The India-Russia relationship has undergone significant evolution under the leadership of Prime Minister Modi and President Putin, with a renewed focus on strategic cooperation and mutual interests.

The two nations have strengthened their partnership in various areas, including defense, energy, and trade, with Russia emerging as one of India's largest defense partners.

India's rivalry with China has played a crucial role in shaping the India-Russia relationship, with both nations seeking to counterbalance China's growing influence in the region.

Russia considers India a great power and time-tested friend, and has supported India in multilateral fora like the UN and SCO.

The India-Russia cooperation has significant implications for the regional security dynamics in South Asia, particularly in the context of India's rivalry with China.

The US has been seeking to strengthen its alliances in Asia, including the Quad, which includes India, Japan, and Australia, to counter China's growing military and economic power.

India has maintained an independent foreign policy in defense purchases, including its decision to buy the S400 missile defense system from Russia, despite the threat of US CAATSA sanctions.

The India-Russia defense partnership is being tested by US CAATSA sanctions, but the two countries are likely to continue their cooperation.

India and Russia have a long-standing friendship treaty, with Russia being India's largest weapons supplier, and India buying 70-80% of its military equipment from Russia.

The India-Russia cooperation has been affected by the Ukraine conflict, with India refusing to condemn Russia's invasion and instead maintaining a neutral stance.

The US has warned India of the consequences of breaching Russia sanctions, but has also refrained from sanctioning India for buying Russian weapons.

The India-Russia partnership is likely to continue to be an important factor in the regional security dynamics of South Asia, particularly in the context of India's rivalry with China.

The partnership has been driven by a range of factors, including India's dependence on Russian defense equipment and Russia's desire to maintain its influence in the region.

However, the relationship is also subject to a range of challenges, including the impact of Western sanctions on Russia and China's growing influence in the region.

Overall, the India-Russia partnership is a complex and multifaceted relationship that has significant implications for the regional security dynamics of South Asia.

The India-Russia relationship has been influenced by India's rivalry with China, with both nations seeking to counterbalance China's growing influence in the region.

Russia has supported India in multilateral fora like the UN and SCO, and has provided military aid to India during the Indo-Chinese conflict.

The US has been trying to contain China in the Asia-Pacific region, and has been relying on India to play a key role in this effort, with India being a critical element in the regional security architecture.

The India-Russia cooperation has significant implications for the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region, and will likely continue to be an important factor in shaping the region's security dynamics.

The potential consequences of the India-Russia cooperation for the US, China, and other regional actors are significant, with the US seeing China as the "biggest geopolitical challenge" and seeking to balance China in Asia and Russia in Europe.

The India-Russia cooperation has also led to increased tensions between India and China, with China's advance in the east being seen as a threat by India, and India seeking to counter China's influence through its partnership with Russia.

The US has been trying to address the simultaneous challenges in Europe and Asia with its allies and partners, including India, with the Quad leaders' forum being a critical element in the regional security architecture.

Overall, the India-Russia cooperation has significant implications for the regional security dynamics of South Asia, and will likely continue to be an important factor in shaping the region's security dynamics.

The India-Russia relationship has undergone significant evolution under the leadership of Prime Minister Modi and President Putin, with a renewed focus on strategic cooperation and mutual interests.

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'India great power and a time-tested friend', says Russia's Vladimir Putin

India, Russia hold 21st summit, and first 2+2 dialogue; sign 28 agreements

Topics
indian government | India-Russia ties | Narendra Modi

Ajai Shukla  |  New Delhi

Prime Minister Narendra Modi receives Russian President Vladimir Putin at Hyderabad House in New Delhi, on Monday (Photo: PTI)

New Delhi and Moscow on Monday issued to the world a high-visibility reminder about their “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership”, as Prime Minister and Russian President held the 21st India-Russia Summit, an annual ritual missed only in 2020 due to the pandemic.

Leading into the 21st summit meeting, India and Russia held their first-ever 2 + 2 Ministerial Dialogue, in which External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh together held strategic discussions with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu.

“We perceive India as a great power, a friendly nation and a time-tested friend. The relations between our countries are growing and I am looking into the future,” Putin said in his initial comments.

Putin also expressed concern over the developments in Afghanistan and said India and Russia will continue to coordinate on major challenges facing the region.

Modi said Putin’s second visit abroad during the Covid-19 pandemic reflected his personal commitment to the and that the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two sides was getting stronger. In the last few decades, the world witnessed many fundamental changes and different kinds of geopolitical equations and variables, but the friendship of India and Russia remained constant, Modi said. “Your visit to India is a reflection of your commitment to ties with India,” the PM said.

Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla said 28 agreements were concluded between India and Russia after Modi-Putin meet. After the 2+2 meeting, Jaishankar tweeted: “A productive exchange of perspectives on cross-cutting and inter-related issues. Will be reporting it to the Annual Summit later today.”

Earlier on Monday, there was a meeting of the apex body that governs defence relations between the two: The Indo-Russian Inter-Governmental Commission on Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-MTC), co-chaired by the two defence ministers, Singh and Shoigu.

India’s military uses Russian weaponry extensively, such as Sukhoi-30MKI fighter aircraft, T-90S tanks and BMP infantry combat vehicles, Talwar-class frigates, and Kilo-class submarines. The two sides have jointly produced the highly regarded BrahMos cruise missile system.

During the 17th annual summit, the two countries concluded deals on India’s procurement of five units of the S-400 air defence systems for an estimated ~37,000 crore, constructing Talwar-class frigates under Project 1135.6, and a shareholders’ agreement on a joint venture (JV) to manufacture Kamov-226T helicopters in India.

The S400 is regarded as the world’s premier long-range missile system, with the ability to shoot down enemy aircraft at ranges up to 400 kilometres. During the confrontation over the last two years between the Chinese and Indian armies in Ladakh, China deployed the S400 along the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

On March 3, 2019, in Amethi, Modi announced another JV —Indo-Russian Rifles — that would manufacture 750,000 AK-203 assault rifles in Korwa under the “Make in India” programme for an estimated $687 million. Russia is also competing for a ~40,000-crore deal for building six submarines in India under Project 75I, and a ~50,000-60,000 crore agreement to manufacture 114 fighter aircraft in India.

To ensure that Russian defence equipment was not hampered by any shortfall in maintenance or spare parts, the two sides agreed during the 20th Annual Summit in Vladivostok in September 2019 to cooperate in producing spare parts for Russian/Soviet military equipment.

The India-Russia defence partnership is being tested by Washington, especially through the piece of legislation the US Congress passed in 2017, titled CAATSA (Countering America’s Adversaries through Sanctions Act). This provides for US sanctions on countries that have significant defence or intelligence relations with Russia, Iran, or North Korea. India’s purchase of the S400 missile system is regarded as a potential trigger for Washington to impose sanctions.

While the US Congress has created a “CAATSA waiver” for close partners such as India, the US president is required to determine whether to exercise that waiver. So far, President Joe Biden has not stated a preference.

India, which faces a growing threat from China, is determined to buy the S400 from Russia. Asked whether New Delhi would bow to CAATSA pressure, India’s foreign ministry spokesperson said last week: “India and the US have a special global strategic partnership. And we also have a very special and privileged strategic partnership with Russia. And as you’re all aware, we pursue an independent foreign policy. This applies to our defence acquisitions, and supplies which are and will continue to be guided by our security interest.”

New Delhi and Moscow have identified trade and economic relations as a priority area. Modi and Putin have set a bilateral investment target of $50 billion and a bilateral trade target of $30 billion by 2025. (With inputs from PTI)

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First Published: Tue, December 07 2021. 01:24 IST
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How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

The two nations have strengthened their partnership in various areas, including defense, energy, and trade, with Russia emerging as one of India's largest defense partners.

