, India signed more than $3 billion of arms purchase contracts with the United States, and the arms trade between the two countries has increased from zero in 2008 to $15 billion in 2019.
On the other hand, India's purchase of the Russian-made S-400 missile system to counter China has become a major problem in relations with the United States.
This sophisticated anti-missile system, once available, is expected to enable India to gain strategic deterrence power against China and Pakistan.
However, the United States has asked its partners not to purchase Russian-made armaments, or it may impose sanctions.
In addition, India and Russia held their first 2 + 2 meeting in New Delhi on Monday, where the two sides signed a number of cooperation agreements on "military and small arms".
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu arrived in New Delhi on Monday for a 2 + 2 meeting with Indian Foreign Minister Sujson and Defense Minister Manmohan Singh.
The 2 + 2 ministerial meeting was the first between India and Russia.
Singh tweeted after the meeting that discussions on defense cooperation between the two sides had been fruitful and that India cherished the "special strategic partnership" with Russia.
He added that the two sides have signed several agreements, contracts and protocols on small arms and military cooperation.
However, Singh and India ’ s Ministry of Defence have not issued a formal statement or press release disclosing details of the various agreements signed with Russia.
Indian media reported that one of the major agreements was the transfer of technology and local production of the Russian-made AK-203 assault rifle.
Under the agreement, India will produce more than 600,000 AK-203 assault rifles in India over the next 10 years through an Indian-Russian joint venture.
The report also said that another agreement is to extend the 10-year India-Russia military-technical cooperation agreement until 2031.
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
weapons joint production

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

The agreement includes the joint development and production of weapons and equipment, with a focus on air defense systems, such as the S-400.

Title:

Content: Log in
Rosoboronexport plans to cooperate with India in the field of air defense
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Flags of Russia and India.
Image source: Vitaly Ankov / RIA Novosti
Rosoboronexport CEO Alexander Mikheev noted the long-term cooperation with the Indian state aerospace and defense company Hindustan Aeronautics Limited
Moscow, May 22.
/ TASS /.
Rosoboronexport plans to develop cooperation with India in the field of air defense (air defense).
This was announced on Monday by Director General of Rosoboronexport (ROE) Alexander Mikheev.
"There are joint projects in the interests of the Indian Navy, we expect cooperation in air defense. <... > Our work in India is a vivid example of a comprehensive industrial partnership, in which joint projects for all types of armed forces with a degree of cooperation between enterprises of the two countries unique for the world market have been mastered," Mikheev said, according to the press service of the company, in honor of the 70th anniversary of the foundation of the military-technical cooperation system of Russia.
Mikheev also noted the long-term cooperation with the Indian state aerospace and defense company Hindustan Aeronautics Limited.
"With HAL Corporation we have a long-term project for the licensed production of the most massive aircraft of the Indian Air Force - Su-30MKI, we expect a decision on the production of Ka-226T helicopters on the basis of a joint venture.
India produces tanks T-90 and T-72, BMP-2, shells "Mango" and "Invar".
The production of Kalashnikov AK-203 assault rifles has been launched at the plant in the city of Corva, which will eventually reach a 100 percent level of localization, "he said.
The Director General of the ROE said that thanks to the great attention from the leadership of the state, Russian weapons have reached a new stage of development.
"High-tech complexes and weapons systems have been created that set the bar for gunsmiths all over the world.
Financial, material and human resources invested in R & D at the enterprises of the military-industrial complex allowed to develop the most advanced production technologies, "Mikheev said.
According to him, the experience of the combat use of Russian weapons in military conflicts and major anti-terrorist operations by various countries of the world has shown their effectiveness and compliance with the declared characteristics.
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“Rostec ” said that you can create on the universal platform“ Manul ”
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Blind Zircons
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
weapons joint production

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
weapons joint production

The India-Russia relationship has been affected by India's rivalry with China, with India seeking to balance its Russia-India relations with its concerns over China.

Title:

Content: International
International News
Modi visits Russia to meet Putin to deepen relations analysis: intended to balance Russia-India Russia-China relations
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi began a two-day official visit to Russia on Monday, during which he will meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin.
The two sides will seek to strengthen the development of traditional friendly relations between Russia and India, review defense and energy cooperation, and discuss topical issues on international and regional agendas.
As Russia deepens relations with China, India ’ s main competitor, some analysts say Modi ’ s visit seeks to balance Russian-Indian relations with China.
View Defense Energy and other cooperation
After his arrival yesterday, Modi first met with the Russian-Indian community, and in the evening, he went to Putin ’ s new Ogarevo residence for an informal meeting. Today, he will be accompanied by Putin to visit the Russian nuclear energy research and development and science and technology exhibition.
After concluding his visit to Russia today, Modi will begin his first visit to Austria by an Indian prime minister in 41 years.
Modi ’ s last visit to Russia was in 2019, his first since the Russian military invasion of Uzbekistan in 2022, and his first bilateral foreign visit since his third term as prime minister began in June this year. However, Putin visited India in 2021 and met with Modi at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Uzbekistan the following year.
In a statement before his arrival in Russia, Modi said he looked forward to reviewing various aspects of bilateral cooperation with President Putin and sharing views on various regional and global issues, “We seek to play a supportive role for regional peace and stability. ”
Briefing on his trip on Friday, India ’ s Deputy Foreign Minister Kvatra said the meeting would provide an opportunity for both sides to examine a range of bilateral issues, from defence and trade and investment relations to energy cooperation, as well as bilateral contacts within international organisations such as the SCO and BRICS.
India and Russia have been close since the Cold War, when the Soviet Union became India ’ s main supplier of arms, but in recent years the shared concern over China ’ s rise has brought the United States and India closer together.
Make sure that the proximity of Russia and China does not affect relations with India.
At the same time, Russia-China relations have flourished in response to Western encirclement, and Putin met again with President Xi Jinping last Wednesday before the SCO summit in Kazakhstan, following his visit to China in May.
The Wall Street Journal quoted an analysis, saying that India believes these sanctions have brought Russia and China closer, so India has tried to provide Moscow with the option of balancing the West to balance relations.
Mahapatra, founder of the Karinga Indo-Pacific Institute in New Delhi, believes that India ’ s goal is to emphasize the importance of India-Russia relations and ensure that Putin ’ s strengthening of relations with China will not affect relations with India, so it is crucial to continue the dialogue with Russia at the highest level.
(CNBC / Wall Street Journal / Voice of America)
Related Words:
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Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Despite this, Russia respects India's policy of strategic autonomy, allowing India to maintain its independence in its diplomatic relations.

The US has attempted to influence India's relationship with Russia, including through the imposition of CAATSA sanctions, but India has maintained its commitment to its bilateral relationship with Russia.