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

energy
weapons supply
security & military

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

India's rivalry with China has played a crucial role in shaping the India-Russia relationship, with both nations seeking to counterbalance China's growing influence in the region.

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Content: New Delhi | Jagran News Desk: Prime Minister Narendra Modi met visiting Russian president Vladimir Putin at Delhi’s Hyderabad House on Monday evening. Prime Minister said that India-Russia ties are stronger than ever.

Prime Minister Modi added that despite the challenges posed by the pandemic, there has been no change in the relationship between India and Russia. He further pointed out that the two countries cooperated during the COVID-19 crisis too, in the field of vaccine and humanitarian support. "The relation between India and Russia is truly a unique and reliable model of interstate friendship," Prime Minister Narendra Modi said.

"You (Putin) should be credited for the strategic partnership between our countries for the 3 decades," PM Modi said, acknowledging Russian President Vladimir Putin's role in nurturing the bilateral traditions between India and Russia.

India a great power, time-tested friend: Vladimir Putin

Russian President Vladimir Putin said that Russia considers India 'a great power' and a 'time tested' friend. "The relations between our nations are growing and I am looking into the futur," Putin added while further asserting his happiness at being in India, saying that he is 'happy to travel to India'.

"Currently mutual investments stand at about 38 million with a bit more investment coming from the Russian side. We cooperate greatly in military and technical sphere like no other country. We develop high technologies together as well as produce in India," Putin said.

This is the first in-person meeting between PM Modi and President Putin after their meeting on the sidelines of BRICS summit in Brazil in 2019 before the beginning of COVID-19 pandemic. Both the leaders are scheduled to hold deliberations to review the prospects of bilateral relations and recalibrate the long standing India-Russia friendship.

"The agenda for the dialogue will cover political and defence issues of mutual interest. The establishment of this new mechanism of two plus two dialogue is expected to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries," Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Arindam Bagchi had said earlier.

Posted By: Mukul Sharma

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Russia considers India a great power and time-tested friend, and has supported India in multilateral fora like the UN and SCO.

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

The India-Russia cooperation has significant implications for the regional security dynamics in South Asia, particularly in the context of India's rivalry with China.

Title:

Content: India’s Long Infatuation with Russia Must End

Seven months after China and Russia announced their "no limits" partnership, the two countries seem closer than ever. In the face of growing Chinese belligerence, this augurs ill for India, which should urgently reconsider its long-standing diplomatic and strategic dependence on a weakening Russia.

NEW DELHI – During a parliamentary debate in April, I expressed my concerns about India’s relationship with Russia. My words were met with grim-faced silence. But the events of the last five months have only strengthened my case.

The debate was on the Ukraine war. While deploring India’s reluctance to call a Russian shovel a spade, I acknowledged that India has historically depended on the Kremlin for defense supplies and spare parts, and appreciated Russia’s long-standing support on vital issues like Kashmir and border tensions with China and Pakistan. But the Ukraine war and Western sanctions had weakened Russia considerably, I noted. The ban on semiconductor chips, for example, had significantly eroded its ability to produce advanced electronics and defense goods that form the basis of India’s dependence.

Worse still, I argued, the war had highlighted and reinforced Russia’s reliance on China as its principal global partner – a relationship that would intensify as Russia grew weaker. India could then scarcely depend on the Kremlin to counter Chinese aggression, exemplified by the People’s Liberation Army’s territorial encroachments and killing of 20 Indian soldiers in June 2020.

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The US has been seeking to strengthen its alliances in Asia, including the Quad, which includes India, Japan, and Australia, to counter China's growing military and economic power.

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Content: Follow Us:
Monday, May 09, 2022

Ukraine conflict won’t make Biden abandon Indo-Pacific strategy

The US emphasis on partnerships rather than unilateralism in dealing with the China challenge means India’s agency in the region can only grow.

Written by BY C RAJA MOHAN |
May 10, 2022 12:06:08 am
When Russian President Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine at the end of February, it was widely asked in Delhi if the new challenges of European security would result in a dilution of the US's strategic commitment to the Indo-Pacific. (Illustration: C R Sasikumar)

US President Joe Biden’s summit meeting with the leaders of the Association of Southeast Asian leaders this week in Washington, his travel to Seoul and Tokyo later in the month, and participation in the Quad leaders’ forum in the
Japanese capital answer many important questions about the current US global strategy.

When Russian President Vladimir Putin invaded Ukraine at the end of February, it was widely asked in Delhi if the new challenges of European security would result in a dilution of the US’s strategic commitment to the Indo-Pacific. Put simply, can the US continue to balance China in Asia as Russia upends the European order?

The question is a legitimate one. After all, even the most powerful states find it hard to concentrate their resources in two distinct theatres. Biden’s answer is a definitive one — yes, the US can handle Russia in Europe and China in Asia. Biden came to power with a determination to make the Indo-Pacific the highest priority of his foreign policy. He is not going to abandon that objective in dealing with the unexpected crisis in Europe.

Biden shared his predecessor Donald Trump’s assumptions that China was the principal challenge and Russia was less of a threat. That is one of the reasons Biden chose to meet Putin in June 2021 to offer prospects for a reasonable relationship with Russia in order to devote US energies to the China question. But Putin’s calculations led him in the other direction — towards a deeper strategic partnership with China. Putin and the Chinese leader Xi Jinping announced a partnership “without limits” and “no forbidden areas” just days before Russia invaded Ukraine.

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But America’s assessment of the Russian and Chinese threats has not changed since the war began in Ukraine. As the Director of the US Central Intelligence Agency, Bill Burns told the Financial Times the other day, Xi’s China was the “biggest geopolitical challenge we face over the long-term as a country”, even though the threat from Putin’s Russia could not be underestimated. “(Putin) demonstrates in a very disturbing way that declining powers can be at least as disruptive as the rising ones,” Burns said.

Contrary to the initial assumptions that America is on the retreat and the West is in disarray, it is Moscow and Beijing that are on the defensive as the war in Ukraine completes three months. The idea that China will gain from the Russian war in Ukraine has also proven to be false. If Putin is locked in a military conflict that he can neither win nor withdraw from, Xi has tied himself to the fading star, Putin. Expectations that Russia’s triumph in Ukraine will be followed by a successful Chinese invasion of Taiwan have begun to dissipate. If the annexation of Taiwan must wait, Xi Jinping must also cope with the continuing pressures from the US on a range of issues — economic, political, and diplomatic.

This week’s summit level engagement with the ASEAN comes after sustained high-level US outreach to the region since the Biden Administration took charge. While it was widely assumed that South East Asia was “lost” to Chinese dominance, Biden has said, “not so fast”.

In northeast Asia, the election of Yoon Suk-yeol as the president of South Korea — he will be sworn in this week — has tilted the scales slightly towards the US in the continuing battle for influence between Beijing and Washington. The US is also actively trying to reduce the differences between its two treaty allies in the region — South Korea and Japan.

Biden’s trip to Seoul and Tokyo later this month is about consolidating the bilateral alliances with South Korea and Japan. The Tokyo summit of the Quad leaders — the third in barely 15 months — is about making the forum a critical element in the regional security architecture as well as boosting strategic ties with India.

Last year, it seemed China’s advance in the east was unstoppable and the American retrenchment was inevitable. Now the US is clawing back into the region. There have been setbacks to the US too: For example, the security pact between China and the Solomon Islands could lead to the PLA’s permanent military presence in the South Pacific. But, Washington is signaling that it is here to stay and ready to wrestle with multiple challenges in the region.
Meanwhile, China is reeling under self-inflicted problems, most notably Xi Jinping’s zero Covid strategy and his crackdown on the large internet companies. Beijing’s prospects look a lot less rosy than before as the Chinese economy slows down and XI’s foreign policy turns out to be quite costly for China. That leads to the second part of Biden’s answer to the question of dealing with the Russian and Chinese challenges at the same time.