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Business Standard

'India great power and a time-tested friend', says Russia's Vladimir Putin

India, Russia hold 21st summit, and first 2+2 dialogue; sign 28 agreements

Topics
indian government | India-Russia ties | Narendra Modi

Ajai Shukla  |  New Delhi

Prime Minister Narendra Modi receives Russian President Vladimir Putin at Hyderabad House in New Delhi, on Monday (Photo: PTI)

New Delhi and Moscow on Monday issued to the world a high-visibility reminder about their “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership”, as Prime Minister and Russian President held the 21st India-Russia Summit, an annual ritual missed only in 2020 due to the pandemic.

Leading into the 21st summit meeting, India and Russia held their first-ever 2 + 2 Ministerial Dialogue, in which External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh together held strategic discussions with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu.

“We perceive India as a great power, a friendly nation and a time-tested friend. The relations between our countries are growing and I am looking into the future,” Putin said in his initial comments.

Putin also expressed concern over the developments in Afghanistan and said India and Russia will continue to coordinate on major challenges facing the region.

Modi said Putin’s second visit abroad during the Covid-19 pandemic reflected his personal commitment to the and that the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two sides was getting stronger. In the last few decades, the world witnessed many fundamental changes and different kinds of geopolitical equations and variables, but the friendship of India and Russia remained constant, Modi said. “Your visit to India is a reflection of your commitment to ties with India,” the PM said.

Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla said 28 agreements were concluded between India and Russia after Modi-Putin meet. After the 2+2 meeting, Jaishankar tweeted: “A productive exchange of perspectives on cross-cutting and inter-related issues. Will be reporting it to the Annual Summit later today.”

Earlier on Monday, there was a meeting of the apex body that governs defence relations between the two: The Indo-Russian Inter-Governmental Commission on Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-MTC), co-chaired by the two defence ministers, Singh and Shoigu.

India’s military uses Russian weaponry extensively, such as Sukhoi-30MKI fighter aircraft, T-90S tanks and BMP infantry combat vehicles, Talwar-class frigates, and Kilo-class submarines. The two sides have jointly produced the highly regarded BrahMos cruise missile system.

During the 17th annual summit, the two countries concluded deals on India’s procurement of five units of the S-400 air defence systems for an estimated ~37,000 crore, constructing Talwar-class frigates under Project 1135.6, and a shareholders’ agreement on a joint venture (JV) to manufacture Kamov-226T helicopters in India.

The S400 is regarded as the world’s premier long-range missile system, with the ability to shoot down enemy aircraft at ranges up to 400 kilometres. During the confrontation over the last two years between the Chinese and Indian armies in Ladakh, China deployed the S400 along the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

On March 3, 2019, in Amethi, Modi announced another JV —Indo-Russian Rifles — that would manufacture 750,000 AK-203 assault rifles in Korwa under the “Make in India” programme for an estimated $687 million. Russia is also competing for a ~40,000-crore deal for building six submarines in India under Project 75I, and a ~50,000-60,000 crore agreement to manufacture 114 fighter aircraft in India.

To ensure that Russian defence equipment was not hampered by any shortfall in maintenance or spare parts, the two sides agreed during the 20th Annual Summit in Vladivostok in September 2019 to cooperate in producing spare parts for Russian/Soviet military equipment.

The India-Russia defence partnership is being tested by Washington, especially through the piece of legislation the US Congress passed in 2017, titled CAATSA (Countering America’s Adversaries through Sanctions Act). This provides for US sanctions on countries that have significant defence or intelligence relations with Russia, Iran, or North Korea. India’s purchase of the S400 missile system is regarded as a potential trigger for Washington to impose sanctions.

While the US Congress has created a “CAATSA waiver” for close partners such as India, the US president is required to determine whether to exercise that waiver. So far, President Joe Biden has not stated a preference.

India, which faces a growing threat from China, is determined to buy the S400 from Russia. Asked whether New Delhi would bow to CAATSA pressure, India’s foreign ministry spokesperson said last week: “India and the US have a special global strategic partnership. And we also have a very special and privileged strategic partnership with Russia. And as you’re all aware, we pursue an independent foreign policy. This applies to our defence acquisitions, and supplies which are and will continue to be guided by our security interest.”

New Delhi and Moscow have identified trade and economic relations as a priority area. Modi and Putin have set a bilateral investment target of $50 billion and a bilateral trade target of $30 billion by 2025. (With inputs from PTI)

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First Published: Tue, December 07 2021. 01:24 IST
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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

The India-Russia partnership has significant implications for regional security in South and Central Asia, with the potential to counterbalance China's growing influence in the region and promote strategic stability.

Title:

Content: All news
Lavrov will take part in the meeting of foreign ministers and the defense Ministry in India
The event will be the first to be held in such a format.
NEW DELHI, December 6.
/ TASS /.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov on Monday, together with Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu, will take part in talks in New Delhi in the 2 + 2 format with Indian colleagues Subramanyam Jaishankar and Rajnath Singh.
This meeting will be the first such event in this format with Indian partners.
As stated in the message of the Russian Foreign Ministry, the heads of foreign policy and defense departments of the two countries will discuss key regional topics, including the situation in the Asia-Pacific region and Central Asia, the settlement in Afghanistan and Syria, as well as interaction on the site of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and in the format of Russia - India - China.
"Special attention will be paid to issues of strategic stability," the Russian ministry said.
It is noteworthy that the high intensity of political interaction is a characteristic feature of Russian-Indian relations, which are at the level of a particularly privileged strategic partnership.
On the same day, the Russian-Indian summit will be held in New Delhi.
Indian Foreign Ministry spokesman Arindam Bagchi stressed that New Delhi is looking forward to the visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin.
Russian Ambassador to India Nikolai Kudashev on the eve of the talks noted that "despite certain concerns associated with the new coronavirus strain" omicron ", the visit [of the President of the Russian Federation] will take place."
According to him, both sides are interested in substantive filling and making the visit successful.
The Russian Foreign Ministry stressed that Russia and India have a similar vision of the model of the emerging more just and equitable polycentric world order.
“Our countries demonstrate the identity or proximity of positions on the most important issues of peace and security, advocate compliance with the norms of international law, strengthen the collective principles of interstate communication, adhere to the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of sovereign states and respect for the cultural and civilizational identity of peoples, ” the Russian Foreign Ministry added.
Finding answers to challenges
According to the Ambassador of Russia, the 2 + 2 meeting of the Ministers of the Russian Federation and India will contribute to the search for an effective response to regional and global challenges.
Speaking about Afghanistan, he noted that Moscow and New Delhi are in favor of urgent assistance to this country in order to prevent a humanitarian catastrophe there.
Contacts in the “2 + 2 ” format seem especially important against the background of statements by the head of the UN mission in Afghanistan Deborah Lyons that the Taliban representatives in power in this country (banned in Russia) cannot resist the spread of the Islamic State terrorist group (IG, banned in Russia) on the territory of their country.
In October, Deputy Foreign Minister of the Russian Federation Oleg Syromolotov in an interview with TASS said that the continuation of IG-Khorasan activities in Afghanistan causes concern in Moscow and noted that, given the risks of exacerbation of the migration situation, there is a threat of penetration of terrorist and extremist elements into the neighboring countries of Afghanistan under the guise of refugees.
Kudashev recalled that Moscow and New Delhi actively cooperate on Afghan issues at various international platforms, such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and its Contact Group SCO - Afghanistan, the Moscow format of consultations on Afghanistan, where India has become a regular and constructive participant, as well as the Delhi Dialogue on Security in Afghanistan.
The foreign ministers of the RIC countries (Russia, India, China) at the end of November held a meeting in the format of a video conference and highly appreciated the cooperation within the BRICS and SCO.
Aspects of bilateral cooperation
Russia and India are successfully developing cooperation in the military and military-technical fields.
In this regard, it is worth recalling that New Delhi announced its intention to acquire S-400 Triumph anti-aircraft missile systems in 2015.
The contract for the supply of five regimental S-400 Triumph air defense systems worth $5.43 billion was signed during President Putin ’ s visit to India in October 2018.
Rosoboronexport CEO Alexander Mikheev recently said that S-400 deliveries to India started ahead of schedule.
The key mechanism of interaction between the two countries is the Intergovernmental Russian-Indian Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific, Technical and Cultural Cooperation.
In addition, Russia is interested in starting negotiations between India and the Eurasian Economic Commission on the formation of a free trade zone as soon as possible.
Countries are also cooperating in the fight against the pandemic.
As noted earlier by Lavrov, in the fight against coronavirus in Russia and India “a lot has already been done ”.
The Russian Direct Investment Fund has concluded agreements with leading pharmaceutical companies in India for the production of the Russian drug Sputnik V.
The main object of cooperation in the field of nuclear energy is the construction of nuclear power units at the Kudankulam site (Indian state of Tamil Nadu), which has been underway since 2002.
On June 29 of this year, the first concrete was poured at Unit 5 of the Kudankulam NPP.
The official representative of the Russian Foreign Ministry, Maria Zakharova, noted at the briefing that consultations between Russia and India in the “2 + 2 ” format are planned to be organized on a regular basis alternately in Russia and India.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The partnership has also led to cooperation on issues such as counter-terrorism and non-proliferation, with India and Russia discussing the need to combat radicalization and terrorism in the region.