Biden’s lemma to the theorem on a two-front strategy is a simple one — that Washington will address the simultaneous challenge in Europe and Asia not by acting alone but in coordination with allies and partners. Quite early on in the Biden Administration’s tenure, national security adviser, Jake Sullivan emphasised the core principle of Biden’s strategy — “building a latticework of alliances and partnerships” around the world.

The idea was rooted in the recognition that alliances and partnerships are America’s greatest strength and most important advantage over Russia and China. If Trump trashed US alliances as a political and fiscal burden, Biden has focused on empowering allies to achieve its broader strategic objectives.

Both Putin and Xi might have convinced themselves that the US alliances are falling apart amidst the deeper crisis within the West. But the Russian invasion of Ukraine has reinvigorated NATO and the Western alliance across the Atlantic. In Asia, China’s muscular approach to disputes with its neighbours has helped strengthen the US alliances, create new forums like the AUKUS, elevate old ones like the Quad to a higher level, and consolidate the strategic conception of the Indo-Pacific. Besides Britain, the US has also drawn Europe into making commitments for the Indo-Pacific that have endured despite the war in Ukraine.

Until recently, China was heaping scorn on the Quad and Indo-Pacific. Today, it is painting them as the greatest threat to regional and global security. China has no one to blame but its own hubris. Asia’s new coalitions are a response to Xi Jinping’s unilateralism and his quest for regional hegemony. India’s enthusiasm for the Quad can be directly correlated to Xi’s military coercion on the disputed frontiers with India. If Xi does not like the Quad or other “small cliques”, he could simply return to a peaceful resolution of territorial disputes and restore normal ties with neighbours. That would at once take away the source of resurgent Asian alliances.

The two parts of Biden’s answer to the Europe-Asia or Russia-China question have worked well for India. For one, the US’s emphasis on the long-term challenge from China has meant that Washington is willing to cut some political slack for Delhi on the Russian question. This gives India time to diversify its defence ties that have been heavily dependent on Russia. The US emphasis on partnerships rather than unilateralism in dealing with the China challenge means India’s agency in the region can only grow. The Quad allows Delhi to carve out a larger role for itself in Asia and the Indo-Pacific in collaboration with the US and its allies.

The writer is senior fellow, Asia Society Policy Institute, Delhi and contributing editor on international affairs for The Indian Express

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India has maintained an independent foreign policy in defense purchases, including its decision to buy the S400 missile defense system from Russia, despite the threat of US CAATSA sanctions.

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Content: Home » News » World » The World Outside: The Ukraine Crisis is Closer Home for India than You Think

The World Outside: The Ukraine Crisis is Closer Home for India than You Think

A Ukrainian service member stands in a trench on the front line near the village of Zaitseve in the Donetsk region, Ukraine (Image: Reuters)

With an increased tussle between India’s comprehensive strategic partner, the US, and special and privileged strategic partner, Russia, articulating on the Ukraine crisis will certainly be a tightrope walk.

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Maha Siddiqui| CNN-News18
Updated: January 29, 2022, 00:11 IST

The brewing crisis in Eastern Europe may impact India in more ways than one even as New Delhi has tried hard to maintain a distance from the Ukraine issue. On Thursday, New Delhi’s purchase of the S400 missile defence system from Moscow though came under the scanner yet again and this time worryingly in the context of US-Russia tension over Ukraine.

To a question regarding how the United States-India bilateral relations could be impacted due to this deal and possibility of CAATSA sanctions, US state department spokesperson Ned Price said, “I think it shines a spotlight on the destabilising role that Russia is playing not only in the region, but potentially beyond as well. When it comes to CAATSA sanctions, you’ve heard me say before we haven’t made a determination with regard to this transaction, but it’s something we continue to discuss with the Government of India, given the risk of sanctions for this particular transaction under CAATSA. Whether it is India, whether it is any other country, we continue to urge all countries to avoid major new transactions for Russian weapon systems."

CAATSA stands for Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act. The law came into force in 2017 under the-then President Donald Trump to penalise Iran, Russia and North Korea. The US continues to say that sanctions under CAATSA are for adversaries and not meant to punish allies and partners. But when Turkey, a NATO ally, sealed its S400 deal with Russia, the US imposed CAATSA sanctions against it in December 2020. The state department statement said the sanctions were imposed “for knowingly engaging in a significant transaction with Rosoboronexport, Russia’s main arms export entity, by procuring the S-400 surface-to-air missile system". This even as the statement acknowledged that “Turkey is a valued ally and an important regional security partner for the United States".

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Despite a threat of sanctions, India has stood its ground on the issue of S400 purchase. In fact, the first deliveries started at the end of last year. In 2019, as external affairs minister S Jaishankar held a press briefing with his then counterpart Mike Pompeo in New Delhi, he responded to a question by CNN-News18 about the threat of CAATSA sanctions due to the deal. Jaishankar said India has “many relationships with many countries. Many of them are of some standing, they have a history. So I think we will do what is in our national interest, and again, part of that strategic partnership is the ability of each country to comprehend and appreciate the national interest of the other."

After Ned Price’s statement on Thursday, the MEA maintained the same line. Ministry of external affairs spokesperson Arindam Bagchi said that India maintains an independent foreign policy, which is also reflected in the defence purchases. All such engagements are in line with India’s national interest and security, he said

However, with an increased tussle between India’s comprehensive strategic partner, the US, and special and privileged strategic partner, Russia, articulating on the Ukraine crisis will certainly be a tightrope walk. For now, the MEA spokesperson has said, “We have been closely following the developments relating to Ukraine including ongoing high-level discussions between Russia and the US. Our Embassy in Kyiv is also monitoring local developments. We call for a peaceful resolution of the situation through sustained diplomatic efforts for long term peace and stability in the region and beyond."

Meanwhile, for the first time in seven years, Brent prices surged to $90 a barrel on Thursday. This was primarily due to the escalating Ukraine crisis and also the tension in West Asia between the Houthis and the UAE due to its involvement in Yemen along with Saudi-led coalition forces. The prices could scale upwards due to possible supply chain disruptions in both these regions. The US, Russia and Saudi Arabia are the top three oil-producing countries of the world.

For Indians who had been battling domestic fuel price rise last year, this comes as bad news. The high fuel price that had started burning a hole in the pocket of middle-class India was revised downwards only in November last year. The question is if crude prices continue to rise or fluctuate, will the Centre and States go back to higher taxes? Could it also impact the Budget calculations which will be presented in Parliament next week?

All eyes will be on the February 2 meeting of OPEC+ which includes the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries and allies led by Russia.

News18.com has learnt that at the official level, the EU has been exchanging its view over the Ukraine crisis with India. Ukraine is the second-largest Eastern European country in size and India was one of the first countries to recognise it. The Government of India recognised the Republic of Ukraine as a sovereign country in December 1991 and established diplomatic relations in January 1992. Ukraine opened its Mission in Delhi in February 1993, its first in Asia.

As per the MEA website, there are about 18,000 Indian students studying in Ukraine, mainly in the field of medicine. Indian business professionals work predominantly in the fields of pharmaceuticals, IT, engineering, medicine and education. In case of heightened tension, the safe repatriation of Indians also becomes a crucial matter to deal with. The US has already evacuated its diplomats from Kiev earlier this week.

For India, there is much at stake even though it may not be too obvious and while we could be lulling ourselves into a false sense of safety of physical distance from the crisis.

Read all the Latest News, Breaking News and Coronavirus News here.

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first published: January 28, 2022, 23:57 IST

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The India-Russia defense partnership is being tested by US CAATSA sanctions, but the two countries are likely to continue their cooperation.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India and Russia have a long-standing friendship treaty, with Russia being India's largest weapons supplier, and India buying 70-80% of its military equipment from Russia.

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Lines are being drawn in the battle between democracy and autocracy. Is the Quad up to the task?

By Stan Grant
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abc.net.au/news/the-quad-facing-challenges-from-china-russia/100817090

During one of numerous tense exchanges, legendary US Secretary of State John Foster Dulles asked Indian Prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru, "Are you for or against America?"

Nehru replied: "Yes".

It is likely an apocryphal story from another time — the 1950s and in the midst of the Cold War — but it carries a lesson for today as the world enters Cold War 2.0 and tries to contain growing Chinese power.

Again India is a central player and yet India remains an enigmatic partner in peace. India may side with like-minded democracies but it also has a history of non-alignment. It will, as all countries do, pursue its own interests.

While Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison calls his Indian counterpart Narendra Modi a "great friend", Modi himself has told Vladimir Putin that Russia is a "unique" and "constant friend" to India.

Last year marked five decades of friendship since the signing of the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace.

The two countries cooperate on everything from vaccines, to space, to anti-terrorism, and trade. Russia is India's largest weapons supplier.

India has been quiet about Putin's military build-up on the Ukraine border. It has called for "quiet diplomacy" and last month abstained from a United Nations Security Council vote on Ukraine.

India walks a fine line, balancing its ties with Moscow and Washington's efforts to enlist New Delhi in the fight against rising authoritarianism.

The Quad's challenge

India's Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar is in Australia for the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad) — India, Japan, Australia and the US. The Quad meets at a critical time when the lines are being drawn in the big power battle between democracy and autocracy.

The Quad is a regional bloc to China's increasing power and assertiveness. That front is widening after China and Russia announced a new pact last week.

It represents a strong display of democratic unity and a reminder of the values these regional powers share in common, but it is also a reminder of how 20th century Cold War alliances don't meet the challenges and complexity of the 21st century.

India, as well as being close to Russia, is also a member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. It is the world's largest regional grouping, dwarfing the Quad. It covers 40 per cent of the world's population and a fifth of global GDP.

The Shanghai pact nations conduct shared military exercises and cooperate against external threats.

To add to the complexity, India and Japan have also explored their own trilateral grouping with Russia.

Japan also maintains good diplomatic relations with Iran, a country that has grown closer to China and Russia as a response to US-led sanctions.

When it comes to direct relations with China each Quad member has its own tensions, yet none has been frozen out like Australia. Beijing still talks to the US, Japan and India.

Is the Quad up to the task?

That's the big question. When seriously tested, would countries put their own interests first?

US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken clearly has a difficult task leading a coherent international response to China. The US is fighting on multiple fronts: confronting Russia, coordinating with NATO, while still fighting the war on terror.

There is often a lack of consistency and logic among Western and democratic countries.

Take France — It is a genuine world power: nuclear-armed, it has the sixth-largest defence budget in the world and the largest in Europe.

France is the seventh biggest economy in the world and is a permanent five member of the UN Security Council.

France is a Pacific power with eight thousand troops in the region, more than any country apart from the US. It has up to two million citizens here and controls territory.

Why is the Quad not a quintet? Why is France not at the table? Instead, it still feels insulted by the AUKUS submarine deal which reneged on a contract Australia had to buy French submarines.

Wounds between Paris and Canberra still have not healed. Yet the US knows how critical France is.

French President Emanuel Macron is shuttling between Moscow and Kiev trying to broker a peaceful resolution to a looming war.

How can a country be so important yet at the same time so apparently expendable or excluded?

Standing up to Russia and China requires the US-led democratic alliance to be much more coordinated and much more coherent.

Any hint of difference or disagreement is seen by Beijing and Moscow as weakness.

A serious test

The Quad, we are told, is designed to strengthen a so-called rules-based order. What it means is a liberal, democratic, Western-dominated order. It arose after World War II. The post-war institutions were controlled by the most powerful states.

It was in fact never global. It did not include the Soviet Union or China.

As political scientist Michael Barnett has put it: not a liberal world order but a world order for liberal states.

This is facing a serious test. China's economic strength and growing military might, and now its burgeoning alliance with Russia, comes at a time when America can no longer impose its power.

The pull out of Afghanistan and the return of the Taliban after two decades of war raised questions about America's resolve.

The Quad is only as strong as its strongest member: America.

Without a powerful and resolute US, more countries when asked "are you with or against America" may take a lead from Nehru and answer: "yes".

Stan Grant is the ABC's international affairs analyst and presents China Tonight on Monday at 9:35pm on ABC TV, Tuesday at 8pm on the ABC News Channel and on iview.

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Title:

Content: World Vision: Putin Lightning Meets Modi, Biden Is Helpless and How
December 09, 2021 00: 03
Eastern Network Television
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Three years later, Russian President Vladimir Putin visited India again and met with Prime Minister Modi in New Delhi to discuss defence, trade and the situation in Afghanistan.
In just a few hours, the two sides signed 28 agreements, including a 10-year military cooperation agreement and the S-400 anti-aircraft missile system, which the United States has repeatedly urged India not to purchase.
US President Joe Biden, who has been counting on India to coordinate efforts to contain China in the Asia-Pacific region, must feel helpless to see New Delhi ignore warnings and resemble the Kremlin.
Russia and India have always had close relations, but with the help of the United States, India actively cooperates with Washington's Indo-Pacific strategy, and the two sides continue to strengthen cooperation in the field of defense and security, which makes Russia very unpleasant.
In addition, Russia and India also have differences on Pakistan, Afghanistan, Iran and other issues.
At a time when Russian-Indian relations seem to be getting farther and farther away, Putin ’ s sudden lightning visit to India was his second foreign visit since the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, and he also praised India as a strong country and a friend who can stand the test of time.
The resourceful Putin, in addition to winning huge arms sales orders for India ’ s purchase of S-400 air defense systems and more than 600,000 assault rifles, is more important to appease the traditional ally, lest it fall to the West.
At present, Moscow is extremely unhappy with the crisis in Ukraine and the Belarus issue, and the West, led by the United States, at this time, it is vital to unite India and help break through the great pressure of the Western blockade.
For Modi, buying weapons from Russia is a normal operation.
This is because about 70 to 80% of the equipment of the three Indian armed forces is made in Russia and needs to be regularly replenished and upgraded, and the border conflict between India and China continues, which also provides a reason to buy weapons from Russia "self-insurance".
In addition, India has always had a big national ambition, of course, will not side to the United States as a "little brother", but India and Russia do not have a direct geographical conflict, but also have common interests in many international and regional affairs, naturally is a snap, in order to maximize their own interests.
On the eve of the "showdown" with Putin on the Ukraine issue, Biden was naturally uneasy to witness the alliance between Modi and his nemesis, ignoring his own sanctions warning, and high-pitched purchase of the S-400 air defense system.
However, India ’ s Indo-Pacific War in the United States has a slightly important position, so I believe that the White House ’ s cross-line approach to India will be one eye open, one eye closed, and for the time being eat their own people ’ s memory stick.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The India-Russia cooperation has been affected by the Ukraine conflict, with India refusing to condemn Russia's invasion and instead maintaining a neutral stance.