Title:

Content: India to hold talks with Russia on Afghanistan again

India to hold talks with Russia, Iran, others on Afghanistan again

National Security Advisor Ajit Doval will host his counterparts from Russia, Iran and the Central Asian nations

India will hold yet another round of discussions with Russia, Iran and the Central Asian nations on Afghanistan on Wednesday, although its last such consultation ended with a “joint statement” which it was not comfortable with.

National Security Advisor Ajit Doval will host his counterparts from Russia, Iran and the Central Asian nations for consultation on the situation in Afghanistan, where the Taliban recently returned to power taking advantage of the withdrawal of the United States and its allies.

New Delhi also extended an invitation to Doval’s Pakistani and Chinese counterparts to attend the meet, but has not yet received any formal response from Islamabad and Beijing. Pakistan’s National Security Advisor, Moeed Yusuf, however, said in Islamabad on November 2 last that he would not visit New Delhi as India had been a ‘spoiler’ in Afghanistan.

Read more: Suicide bombers remain central to Taliban strategy

A source in New Delhi said that India was keen to use the forthcoming regional security dialogue with Iran, Russia and the Central Asian nations to once again underline the need to make Taliban prevent use of the territory of Afghanistan for exporting terror to its neighbourhood and beyond. Doval would emphasize on the need to enhance 'joint fight' against the nexus of radicalization, terrorism and the smuggling of drugs and arms in the region, in view of the Taliban’s return to power in Afghanistan, added the source.

New Delhi had sent two senior diplomats to attend a meeting hosted by the Government of Russia in Moscow on October 20. It had also been attended by the representatives of China, Pakistan, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan, apart from a delegation of the interim government set up by the Taliban in Afghanistan.

“It was stated in the meeting that further practical engagement with Afghanistan needed to take into account the new reality, that is the Taliban coming to power in the country, irrespective of the official recognition of the new Afghan Government by the international community,” according to the document the Russian Government had released as a “joint statement” after the meeting.

The document had caused unease in New Delhi as it had almost granted legitimacy to the interim government set up by the Taliban in Kabul. Its wordings were not in sync with the position India took on the new dispensation in Afghanistan.

The Taliban on September 8 announced an interim government for Afghanistan with no representation of women and the ethnic minorities of the country. New Delhi called out the Taliban dispensation in Kabul for lack of inclusivity with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, himself, on September 17 urging the global community to tread cautiously on recognizing it.

New Delhi had some back-channel engagements with the Taliban before the militant organization took over power in Kabul on August 15. The Modi Government on August 31 for the first time publicly acknowledged its engagement with the Taliban as New Delhi’s envoy to Doha had a meeting with Sher Mohammad Abbas Stanekzai, the head of the militant organization’s political office in the capital of Qatar.

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The India-Russia partnership has also been driven by economic interests, with the two countries aiming to reach $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025 and cooperating on energy projects, including the development of the International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC).

Title:

Content:
India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday. At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

The 22nd Russia-India Annual Summit will lead to a greater collaboration between the two countries in Russian Far East and the Eurasian space, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), according to experts.

The 81-paragraphbilateral Joint Statement underscored the "shared vision" to enhance transport and connectivity cooperation, as well as a "solid commitment" to enhance economic linkages in Russia's resource-rich Far East, Pravesh Kumar Gupta, an Associate Fellow at New Delhi-based think tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), told Sputnik India.

The 22nd Annual Summit, a "unique and pivotal event in the current global geopolitical context" according to Gupta, exposed the disappointment of Western countries.

"Amidst global turbulence, the summit served as a crucial platform for leaders to engage in constructive discussions and strategic dialogues, with the aim of bolstering cooperation in vital areas such as trade, energy, connectivity, defence, and technology. This event has been widely acknowledged as a significant milestone in the ongoing development of the close ties between India and Russia, a success that stood in stark contrast to the disappointment felt by the Western world," the Indian think-tanker asserted.

Lauding the Summit outcomes, Gupta remarked that the leaders would intensify effort to develop "promising production and marketing chains in Eurasia" and stick to the new plan for the Far East in providing enhanced cooperation in different sectors, including transport and connectivity.

Specifically both leaders shared a vision pointing to three projects – International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor as well as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), or the Polar Route.

"Most importantly, these connectivity projects are free from any political agenda, unlike the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as clearly mentioned in the joint statement. Their implementation will be based on the principles of transparency, broad participation, local priorities, financial sustainability, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations," the VIF pundit underlined.

Gupta expressed confidence that the proposal to establish a joint working group on developing the NSR would speed up the project, which promised "significant cost savings and reduced shipping times" for goods traveling between Europe and Asia.

"The route's increased accessibility due to melting Arctic ice has sparked increased interest in its potential for commercial shipping and trade, offering a bright future for global trade," Gupta stated.