Title:

Content: Under pressure, will India abandon Russia?
Author: External Submission
Published: Updated:
Recently, Sameer Lalwani, a senior expert at the Asia Center of the American Institute of Peace, and Happymon Jacob, an associate professor of diplomacy and disarmament at Nehru University, wrote that in the short and medium term, the foundation of Russian-Indian relations is still very solid, and in the long term, Indian-Russian relations are on a long-term downward trend, from partnership to trading. "Change".
Following the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in February 2022, major democracies have come together to defend Ukraine by condemning Russia ’ s military actions.
But India did not join in, opting instead to abstain in a key UN vote and refusing to condemn its longtime partner, Russia.
Many countries expressed disappointment with India's stance on the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.
However, some observers believe that India has shown signs of considering a rupture with Russia, and India may change its previous neutral course. In September 2022, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in a conversation with Russian President Vladimir Putin that “today ’ s era is not an era of war ”, a phrase that seemed to warn Russia, as U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken called Modi ’ s stance“ significant. ”
American political scientist Happymon Jacob also wrote that the Indian government is weakening its “long-term partnership ” with Russia and is committed to closer cooperation with the United States.
Based on the interpretation of these events, India needs to strengthen its cooperation with the West and is alienating Russia.
However, the view that "India and Russia will part ways" is too "taken for granted" and does not reflect realistic possibilities.
It is true that in the context of Russia ’ s growing economic dependence on China and its provision of unreliable weapons to India, India should theoretically move away from Russia and promote diversification of partnerships, but this is not realistic or feasible.
The United States, the first Western country to win over India on a number of issues, turned a blind eye to the human rights dispute.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and US President Joe Biden at last year ’ s G20 summit. (Reuters)
In fact, India is not ready to give up the India-Russia partnership, and in November 2022, Indian Foreign Minister Sujishin visited Russia, stressing that the relationship between the two countries is “strong and stable. ”
For this reason, US policymakers still need to make policy plans around the reality of a lasting India-Russia relationship, but they should also make India realize that Russia is a burden; the United States cannot punish and sanction India because of the close India-Russia relationship.
Because for the United States, India can play a more prominent and more active role in the Indo-Pacific region.
The False Dawn
Analysts have concluded that India is trying to distance itself from Russia based on what Indian officials say, including Modi ’ s verbal confrontation with Putin in September 2022, a vote against Russia at the United Nations, and the cancellation of a multi-billion dollar Russian weapons procurement program (fighters and helicopters).
However, these developments do not mean that India has explicitly chosen to stay away from Russia.
The Washington Post called Modi ’ s September 2022 statement to Putin a “rebuke. ”
But in fact, Modi ’ s statement was not intended primarily to address the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, but to express concern about rising food and energy prices.
Several assessment reports issued in India have warned against over-reading Modi ’ s remarks, which are no different from the official position of India in the past that the war has inflicted great trauma on developing countries.
It is undeniable that India has indeed sided with the West in some of the UN ’ s procedural votes, such as allowing Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky to speak at the UN General Assembly in September 2022.
But in more substantive votes, such as the October 2022 vote on four regions of Russia ’ s military campaign in Ukraine, India abstained.
In addition, in early 2022, India cancelled several agreements to purchase Russian weapons (such as the MiG-29 fighter).
But the decision has little to do with the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and is more about promoting domestic arms production and supporting India ’ s “self-reliance ” program.
A few months before the Russian-Ukrainian conflict erupted, the Indian government had planned to cancel these deals, including the purchase of Boeing P-8I aircraft from the United States, in favor of domestically produced weapons.
But India will still buy major weapons such as S-400 air defense systems, stealth frigates and nuclear submarines from Russia, which means India will be tied to Russia for decades to come.
In fact, India cannot really break with Russia, because Russian-made weapons account for a large share of India ’ s arsenal, and Russia still plays a significant role in India ’ s geopolitical considerations, so most of India ’ s political elite still prefer friendly Indian-Russian relations.
India can ’ t really break with Russia because Russian-made weapons make up the bulk of India ’ s arsenal and most of India ’ s political elite still prefer friendly India-Russia relations.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin.
(Reuters)
(2) Patience and persistence
India has long regarded Russia as a valued partner in its “multidirectional alliance ” strategy.
Within the framework of this strategy, India wants to maintain a constructive strategic partnership with several major powers at the same time, but refuses to form an exclusive alliance with any major powers.
India ’ s leaders believe that the “multidirectional alliance ” strategy is still valid today because Western analysts have misjudged Russia in several important ways.
The authors ’ study found that despite strong Western sanctions against Russia, Indian national security officials still believe in Russia ’ s endurance and durability.
They expect Europe to struggle under pressure from inflation and energy shortages, while Russia ’ s economy will be boosted by rising commodity prices.
After all, Indian companies are investing in Russian energy projects, such as oil and gas extraction projects in Sakhalin, Russia ’ s Far East.
In addition, India has doubled its investment in future India-Russia cooperation in defense technology research and development (including the development of the Brahmos cruise missile).
The leaders also believe that the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is likely to turn into a military stalemate that will culminate in a negotiated cease-fire and that Russia will eventually be allowed to reintegrate into the international community.
Indian policymakers also believe that Russia will remain an important geopolitical force that will help India.
India relies on Russia for missile technology, submarine nuclear reactors, and hypersonic weapons, and Russia can still provide diplomatic support to India in the United Nations Security Council, which can exert influence on India ’ s other continental neighbors.
In addition, with the Russian regime in turmoil, Indian officials want to be able to extract more benefits from their dealings with the Russian government, just as India did at the beginning of the collapse of the Soviet Union, when the two countries established the Brahmos Aerospace Joint Venture.
As India continues to maintain friendly relations with its old partner Russia, the West is hesitant to punish India.
Some observers believe that India will downplay the India-Russia relationship as Russia becomes closer to China and even more dependent on China.
But unlike Western officials, Indian officials do not believe that tough sanctions will force Russia into China ’ s arms, because there is no shortage of friction between China and Russia over Central Asia and the Arctic.
In the eyes of Indian policymakers, India can become a "wedge" between Russia and China, helping Russia retain some autonomy in Sino-Russian relations, and avoiding Russia becoming a "small follower" of China.
On September 15, 2022, Chinese President Xi Jinping held a bilateral meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin at the Samarkand State Guesthouse to exchange views on China-Russia relations and international and regional issues of common concern. (Xinhua)
Third, get on with it.
Much of the Indian military ’ s combat and strike equipment is dependent on Russia.
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict has limited and delayed India ’ s process of acquiring spare parts and equipment upgrades, thus creating a “supply shock ” to India ’ s main Russian-made weapons arsenal.
While India remains concerned about the performance of Russian-made weapons and Russia ’ s ability to provide spare parts, it has not taken any hard measures to curtail the use of Russian materials or to purchase substitutes to accelerate the diversification of military equipment imports.
All in all, India has no plans to achieve a rapid and comprehensive transformation of its Russian-made weapons systems by bringing in other foreign suppliers. After the border crises of 2019 and 2020, there has been some peace and stability in the border area, and Indian strategists believe that India should maintain a low level of operational readiness for the next few years, even if that means increased vulnerability.
In the short to medium term, India plans to keep up with its existing inventory, while at the same time sourcing from the secondary market for Russian components and relying more on domestic military equipment.
India will continue to work with Russia to meet outstanding delivery commitments and selectively sign contracts with the West to support the development of India ’ s indigenous defence industry.
In the long run, India wants to be largely self-sufficient in terms of defense needs and no longer rely on external suppliers.
While India aims to diversify its arsenal and become self-sufficient within the next 20 years, it still needs some key technical support from Russia.
Su-30 fighters will remain the backbone of the IAF for decades, but they cannot be maintained or upgraded without Russian technical support.
India ’ s most important defense export, the BrahMos anti-ship cruise missile, currently sold mainly to Southeast Asian countries to deter China, uses Russian propulsion technology.
As long as Russia is in control of key elements of India ’ s advanced weapons systems, especially fighter jets, cruise missiles and submarines, Russia has considerable influence over India.
Much of the Indian military ’ s combat and strike equipment is dependent on Russia.
Su-30 fighters will remain the backbone of the IAF for decades. (Getty)
The First Friend of India
In addition to the above material considerations, the common ideological orientation has also driven India and Russia to maintain friendly relations.
Both Indian and Russian officials support the “polycentric ” vision of a global order in which there is no single dominant hegemony and each major power maintains its own sphere of influence.
Both India and Russia believe that a “multicentre ” is more stable than an international order governed by one or two superpowers.
India ’ s political elite also maintains a “sense of closeness ” to Russia, which stems from India ’ s decades-long tradition of cooperation with the former Soviet Union.
Two months after the conflict broke out, Yoga Jyotsna, an Indian scholar, said that “Russia is India ’ s number one friend in the eyes of the military and people of insight. ”
According to Rajeswari Rajagopalan, another Indian scholar,
Strategic sympathy for Soviet Russia was widespread not only among Indian politicians, but also among the general Indian population.
This is because Russia ’ s historical support and assistance to India has been “romanticized. ”
Although Indian diplomatic agencies have not helped Russia in its defense, national security officials believe that multiple actors, including NATO, should be held responsible for the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, and not all blame should be placed on the Russian side.
A September 2022 survey of more than 1,000 Indian adults found that Indians believe the West and Russia are equally responsible for the Russia-Ukraine conflict. (Reuters)
The Indian public is also sympathetic to Russia. A July 2022 poll found that a majority of Indians refuse to describe Russia ’ s military actions in Ukraine as “wrong. ” A September 2022 survey of more than 1,000 Indian adults found that Indians believe that the West and Russia are equally responsible for the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and most Indians do not believe that a Russian victory will make the world more dangerous.
Public attitudes in India are not only very different from those in Europe, Australia and Japan, but also in emerging countries such as Brazil and South Africa.
Read the second half of the article.
This article was first published in the South Asia Research Newsletter. It only represents the author 's opinion and does not represent Hong Kong' s position.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

The US has warned India of the consequences of breaching Russia sanctions, but has also refrained from sanctioning India for buying Russian weapons.

Title:

Content: India's strategic autonomy is paying dividends

New Delhi is keeping its distance from the principles of Cold War 2.0 and seeking advantage from diverse relationships

Photo: Reuters

By Sushanta Mallick and Brigitte Granville

Published: Sun 14 Aug 2022, 9:41 PM

Last updated: Sun 14 Aug 2022, 9:50 PM

If there was a prize for the most quotable comment on international relations so far in 2022, Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar would be in the running. Responding to criticism of his country’s neutral stance on the Russia-Ukraine war at a security forum in Slovakia in June, Jaishankar said that “Europe has to grow out of the mindset that Europe’s problems are the world’s problems, but the world’s problems are not Europe’s problems.”

Like most major crises, the war is shedding stark light on our era, and India’s response to it is particularly illuminating. India’s current foreign policy does more than just exemplify how the conflict has intensified deglobalization trends. It also highlights the paradox inherent in the country’s increasing emphasis on “strategic autonomy” as the world fragments into rival power centers: the United States and its alliance system versus China and Russia. The essence of this paradox is that India’s quest for self-reliance – keeping its distance from the principles of Cold War 2.0 and seeking advantage from diverse relationships – entails multidimensional international engagement.

For example, European politicians painfully weaning their countries off imported Russian energy have criticized India for buying more Russian oil – after Western sanctions reduced its price by about a third relative to the world market price. Indian purchases of Russian crude increased to 1.1 million barrels per day (mbpd) by late July and now account for over one-fifth of Indian oil consumption, compared to just 2% last year.

The standard official Indian response is that, despite Europe’s extensive sanctions, the continent’s energy trade with Russia still dwarfs India’s. More tellingly, however, India’s purchases of discounted Russian oil are not only cushioning the blow to itself as an energy-importing country, but also helping to prevent even more economic pain for Europe. If the 4.3 mbpd of crude oil that Russia sold to the West last year (or six mbpd including oil products) had no alternative markets like India, the world oil price would be even higher.

Recognizing the importance of keeping Russian oil on the market, the G7 has now come up with an alternative sanctions strategy that could present India with its next big test. The West’s Plan A was to combine, by the end of 2022, a partial embargo on direct imports of Russian oil with an attempt to choke off Russian oil exports to third countries by leveraging Western (and especially British) dominance of the global marine insurance market.

Plan B is the so-called “price cap” mechanism. This would allow Russia to continue exporting oil but set a maximum price just sufficient to cover its production costs, thereby depriving the Russian state of any war-financing rent.

When the price cap scheme was first officially aired at the G7 summit in June, several leaders, notably German Chancellor Olaf Scholz, publicly questioned its viability – especially regarding compliance by third-party buyers of Russian oil. Even if Russia agreed to the cap, who would get access to its deeply discounted oil, and who would pay the full market rate? Russia would be much more likely simply to reduce output, hoping to offset its losses with the resulting further price surge for whatever residual oil exports evaded the Western insurance net.

Either way, India will be in a pivotal position. While Russia’s opaque oil sales to China will continue regardless, India can look forward to various arbitrage opportunities. It will continue importing substantial quantities of Russian oil at ever cheaper prices. And in the event that such imports weakened Western measures to squeeze Russia’s oil rents, the US would be unlikely to threaten – much less impose – secondary sanctions on India.

After all, successive US administrations – under Presidents Donald Trump and Joe Biden – have refrained from using their legal powers under existing legislation to place secondary sanctions on India for continuing to buy Russian weapons. The reason for this is clear: A closer security partnership with India has become a vital part of America’s China policy. Specifically, the Quad – an informal security grouping comprising the US, Japan, Australia, and India – has emerged as a cornerstone of US Indo-Pacific strategy, and would not survive the US sanctioning one of its members.

Of course, the US-India security relationship is mutual, given tensions with China on the Himalayan Line of Actual Control – as the deadly June 2020 border skirmish showed. India has an interest in keeping Russia close and not allowing a monolithic and estranged Russia-China Eurasian axis to loom over the Indian subcontinent.

India is playing this multifaceted game adroitly. In defense procurement, it has acquired advanced Russian S-400 air-defense systems and agreed to extend until 2031 the licensed local production of Russian weapons. But it has also increased arms purchases from NATO members, notably France.

Moreover, India has ample options for managing broader US sensitivities vis-à-vis Russia. For example, Russia urgently needs to replace industrial inputs that it previously imported from the West. This could provide further opportunities for Indian exports, which are already a third higher than their pre-pandemic level, owing in part to the government’s Atmanirbhar Bharat (“self-reliant India”) stimulus program for manufacturing. Increased Indian pharmaceutical and automotive exports to Russia need not involve military support of the kind that has already led the US to sanction various Chinese electronics manufacturers, as announced on June 28.

India’s relations with Russia are part of its nuanced and multidimensional foreign policy. This approach means that the upcoming 75th anniversary of Indian independence will coincide with the country achieving significant – and advantageous – geopolitical autonomy.

More news from World

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The India-Russia partnership is likely to continue to be an important factor in the regional security dynamics of South Asia, particularly in the context of India's rivalry with China.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The partnership has been driven by a range of factors, including India's dependence on Russian defense equipment and Russia's desire to maintain its influence in the region.