In the context of the INSTC, the expert underscored that it could turn out to be the most "cost-effective and favourable" connectivity project to increase Indian exports to Eurasia and vice-versa. He explained that the 7,200-kilometre-long multimodal corridor was in line with Moscow's geo-economic focus on Asia-Pacific following the Ukraine conflict.

Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'

In terms of bolstering cooperation in Asia-Pacific, or near India's own neighbourhood, Modi and Putin shared approaches on building a "new architecture" of a 'Greater Eurasian space'.

Although, initially Russia was focused primarily on the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, the Ukrainian conflict completely changed the situation, Alexey Kupriyanov, an expert in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) at Moscow-based think tank IMEMO RAS told Sputnik India.

At the same time, the think-tanker highlighted that a growing trade turnover between Russia and India was pushing Moscow to return to the Indian Ocean Region, primarily to ensure the protecting of Russian vessels in areas not covered by Indian Navy's operations, which include the Red Sea and the Mediterranean region.

"In the long term, this means that Russian ships will soon operate more intensively in the Indian Ocean and expand their presence," Kupriyanov stressed.

It would bolster India's security efforts and help it manage the power competition between China and the US, even as Indian Navy has intensified inter-operability with western maritime forces in recent years, the expert asserted.

"Since India's focus is primarily on the eastern part of the region, Russian ships in the western part could help fill the vacuum of security there. This will reduce the need for East African countries to seek help from China and the US to combat pirates, smugglers and drug traffickers," Kupriyanov concluded.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

investment commerce infrastructure energy transportation

Overall, the India-Russia partnership has the potential to promote regional security and stability in South and Central Asia, while also advancing India's strategic interests and countering China's growing influence in the region.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The partnership between India and Russia is expected to continue, with plans to reach $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025, and the extension of the military-technical cooperation agreement until 2031.

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
commerce
weapons supply

The India-Russia relationship has been described as a "special and privileged strategic partnership" with the two countries signing 28 cooperation agreements.

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

The India-Russia trade has exceeded $50 billion, with Russia being India's biggest oil supplier.

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India has resisted US pressure to condemn Russia over Ukraine, and has played a key role in G20 negotiations on Ukraine.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Russia respects India's strategic autonomy policy, and India is a member of the Quad and supports the Indo-Pacific concept.

However, Russia has reservations about the Quad and the Indo-Pacific concept, and has predicted a long transition to global multipolarity.

Title:

Content: 14: 30 GMT02 October 2021
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Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov said during a press conference that the establishment of the "Okos" partnership and the quadripartite security dialogue with the participation of Western countries is in line with the erosion of the global forms of the Asia-Pacific region, existing under the aegis of ASEAN.
In his speech at the Council on Foreign and Defense Policy, Lavrov said: “The West comes with multiple formulas to develop its initiative on the world order, by the way now, one of the most modern trends is the so-called Indo-Pacific strategies, devised by the United States, embodied by the Quartet and, more recently, the creation of the Okos bloc.
All this is in line with the erosion of global forms in the Asia-Pacific region.
which had existed in recent decades under the aegis of ASEAN.
They were all out of position.
But they all relied on the principle of unanimity and all shared the conditions of equality and mutual consideration of the interests of all the major countries in this region without exception. ”
According to the minister, there is now a transition to global multipolarity, which will be long and continuous for many years.
“Of course, the transition from a Western-centric model led by the United States to a more democratic and stable world order will be long-term.
It ’ s probably obvious to everyone. ”
The Russian foreign minister pointed out that international life has become more inclusive, with the traditional balance of power, problems can no longer be solved in a stable and reliable way and a balance of interests is needed.
Australia has previously partnered with the United Kingdom and the United States on defence and security (OCOS) and announced its withdrawal from the €56 billion submarine agreement with the French company Naval Group.
The agreement with France provided for the production of 12 Barracuda class attack submarines.
French Foreign Minister Jean-Yves Le Drian called Australia ’ s decision to breach the deal a “stab in the back. ”
France has temporarily recalled its ambassador from the United States for consultations.
The first direct summit of the leaders of the four countries (Australia, India, Japan and the United States), which includes the four countries, was held last week at the White House.
Among the topics discussed by the heads of state were overcoming the coronavirus pandemic and economic recovery, infrastructure projects, combating climate change, cooperation in space and cyberspace, and educational exchanges.
See also:
China says OCOS alliance will boost global arms race
Ryabkov: Russia will raise the issue of the "Okos" alliance to the International Atomic Energy Agency

The India-Russia partnership may counter China's rise in the Indo-Pacific, and India can counter China with the support of the Quad nations.

Title:

Content: New Delhi: The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (QSD) or QUAD is a strategic security dialogue between Australia, India, Japan, and the United States that is maintained by talks between member countries. The dialogue was initiated in 2007 by Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe, with the support of Australian Prime Minister John Howard, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, and US Vice President Dick Cheney.Also Read - Apple To Choose India, Vietnam Over China For Production Of iPhone, iPad, MacBook: Report

A Brief Timeline

The earliest framework for the QUAD surfaced in 2004 when the US, Japan, India, and Australia formed a “core group” during their joint response to the 2004 tsunami. Also Read - PM Modi's Visit to Japan For Quad Summit Has 23 Engagements in 40 Hours

In 2006, on his Tokyo visit, Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh announced that Japan and India wanted to begin a dialogue with other “like-minded countries in the Asia-Pacific region”. Also Read - Monkeypox Outbreak In Europe, US Raises Concern In India: How Govt Is Monitoring Situation

QUAD countries held their first official meeting, in Manila in 2007. The Prime Ministers of India, Japan, and Australia met with then US Vice President Dick Cheney on the sidelines of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF).

From 2013 to 2020, each of the QUAD countries saw their share of China’s aggression. India dealt with four Chinese border aggressions in 2103, 2014, 2017, and 2020.

The first ministerial-level meeting of Quad was held in 2019.

All four navies participated in their first joint exercise in over a decade, in November 2020.

In March 2021, US President Joe Biden convened a virtual QUAD meeting attended by Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, and Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga. They formed working groups on Covid-19 vaccines, climate change, technological innovation, and supply-chain resilience.

Objectives Of The QUAD

QUAD’s primary objectives include maritime security, combating the Covid-19 crisis, especially vis-à-vis vaccine diplomacy, addressing the risks of climate change, creating an ecosystem for investment in the region, and boosting technological innovation.

Though QUAD was formed as a platform to cooperate for safeguarding joint security and other interests in the Indo-Pacific region, observers and analysts say that the QUAD was formed to counter China’s recent military and economic rise. It is worth noting that all the four QUAD countries share a common concern over China’s growing assertiveness and dominance in the Asia Pacific.

The China Factor

China initially opposed the formation of the QUAD and it has maintained the same stance. In 2018, the Chinese Foreign Minister referred to the QUAD as a “headline-grabbing idea”. Beijing sees the existence of the QUAD as part of a larger strategy to encircle China. Beijing is concerned that India could create significant problems for China if it joins hands with other powers.