Title:

Content: Skip to Content

India unsure of Russian arms to meet China, Pakistan threats

By ASHOK SHARMA
Associated Press

NEW DELHI (AP) — India is bracing for a disruption in Russian arms supplies following Moscow’s invasion of Ukraine, and Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s tightrope walk between Moscow and Washington could become more difficult due to a border standoff with China. Up to 60% of Indian defense equipment comes from Russia. Modi has so far avoided voting against Russia at the United Nations or criticizing Russian President Vladimir Putin for invading Ukraine. Beijing could pressure Moscow to downgrade its ties with India. President Joe Biden has publicly spoken about unresolved differences with India over the Ukraine issue, but he is building ties with New Delhi under the Indo-Pacific security alliance known as “the Quad” that also includes Japan and Australia.

Associated Press

Skip to content

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

However, the relationship is also subject to a range of challenges, including the impact of Western sanctions on Russia and China's growing influence in the region.

Overall, the India-Russia partnership is a complex and multifaceted relationship that has significant implications for the regional security dynamics of South Asia.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

The India-Russia relationship has been influenced by India's rivalry with China, with both nations seeking to counterbalance China's growing influence in the region.

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Russia has supported India in multilateral fora like the UN and SCO, and has provided military aid to India during the Indo-Chinese conflict.

Title:

Content: India Latest Stories Op - eds

Centre of Russian and Western tug of war, India honing non-alignment diplomatic skills

Diplomats rushing to New Delhi: There was exceptional diplomatic traffic in March end as Foreign Ministers of Russia, Mexico and China, UK’s foreign secretary, US deputy national security advisor and Netherland’s security advisor rushed to New Delhi. Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida had visited earlier. Leaders across the world have India on their minds, hence converging on India. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has triggered sharp polarization between two major blocs—America, Western allies and the Indo-Pacific on one side; and Russia and China on the other.

India, America, Quad and the West: India-US ties have developed in recent years. The US, Japan, Australia, and India have formed the Quad grouping to counter an imperialist China. Trade volume with the US and its allies has increased. These trade ties, plus Japan’s recently announced investments are vital for India. India has strategic convergence with the US, other Quad countries and some western nations on Chinese aggression. But can India trust America?

India-(Soviet) Russia ties: India has longstanding military ties with Russia as the world’s largest buyer of Russian weapons. It procures 50-80% of its military requirement from Russia. India-USSR Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation, 1971 ensured India’s security for decades. During India-Pakistan war America backed Pakistan, sent Seventh naval fleet into the Bay of Bengal, and the UK sent aircraft carrier HMS Eagle to the Arabian Sea to browbeat India. Russia sent its naval forces to the Indian Ocean in India’s support. Diplomatically, the USSR vetoed all UN resolutions against India—the 1957 US-UK-Australia-Cuba joint-resolution for deployment of peacekeeping forces in Kashmir; Portugal resolution against India during Goa Liberation in 1961 and many more anti-India resolutions. The lone negative USSR vote prevented internationalization of Kashmir. Geographically, India relies on Russia to counter the threat from China and Pakistan.

Russia supports India in multilateral fora like the U.N. (for the UNSC membership and vetoes supporting Indian interests), Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), BRICS (Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa), and Russia-India-China (RIC) trilateral. India needs Russia for defense and strategic purposes, and a rupee-ruble platform for oil import, hence can’t be overtly anti-Russia. Russia wants that even if India does not support invasion of Ukraine, it should tread the middle-ground path and continue trading with it. The US and the Western bloc are irritated that India is not publicly criticizing Russia.

Switching from American SWIFT to Russia’s SPFS: American sanctions cut-off several Russian banks from SWIFT payment system. Helpless Russia enforced Rouble payments through messaging system SPFS for defence, oil and gas transactions. India is buying Russian oil crude braving mounting international pressure. A rupee- ruble-denominated payment system benefits both India and Russia amidst America-Australia condemnation that circumvention undermines the sanctions.

Rationale for India’s non-aligned policy: Ukraine conflict showcases India’s NAM 2.0. India was co-founder of Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) in 1961 for independence in thought and action from Cold war blocs and following the same policy over Ukraine. The West misinterprets India’s neutral stance as Russia-centric, hence irked and unhappy. America initially condemned but now threatens India of “consequences” and mulls sanctions under CAATSA over the S-400 deal with Russia. India’s non-alignment is on test.  America says Russia won’t defend India against Chinese violation at LAC.

America and Britain urge India for a pro-Ukraine role in the conflict. India’s non-alignment thus gets traction from several directions by global powers. America won’t sanction India— a partner in QUAD to balance out China, a huge market, a destination for American investment and American exports—to face huge financial costs. Indian diaspora can dent politically. Australia divulged that QUAD understands Indian position on Russia and has accepted the same. India’s neutral position on a safe diplomatic pedestal protects its own national interests. The world needs India more so than ever, as much as India needs the world.

India’s delicate balancing act: Deftly balancing the diverging interests of the West, Russia and its own, India abstained from Ukraine-related resolutions moved by the West and Russia, reflecting nonaligned, geographical, security and economic compulsions. Russian vetoes have saved India, hence India has not gone against Russia for neutrality. India staying in touch with Russia is beneficial for humanity.

India the center of global wartime diplomacy: Global leaders rushing to Delhi makes India the center of global wartime diplomacy. Foreign dignitaries are unbalanced with completely divergent agenda. For present Eurasian politics has diverted world’s attention from the ever-volatile Indo-Pacific. India supplied humanitarian assistance to Ukraine, and reaching out to world leaders – Russian, Ukrainian, and European Council, Polish, and French Presidents— for dialogue, peaceful resolution, and immediate ceasefire.

Pragmatic India prefers not to be on the wrong side of Russia than being on the “right side of history. India’s silent diplomacy is navigating the conflict with phenomenal dexterity—expressing veiled concern for Russian invasion and maintaining an important strategic and security relationship.

India abstained from the UNSC Resolution criticizing the invasion, citing ‘legitimate security interests’ of Russia and respecting the ‘sovereignty and territorial integrity of states’ of Ukraine. Both Russia and Ukraine have appealed to India for mediation. Defusing the crisis will benefit humanity. Let’s try to win the Ukraine war without moving a soldier, a ship or an airplane.

By Himanshu Sharma, Editor

Twitter : @Himansh

Email : info@newdelhitimes.com

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Title:

Content: Why does Russia have an alliance with India?
Russian defense and foreign ministers Sergei Shoigu and Sergei Lavrov arrived in India this morning, followed by President Vladimir Putin.
Why do Moscow need these visits and an alliance with New Delhi in general?
Before independence, India was a British colony.
After World War II, when the Cold War broke out between the USSR and the United States, India opted for neutrality.
Along with Egypt and Cuba, it joined the Non-Aligned Movement.
At the same time, relations with the USSR among the Hindus were quite close.
Suffice it to say that the Soviet Union provided significant military assistance to India under Khrushchev during the Indo-Chinese conflict – despite the fact that China was a communist country and Moscow ’ s ally in the Cold War.
In the same 60s, Moscow supported New Delhi in a dispute with Pakistan over Kashmir.
Moreover, it was with the participation of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers Kosygin that the Second Indo-Pakistani War was stopped.
On January 10, 1966, the declaration on the cessation of hostilities was signed in Tashkent.
Today, India is trying to follow the same course of non-alignment.
However, as then, geopolitical realities – the ongoing rivalry with China and Pakistan – are forcing Hindus to look for strong allies.
In this sense, India has a small choice: the United States, the European Union and Russia.
Europe could be a support, but traditionally tries not to get involved in the battle of the Titans.
Even in the U.S.-Russia standoff, Europeans are calling for a lessening of passions, and by the way, they recently challenged U.S. intelligence findings about an alleged Russian invasion.
The EU has close economic ties with China, plus the EU is a very heterogeneous structure.
France is now resentful of the Anglo-Saxons because of the anti-Chinese AUKUS, and Germany is very modest in foreign policy.
As for the US itself, this would be a very convenient option for India.
The United States is now actively opposing China, both economically and through military alliances.
India participates in the QUAD alliance and, together with the United States, Japan and Australia, conducts naval exercises in the Indian Ocean.
The last of them, in October, became the largest in 40 years.
Only the whole snag of the alliance with Washington for New Delhi is that the Americans demand complete submission.
The United States literally forbids India to buy S-400 air defense systems from Russia, threatens it with sanctions, as it was with Turkey.
In such a situation, Russia is, if not the only, then at least a unique partner for India.
Yes, unlike the United States, it will not oppose China, but at the same time, Russia sells India weapons that help maintain the balance of power in Asia.
We are also taking steps to reduce escalation.
For example, it is thanks to Russian efforts that India and China are now full members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.
Is it possible to imagine joint military exercises between the Hindus and the Chinese under the auspices of the Pentagon?
Of course not.
But almost such exercises took place this year: in September, 200 Indian military personnel, as well as Chinese and Pakistani observers, participated in the Russian-Belarusian Zapad-2021 maneuvers.
In addition, Russia is trying to bring China and India closer economically.
Within the framework of the BRICS format, there is a joint pool of reserve currencies that helps strengthen the financial sovereignty of the five countries.
In short, Russia is strengthening India ’ s defenses and working to reduce its conflict with China.
Separately, it is also worth mentioning the North-South project, which leads from Russia to India and vice versa, which will strengthen trade opportunities and macro-regional importance of both countries.
Thus, today ’ s visit of Putin, Lavrov and Shoigu to India is extremely important.
Relations with India need to be strengthened.
This increases our role in Asia, strengthens our cards to the United States and, in the good sense of the word, allows us to balance a growing China.
After all, an alliance with India is good money.
For 30 years on the supply of aircraft, tanks and "Kalashnikovs" the Russian budget was replenished by $60 billion.
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

The US has been trying to contain China in the Asia-Pacific region, and has been relying on India to play a key role in this effort, with India being a critical element in the regional security architecture.

The India-Russia cooperation has significant implications for the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region, and will likely continue to be an important factor in shaping the region's security dynamics.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The potential consequences of the India-Russia cooperation for the US, China, and other regional actors are significant, with the US seeing China as the "biggest geopolitical challenge" and seeking to balance China in Asia and Russia in Europe.

The India-Russia cooperation has also led to increased tensions between India and China, with China's advance in the east being seen as a threat by India, and India seeking to counter China's influence through its partnership with Russia.

Title:

Content: Reviving Russia ’ s Role in the Indo-Pacific
Raj Kumar Sharma
Fifty years ago, India and the former Soviet Union signed the Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation on 9 August 1971.
In addition to changing the characteristics of South Asian and world politics, the treaty can also be seen as a harbinger of this idea.
From the Indo-Pacific region between India and Russia.
Despite disagreements over this concept these days, it is easy to forget that India-Russia cooperation in the Indo-Pacific and Eurasia preceded India ’ s engagement with most other major powers.
1971 is known for another reason: China decided to abandon its ideological mentor, the Soviet Union, and allied itself with the United States to balance the Soviet Union.
Thus, India faced security threats from Pakistan ’ s allies – the United States and China – during the Indo-Pakistani War in 1971.
However, when the Indo-Pakistani War broke out in December 1971 and US naval forces attempted to threaten India ’ s security, the Soviet Union sent a nuclear-armed fleet from the Pacific Fleet stationed in Vladivostok to support India – this could be considered the beginning of the Indo-Pacific concept between India and Russia.
To silence China, the Soviet Union moved 40 military divisions to the Xinjiang border with China and 7 divisions to the Manchuria border.
These events 50 years ago showed that cooperation between India and Russia (the two Eurasian and Pacific powers) was an important component of the Indo-Pacific region long before the US supported the idea of the Indo-Pacific region.
However, geopolitics has now changed as the US now sees India as a partner in its fight against China.
On the other hand, Beijing has partnered with Moscow to challenge Washington.
Russia has expressed some doubts about the Indo-Pacific region.
First, the Indo-Pacific region is perceived by Russia as American, so Moscow completely rejects it.
However, the Asia-Pacific region that preceded the Indo-Pacific region was also an American construction that Russia adopted.
At the governmental level, Russia continues to oppose the Indo-Pacific region, but academia, think tanks, and even the media are starting to get involved in the idea, debates, discussions, seminars, and conferences on the subject.
From time to time, India assured Russia that New Delhi ’ s rapprochement with Washington would not come at Moscow ’ s expense.
In contrast to the United States ’ understanding of the concept of “free and open ” in the Indo-Pacific region, India has always indicated that it is interested in“ free, open and inclusive ” in the Indo-Pacific region, an understanding that reflects India ’ s desire for Russia.
be an active player in the region.
In fact, India has tried to link Russia with its Indo-Pacific initiatives so that the latter would look like an independent pole outside of China ’ s shadow, which has given the nature of the Indo-Pacific region a multipolarity.
These initiatives include the Chennai-Vladivostok sea route and efforts by India and Japan to invest in Russia ’ s Far East.
These initiatives are part of India ’ s policy in the Far East to reach the Asian part of Russia.
It is important to emphasize here that people-to-people contacts have been a key area of success in India ’ s relationship with the United States.
However, in relations between India and Russia, the situation is different.
As Russia has concerns about Chinese immigration to the Far East, state-facilitated immigration of Indian labor to Russia could bring political and economic benefits to both sides.
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From India ’ s perspective, the Indo-Pacific region is similar to the Great Russian-Eurasian Partnership aimed at avoiding Chinese domination of Eurasia.
This policy contains elements of cooperation as well as competition with China.
Faced with China ’ s advancement through the Silk Road Economic Belt in Russia ’ s sphere of influence in Eurasia, Russia has agreed to align its own initiative, the Eurasian Economic Union, with China ’ s Belt and Road Initiative, though there are more contradictions than similarities in these efforts.
Similarly, the Indo-Pacific region is India ’ s attempt to protect its neighbors from China ’ s assertive behavior.
Russia has the opportunity to cooperate with India in shaping the emerging order in the Indo-Pacific region, which can be done with historical trust between the two sides.
India pays more attention to the Indian Ocean, while the United States and its allies favor the Pacific, highlighting another difference in the Indo-American conceptual understanding of the Indo-Pacific.
India is not yet a major military power in the Pacific, but helping its naval forces achieve this goal will also help Russia meet China ’ s challenge to its dominance in the Arctic.
China defines itself as “close to the Arctic country, ” although it does not have a coastline in the Arctic.
Within the framework of the Polar Silk Road, China ’ s activity in the Arctic will increase in the coming years.
Even Chinese strategists have argued that whoever controls the Arctic sea route will control the global economy, and China should play an active role in this area.
Consequently, the Indo-Pacific region is an idea that can add value to Russian diplomacy in various regions, including the Asia-Pacific region and the Arctic.
After all, the Russian worldview is manifested in the symbol of the coat of arms, where the two-headed eagle looks simultaneously at the West and East.
Traditionally, Russian elites considered their country European, but it also has an Asia-Pacific character.
These elites, based in Moscow, which has been the traditional center of power in Russia, can compete with others who want Russia to be more active in the Pacific through its base in Vladivostok.
The Indo-Pacific region is not just the United States, and Russia ’ s worldview is likely to be incomplete without considering the Indo-Pacific region, where there is a potential risk of making it dependent on China.
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The author is a researcher at the Bharat Al Kindi Center.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The US has been trying to address the simultaneous challenges in Europe and Asia with its allies and partners, including India, with the Quad leaders' forum being a critical element in the regional security architecture.

Overall, the India-Russia cooperation has significant implications for the regional security dynamics of South Asia, and will likely continue to be an important factor in shaping the region's security dynamics.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?