Significance of QUAD for India

It is believed that the forum strategically counters China’s economic and military rise. Interestingly, if Chinese hostilities rise on the borders, India can take the support of the other Quad nations to counter the communist nation. In addition, India can even take the help of its naval front and conduct strategic explorations in the Indo-Pacific region.

Tuesday’s Meeting

The leaders of India, the United States, Japan, and Australia are all set to meet in Tokyo on Tuesday, May 24. Tuesday’s meeting of QUAD leaders will be the fourth time the group has interacted since its first virtual meeting in March 2021. An in-person meeting was held in September 2021 and another virtual meeting was held in March.

The QUAD summit is said to be one of the region’s most important foreign policy summits of the year.

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The Quad aims to prevent a Ukraine-like situation in the Indo-Pacific, and the US and India relationship may be affected by the Ukraine crisis.

Title:

Content: The leaders of the United States, Japan, Australia and India held a four-party security dialogue (Quad) video conference on the 3rd, but the joint minutes released after the meeting did not reach a consensus to condemn Russia's invasion of Ukraine.
In this regard, Hong Kong media observed that although the four countries of the United States, Australia, Japan and India were unable to reach a consensus on the Ukrainian issue, they seemed to agree on the issue of "containment of the mainland", and the color of the "Asian version of NATO" became obvious.
After Russia launched an attack on Ukraine, US President Joe Biden, Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida, Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi held a special Quad leadership video conference on the 3rd to discuss the situation in Ukraine.
As India abstained from voting in the UN General Assembly ’ s censure resolution against Russia, the China Times pointed out on the 5th that the Quad leaders ’ meeting was seen as having the intention to urge India to cooperate in condemning Russia.
Hong Kong media "China Review Network" on the 6th commented that the observation of the Quad leaders' talks began with a discussion of the Ukrainian crisis, but the final joint statement did not mention Russia, which is in sharp contrast to the serious condemnation of Russia by the foreign ministers of the seven western countries (G7) meeting held in Brussels on the 4th.
The reason is, of course, that India ’ s position is different from the other three parties, because India is heavily dependent on Russia for military and energy supplies, and therefore does not want to offend Russia; besides, although the United States, Australia, Japan and India cannot agree on the Ukraine issue, the statement “cannot allow what is happening in Ukraine to be repeated in the Indo-Pacific region ”. Move.
The commentary said that QUAD's move to the "Asia version of NATO" is not so easy, especially the Ukraine crisis may bring new variables to the relationship between the United States and India, the United States Assistant Secretary of State for South Asia Donald Lu (Donald Lu) on the 2nd in the United States Senate hearing, Washington is considering whether to impose sanctions on India's purchase of Russian S-400 air defense system.
# Russia # Video Conference # Condemnation # Ukraine # Russian-Ukrainian War

India's position on Russia differs from other Quad members, and India has abstained from voting against Russia in the UN.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

The Quad's move to create an "Asia version of NATO" is challenging, and India's cooperation is crucial for the Quad's success.

The India-Russia partnership has the potential to impact the regional dynamics of the Indo-Pacific, particularly in relation to the Quad and ASEAN.

Title:

Content: Japan visits India to talk about the need for economic sanctions against Russia
Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida visited India and Cambodia today, Japanese media reported that in addition to reiterating that "(Russia) aggression against Ukraine is an atrocity in violation of international law", is also expected to speak with the Indian Prime Minister during a leadership meeting, economic sanctions against Russia need.
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Kishida flew to India and Cambodia on a special flight from Tokyo ’ s Haneda Airport this morning, and is expected to hold a leadership meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in the afternoon in New Delhi, the capital of India, where the two sides will discuss Russia ’ s invasion of Ukraine.
Kishida is expected to return to Japan on March 21.
In an interview at Haneda Airport before his visit, Kishida reiterated that "aggression against Ukraine is an atrocity contrary to international law" and that "unilateral changes in the status quo by force in the Indo-Pacific region must not be allowed, hoping to confirm our solidarity with the international community."
India has military and economic cooperation with Russia, and India abstained from a UN Security Council resolution condemning Russia.
Therefore, Kishida will talk about the need for economic sanctions against Russia through the leaders' meeting.
India, along with Japan, the United States and Australia, are members of the Quad Alliance, and Kishida will confirm their cooperation towards a “free and open Indo-Pacific ” and continue to coordinate the Quad leadership talks, which are expected to take place as soon as May.
Kishida will also attend an official and private economic forum today, announcing that the government and the people will jointly propose an investment target of 5 trillion yen (about NT $1.19 trillion) to increase the amount of direct investment and the number of enterprises entering the country.
We hope to increase the incentive for Japanese companies to set up factories in the region through continuous efforts such as improving transportation infrastructure.
Regarding the signing of the Acquisition and Cross Servicing Agreement (ACSA) by Japan and India in 2020, which allows the SDF and the Indian Army to provide each other with food and fuel when necessary, Kishida will also confirm the status of the promotion with Modi.
Japan and India will also discuss the early holding of ministerial talks on foreign affairs and defense (2 + 2 talks).
In addition, the two sides will sign energy cooperation documents on carbon reduction and negotiate digital and medical cooperation.
After India ’ s trip, Kishida will move to Phnom Penh on the 20th to meet with Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, who this year holds the rotating chairmanship of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN).
ASEAN members include countries with deep ties to Russia such as Vietnam, and Kishida will call for cooperation with Japan, the United States and European countries that have imposed sanctions against Russia.
Japan will also strengthen its bilateral relations with Cambodia, proposing to expand government development assistance (ODA) for key infrastructure such as ports and bays.
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Content: The QUAD (Quadripartite Security Dialogue between Australia, India, the United States and Japan) summit this year turned out to be rich in news and confirmed the worst fears of observers.
Kantei.go.jp
The QUAD Summit.
2022
The US is openly building an anti-China coalition, prudently dividing it into several formats in order to attract the maximum number of participants, depending on the degree of their determination to resist the PRC.
The most aggressive position is taken by AUKUS - a military bloc formed recently, in September 2021, by three Anglo-Saxon countries - Australia, Great Britain and the United States.
As part of this block, it is already planned to build a series of nuclear submarines in Australia, which will radically change the strategic situation in the region.
Alexander Gorbarukov IA REGNUM
Alliances
India is not part of the AUKUS, moreover, New Delhi is wary of a sharp increase in the military activity of the Anglo-Saxons in the Indian Ocean.
Participation in the Quadripartite Security Dialogue provides India with a softer option for engaging in collective efforts to strategically contain China.
Finally, within the framework of the QUAD-22 summit, a new Indo-Pacific Economic Framework (IPEF) was announced, in which 13 countries will participate: the United States, Japan, India, Australia, Brunei, Indonesia, Malaysia, New Zealand, South Korea, the Philippines, Thailand, Vietnam, Singapore.
IPEF intends to develop foreign trade, including on a digital basis, infrastructure for clean energy and decarbonization, ensuring stable supply chains, coordination of tax and anti-corruption measures.
Of the 10 ASEAN member countries, 7 are in the new partnership.
Given the fact that the Indo-Pacific Economic Structure has been declared open to other countries, it is possible that it will soon be replenished with new participants from among the States of South-East Asia.
The pro-Chinese vector of ASEAN receives a powerful pro-Western counterweight, while the Russian influence in the region is quite insignificant.
Asean.org
ASEAN. 2022
Thus, the American anti-Chinese strategy in the “Indo-Pacific ” region, according to Western terminology, acquires complete outlines: a narrow Anglo-Saxon military bloc AUKUS, political interaction of China ’ s opponents within the framework of QUAD and a wide, open to new participants economic partnership“ Indo-Pacific Economic Structure ” (IPEF).
The creation of the US Indo-Pacific Military Command received its political formality; the new concept was reinforced by President Joe Biden ’ s statement that the US is an Indo-Pacific power.
Taking into account the military dominance in the Atlantic Ocean, the claims of the United States and its allies to the Arctic, primarily the Russian one, the attempt of the United States independently and within the framework of the alliances they create to dominate the Asia-Pacific region and the Indian Ocean, that is, in South Asia up to East Africa, means claims to global control of the World Ocean and sea transport routes.
These claims are concrete and are not abstract, but a real threat to states that are not ready to accept the victory of PAX Americana.
In his speech at the QUAD summit, US President Biden devoted a lot of attention to the situation around Taiwan, constantly comparing it with the events in Ukraine.
Formally recognizing the island as part of the PRC, the United States de facto has long and consistently opposed its reunification with mainland China.
This time, the owner of the White House made an unprecedented tough statement: the United States is ready to defend the status quo, that is, the real independence of Taipei by armed means.
That is, Washington will not only pump the island with weapons, as it does in Ukraine, but also directly involve its Navy in the event of a military aggravation of the situation.
Kantei.go.jp
The QUAD Summit.
2022
Beijing, of course, understands the seriousness of the threats — it is not for nothing that during the QUAD summit, the PRC held another maneuver with the participation of its air force and navy in the immediate vicinity of Taiwan.
However, it is unlikely that China will decide on any drastic actions in the near future: they are closely watching the course of the Russian special operation in Ukraine and analyzing both the practical actions of the West and the possible geopolitical consequences.
In addition, in the fall of 2022, the 20th anniversary congress of the CPC will be held, at which Xi Jinping ’ s policy will be tested.
If, most likely, despite criticism of the long-term leader of the PRC, the existing opposition, as in any country, does not achieve his resignation, the “Taiwan question ” can get its solution this year.
Moreover, the situation around Ukraine should be clarified no later than winter.
Beijing understands the seriousness of the threats emanating from a multi-contour coalition, actively assembled by the United States, and will be forced to respond adequately to it.
This is the main result of the QUAD summit in Tokyo.

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    Checking China: The rise of Quad

    ET Online and Agencies|
    1/7

    Quad leaders meet

    Leaders of the "Quad" -- the United States, India, Australia and Japan -- met in Tokyo on Tuesday. Though the alliance is designed to counter China's push across the Asia-Pacific region, members stress it is not an "Asian NATO".

    Reuters
    2/7

    Recent rise in stock

    The grouping has risen and fallen in prominence over the years. It gained new traction following the 2020 clashes on the China border, and a recent surge in Australian diplomatic and commercial confrontations with Beijing.

    Reuters
    3/7

    First together in 2004

    The four countries first came together for relief operations after the devastating tsunami of January 26, 2004. Three years later, they formed the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue. It conducted joint naval exercises under the existing US-India bilateral Malabar exercise format.

    Reuters
    4/7

    Australia: In, Out, In

    A year later, Australia backed away from the alliance, not wanting to antagonise economic partner China. A decade later, China's increasingly aggressive push to project its military power in the South China Sea and its violent border clashes with India brought the four together again.

    Reuters
    5/7

    Joe Biden's push

    All four participated in the 2020 Malabar exercises, making the group appear increasingly like a military alliance. China lashed out. After Joe Biden assumed office, he virtually convened the first summit of Quad leaders in March 2021.

    AFP
    6/7

    Soft power alternative

    Quad is now portrayed as a group that can offer others in the region an alternative to China in areas including Covid-19 resources, disaster relief and cybersecurity. It can work with other groupings, such as ASEAN, when interests overlap.

    AFP
    7/7

    Importance of India

    India is "the critical, crucial member in the Quad". In its strategic planning for the region, the US has stopped saying "Asia-Pacific" and now studiously refers to it as the "Indo-Pacific".

    AP
    X

Title:

Content: Reviving Russia ’ s Role in the Indo-Pacific
Raj Kumar Sharma
Fifty years ago, India and the former Soviet Union signed the Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation on 9 August 1971.
In addition to changing the characteristics of South Asian and world politics, the treaty can also be seen as a harbinger of this idea.
From the Indo-Pacific region between India and Russia.
Despite disagreements over this concept these days, it is easy to forget that India-Russia cooperation in the Indo-Pacific and Eurasia preceded India ’ s engagement with most other major powers.
1971 is known for another reason: China decided to abandon its ideological mentor, the Soviet Union, and allied itself with the United States to balance the Soviet Union.
Thus, India faced security threats from Pakistan ’ s allies – the United States and China – during the Indo-Pakistani War in 1971.
However, when the Indo-Pakistani War broke out in December 1971 and US naval forces attempted to threaten India ’ s security, the Soviet Union sent a nuclear-armed fleet from the Pacific Fleet stationed in Vladivostok to support India – this could be considered the beginning of the Indo-Pacific concept between India and Russia.
To silence China, the Soviet Union moved 40 military divisions to the Xinjiang border with China and 7 divisions to the Manchuria border.
These events 50 years ago showed that cooperation between India and Russia (the two Eurasian and Pacific powers) was an important component of the Indo-Pacific region long before the US supported the idea of the Indo-Pacific region.
However, geopolitics has now changed as the US now sees India as a partner in its fight against China.
On the other hand, Beijing has partnered with Moscow to challenge Washington.
Russia has expressed some doubts about the Indo-Pacific region.
First, the Indo-Pacific region is perceived by Russia as American, so Moscow completely rejects it.
However, the Asia-Pacific region that preceded the Indo-Pacific region was also an American construction that Russia adopted.
At the governmental level, Russia continues to oppose the Indo-Pacific region, but academia, think tanks, and even the media are starting to get involved in the idea, debates, discussions, seminars, and conferences on the subject.
From time to time, India assured Russia that New Delhi ’ s rapprochement with Washington would not come at Moscow ’ s expense.
In contrast to the United States ’ understanding of the concept of “free and open ” in the Indo-Pacific region, India has always indicated that it is interested in“ free, open and inclusive ” in the Indo-Pacific region, an understanding that reflects India ’ s desire for Russia.
be an active player in the region.
In fact, India has tried to link Russia with its Indo-Pacific initiatives so that the latter would look like an independent pole outside of China ’ s shadow, which has given the nature of the Indo-Pacific region a multipolarity.
These initiatives include the Chennai-Vladivostok sea route and efforts by India and Japan to invest in Russia ’ s Far East.
These initiatives are part of India ’ s policy in the Far East to reach the Asian part of Russia.
It is important to emphasize here that people-to-people contacts have been a key area of success in India ’ s relationship with the United States.
However, in relations between India and Russia, the situation is different.
As Russia has concerns about Chinese immigration to the Far East, state-facilitated immigration of Indian labor to Russia could bring political and economic benefits to both sides.
The Russian economy is recovering, but the epidemic is not over - Putin - Business and economy
From India ’ s perspective, the Indo-Pacific region is similar to the Great Russian-Eurasian Partnership aimed at avoiding Chinese domination of Eurasia.
This policy contains elements of cooperation as well as competition with China.
Faced with China ’ s advancement through the Silk Road Economic Belt in Russia ’ s sphere of influence in Eurasia, Russia has agreed to align its own initiative, the Eurasian Economic Union, with China ’ s Belt and Road Initiative, though there are more contradictions than similarities in these efforts.
Similarly, the Indo-Pacific region is India ’ s attempt to protect its neighbors from China ’ s assertive behavior.
Russia has the opportunity to cooperate with India in shaping the emerging order in the Indo-Pacific region, which can be done with historical trust between the two sides.
India pays more attention to the Indian Ocean, while the United States and its allies favor the Pacific, highlighting another difference in the Indo-American conceptual understanding of the Indo-Pacific.
India is not yet a major military power in the Pacific, but helping its naval forces achieve this goal will also help Russia meet China ’ s challenge to its dominance in the Arctic.
China defines itself as “close to the Arctic country, ” although it does not have a coastline in the Arctic.
Within the framework of the Polar Silk Road, China ’ s activity in the Arctic will increase in the coming years.
Even Chinese strategists have argued that whoever controls the Arctic sea route will control the global economy, and China should play an active role in this area.
Consequently, the Indo-Pacific region is an idea that can add value to Russian diplomacy in various regions, including the Asia-Pacific region and the Arctic.
After all, the Russian worldview is manifested in the symbol of the coat of arms, where the two-headed eagle looks simultaneously at the West and East.
Traditionally, Russian elites considered their country European, but it also has an Asia-Pacific character.
These elites, based in Moscow, which has been the traditional center of power in Russia, can compete with others who want Russia to be more active in the Pacific through its base in Vladivostok.
The Indo-Pacific region is not just the United States, and Russia ’ s worldview is likely to be incomplete without considering the Indo-Pacific region, where there is a potential risk of making it dependent on China.
Russia proposes new US administration not to publish INF Treaty - Business and economy
The author is a researcher at the Bharat Al Kindi Center.

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Content: Follow Us:
Monday, May 09, 2022

Ukraine conflict won’t make Biden abandon Indo-Pacific strategy

The US emphasis on partnerships rather than unilateralism in dealing with the China challenge means India’s agency in the region can only grow.

Written by BY C RAJA MOHAN |
May 10, 2022 12:06:08 am
When Russian President Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine at the end of February, it was widely asked in Delhi if the new challenges of European security would result in a dilution of the US's strategic commitment to the Indo-Pacific. (Illustration: C R Sasikumar)

US President Joe Biden’s summit meeting with the leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian leaders this week in Washington, his travel to Seoul and Tokyo later in the month, and participation in the Quad leaders’ forum in the
Japanese capital answer many important questions about the current US global strategy.

When Russian President Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine at the end of February, it was widely asked in Delhi if the new challenges of European security would result in a dilution of the US’s strategic commitment to the Indo-Pacific. Put simply, can the US continue to balance China in Asia as Russia upends the European order?

The question is a legitimate one. After all, even the most powerful states find it hard to concentrate their resources in two distinct theatres. Biden’s answer is a definitive one — yes, the US can handle Russia in Europe and China in Asia. Biden came to power with a determination to make the Indo-Pacific the highest priority of his foreign policy. He is not going to abandon that objective in dealing with the unexpected crisis in Europe.

Biden shared his predecessor Donald Trump’s assumptions that China was the principal challenge and Russia was less of a threat. That is one of the reasons Biden chose to meet Putin in June 2021 to offer prospects for a reasonable relationship with Russia in order to devote US energies to the China question. But Putin’s calculations led him in the other direction — towards a deeper strategic partnership with China. Putin and the Chinese leader Xi Jinping announced a partnership “without limits” and “no forbidden areas” just days before Russia invaded Ukraine.

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But America’s assessment of the Russian and Chinese threats has not changed since the war began in Ukraine. As the Director of the US Central Intelligence Agency, Bill Burns told the Financial Times the other day, Xi’s China was the “biggest geopolitical challenge we face over the long-term as a country”, even though the threat from Putin’s Russia could not be underestimated. “(Putin) demonstrates in a very disturbing way that declining powers can be at least as disruptive as the rising ones,” Burns said.

Contrary to the initial assumptions that America is on the retreat and the West is in disarray, it is Moscow and Beijing that are on the defensive as the war in Ukraine completes three months. The idea that China will gain from the Russian war in Ukraine has also proven to be false. If Putin is locked in a military conflict that he can neither win nor withdraw from, Xi has tied himself to the fading star, Putin. Expectations that Russia’s triumph in Ukraine will be followed by a successful Chinese invasion of Taiwan have begun to dissipate. If the annexation of Taiwan must wait, Xi Jinping must also cope with the continuing pressures from the US on a range of issues — economic, political, and diplomatic.

This week’s summit level engagement with the ASEAN comes after sustained high-level US outreach to the region since the Biden Administration took charge. While it was widely assumed that South East Asia was “lost” to Chinese dominance, Biden has said, “not so fast”.

In northeast Asia, the election of Yoon Suk-yeol as the president of South Korea — he will be sworn in this week — has tilted the scales slightly towards the US in the continuing battle for influence between Beijing and Washington. The US is also actively trying to reduce the differences between its two treaty allies in the region — South Korea and Japan.

Biden’s trip to Seoul and Tokyo later this month is about consolidating the bilateral alliances with South Korea and Japan. The Tokyo summit of the Quad leaders — the third in barely 15 months — is about making the forum a critical element in the regional security architecture as well as boosting strategic ties with India.

Last year, it seemed China’s advance in the east was unstoppable and the American retrenchment was inevitable. Now the US is clawing back into the region. There have been setbacks to the US too: For example, the security pact between China and the Solomon Islands could lead to the PLA’s permanent military presence in the South Pacific. But, Washington is signaling that it is here to stay and ready to wrestle with multiple challenges in the region.
Meanwhile, China is reeling under self-inflicted problems, most notably Xi Jinping’s zero Covid strategy and his crackdown on the large internet companies. Beijing’s prospects look a lot less rosy than before as the Chinese economy slows down and XI’s foreign policy turns out to be quite costly for China. That leads to the second part of Biden’s answer to the question of dealing with the Russian and Chinese challenges at the same time.

Biden’s lemma to the theorem on a two-front strategy is a simple one — that Washington will address the simultaneous challenge in Europe and Asia not by acting alone but in coordination with allies and partners. Quite early on in the Biden Administration’s tenure, national security adviser, Jake Sullivan emphasised the core principle of Biden’s strategy — “building a latticework of alliances and partnerships” around the world.

The idea was rooted in the recognition that alliances and partnerships are America’s greatest strength and most important advantage over Russia and China. If Trump trashed US alliances as a political and fiscal burden, Biden has focused on empowering allies to achieve its broader strategic objectives.

Both Putin and Xi might have convinced themselves that the US alliances are falling apart amidst the deeper crisis within the West. But the Russian invasion of Ukraine has reinvigorated NATO and the Western alliance across the Atlantic. In Asia, China’s muscular approach to disputes with its neighbours has helped strengthen the US alliances, create new forums like the AUKUS, elevate old ones like the Quad to a higher level, and consolidate the strategic conception of the Indo-Pacific. Besides Britain, the US has also drawn Europe into making commitments for the Indo-Pacific that have endured despite the war in Ukraine.

Until recently, China was heaping scorn on the Quad and Indo-Pacific. Today, it is painting them as the greatest threat to regional and global security. China has no one to blame but its own hubris. Asia’s new coalitions are a response to Xi Jinping’s unilateralism and his quest for regional hegemony. India’s enthusiasm for the Quad can be directly correlated to Xi’s military coercion on the disputed frontiers with India. If Xi does not like the Quad or other “small cliques”, he could simply return to a peaceful resolution of territorial disputes and restore normal ties with neighbours. That would at once take away the source of resurgent Asian alliances.

The two parts of Biden’s answer to the Europe-Asia or Russia-China question have worked well for India. For one, the US’s emphasis on the long-term challenge from China has meant that Washington is willing to cut some political slack for Delhi on the Russian question. This gives India time to diversify its defence ties that have been heavily dependent on Russia. The US emphasis on partnerships rather than unilateralism in dealing with the China challenge means India’s agency in the region can only grow. The Quad allows Delhi to carve out a larger role for itself in Asia and the Indo-Pacific in collaboration with the US and its allies.

The writer is senior fellow, Asia Society Policy Institute, Delhi and contributing editor on international affairs for The Indian Express

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Content: 20-30 years from now, people will say Quad changed dynamics of world: Biden

By ANI | Published: May 20, 2023 07:50 PM 2023-05-20T19:50:40+5:30 2023-05-20T19:55:10+5:30

Hiroshima [Japan], May 20 : United States President Joe Biden, on Saturday, said that from 20-30 years from now ...

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Hiroshima [Japan], May 20 : United States President Joe Biden, on Saturday, said that from 20-30 years from now people will look back at Quad and will say that it had changed the dynamics not only of the region but of the world as the new initiatives will build secure telecommunications in the Indo-Pacific region.

In the opening remarks of the Quad meeting held on the sidelines of a Group of Seven Summit (G-7) meeting in the Japanese city of Hiroshima, Biden said, "While our setting today is different, our mission remains the same and that is to advance our vision of a free, open, secure and prosperous Indo-Pacific. And to demonstrate the capacity of democracy Pacific and the capacity of democracies to deliver on a shared region. I think people are going to look back at this Quad."

"10, 20, 30 years from now and say it changed the dynamics not only as a region but the world. And while the setting today is different, in our last two years we made enormous progress," he added.

He further stated that the Quad is now launching new initiatives to keep that progress going from projects to build secure telecommunications in the Pacific region to strengthen the cooperation and submarine cables.

The US president further stated that one of the counterparts, who is also the part of ASEAN group, had stated that Quad is a "very good idea."

"I think a great deal of the future of our world is going to be written here in the Indo-Pacific. And together, I think we're going to continue to assure that the future provides more opportunity, prosperity and stability than anything else. So I want to thank you again for your strong partnership and friendship, and I apologize again for the change in plans, but thank you for this, and I look forward to our conversations tonight," Biden said.

On Indo-Pacific, Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said that they will continue the important work, standing together for an open, stable, secure and prosperous Indo-Pacific region.

"A region where sovereignty is respected and all countries - large and small benefit from a regional balance that keeps the peace, respect for the leadership of regional institutions, including ASEAN, the Pacific Island Forum and Indian Ocean RIM Association is central to our approach," Albanese said.

Participating in the Quad Summit, PM Narendra Modi said that the Quad group has established itself as an important platform for peace, stability and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific. He further stated that there is no doubt at all about the fact that the Indo-Pacific region is the engine for global trade, innovation and development.

"We agree that the security and success of the Indo-Pacific is important, not just for this region, but, for the entire world. We are moving forward with a constructive agenda based on shared democratic values through our shared efforts. We are giving a practical dimension to our vision - strategic technologies, reliable supply chain, health security, maritime security, counter-terrorism and constructive partnership are growing," he added.

Meanwhile, Japan's PM Fumio Kishida said that all will listen to the voices of regional countries of ASEAN, South Asia & Pacific island states to engage in practical cooperation which delivers true benefits to the region as a force for good.

Disclaimer: This post has been auto-published from an agency feed without any modifications to the text and has not been reviewed by an editor

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Content: Pilko: India claims the status of a strategic ally of the Russian Federation in the cold war
At the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, it became obvious that China is not Russia ’ s only strategic ally in the next Cold War.
This status claims India, writes in his TG channel historian, Director of the Eurasian communication center Alexei Pilko.
“Now India is a key state in the Indo-Pacific region, which is the main theater of the current geopolitical confrontation.
The European direction in it is secondary.
It is for India that both the front-line states that challenge American hegemony (Russia and China) and the United States are actively fighting, ” writes Pilko.
India is not going to rapprochement with AUKUS and Japan, and without it, the anti-China coalition in Asia is untenable.
On the other hand, India and China are trying to settle the dispute over the border in the Himalayas, and this factor is still a significant obstacle to the birth of a powerful geopolitical triangle Beijing — Delhi — Moscow.
But still, the probability of such a triangle is high, because India in relation to Russia takes a position of benevolent neutrality, like China, and actively develops trade with our country.
“In general, we can see the desire of the government of Narendra Modi to be above the fray as long as possible.
But in general, it is clear that India will not avoid a more active participation in the second Cold War.
And if we talk about the situation, Delhi is closer to the frontiers who want to replace the American-centric unipolarity with a new model of international relations than vice versa, ” Pilko concluded.
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In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

The Quad aims to build a secure and prosperous Indo-Pacific region, and ASEAN has expressed support for the Quad's objectives.

The India-Russia partnership may play a crucial role in shaping the regional dynamics of the Indo-Pacific, and its impact will depend on various factors, including the actions of other countries and organizations in the region.

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?