Javier Milei, Argentina's new president, has introduced economic reforms to restructure the country, seeking US investment and potentially causing short-term pain to resolve the crisis.

Milei's policies include abolishing ministries, dollarizing the economy, and adopting Austrian School economics, which may increase economic freedom but also inequality.

He plans to replace Argentina's currency with the US dollar, which would require congressional approval and may complicate domestic monetary policy.

Argentina needs $35-50 billion to adopt the US dollar, and Milei's plan may take two years to reduce inflation, causing prolonged economic uncertainty.

Milei's economic reforms, including subsidy cuts, may spark inflation, unrest, and opposition.

Milei's policies face opposition and may be hard to pass due to his coalition's limited Congressional representation.

Argentina's 150% inflation rate and 40% poverty rate make effective economic policies crucial, but Milei's policies risk exacerbating inflation and reducing household income through budget cuts.

Milei's economic policies, based on libertarian principles, aim to cut public spending, privatize state companies, and reduce fuel subsidies to decrease inflation.

Milei sent over 600 reform bills to Congress to accelerate economic reforms, aiming for a zero deficit by 2024.

Milei faces a US$44 billion IMF debt and an economic crisis with triple-digit inflation and a looming recession.

Milei, who won the election with 55% of the vote, proposes financial decentralization, advocates for Bitcoin as legal tender, and has a mandate for economic reforms, although the implementation timeline is unclear.

Milei's economic reforms include abolishing the central bank and dollarization, with significant implications for Argentina's governance and society.

Milei's policies may boost US investment, cut public spending, and reduce inflation, potentially benefiting Argentina's economy, small businesses, and entrepreneurship.

Javier Milei, Argentina's new president, has introduced economic reforms to restructure the country, seeking US investment and potentially causing short-term pain to resolve the crisis.

Title:

Content: BUENOS AIRES, Argentina — President Javier Milei of Argentina kicked off a visit Wednesday to the United States, where he'll meet with tech billionaire Elon Musk, as his government seeks an infusion of cash to overhaul Argentina's embattled economy.

The populist president started his four-day trip in Miami, home to one of the largest populations of Argentines in the U.S., where he received an honor from the Jewish community Wednesday at an Orthodox synagogue. Milei will meet with Musk on Friday in Texas, his spokesperson said, where he will also tour a factory for Tesla, Musk's electric car company.

Milei's third trip to the U.S. in merely four months as president comes as he reshapes Argentine foreign policy in line with Washington. Standing beside Gen. Laura Richardson, head of the U.S. Southern Command, at the southernmost tip of South America last week, Milei vowed to boost the nations' ''strategic alliance'' — underscoring how he sees U.S. support as vital to the economic overhaul on which he has staked his presidency.

''We took advantage to present a new foreign doctrine for Argentina,'' Milei wrote Wednesday on social media platform X of his meeting with Richardson. In the same post, apparently directed at Musk — a self-declared free speech absolutist — Milei said he promoted ''true freedom of expression'' and slammed journalists critical of his administration as trying to ''stop us from speaking."

''We are not going to remain silent in the face of slander, insult or defamation,'' he wrote.

Milei's plan to drastically cut public spending has inflicted economic pain and encountered resistance in a nation where annual inflation tops 276%. On Wednesday, police forcibly dispersed anti-government protestors blocking a main Buenos Aires artery.

Not only is the U.S. the biggest investor in Argentina, it also has the most influence over the International Monetary Fund, to which Argentina owes $42 billion. The IMF has endorsed Milei's shock therapy for Argentina, agreeing to disburse $4.7 billion from a bailout package the country took out six years ago.

The State Department's investment climate statement last year noted ''capital controls, trade restrictions, and price controls'' as factors hampering investors in Argentina. Milei has vowed to roll back those interventionist policies with market-oriented changes favored by business leaders, like Musk, one of the world's richest men who leads rocket company SpaceX, social media platform X and Tesla.

Milei and Musk — who both share a brash personality-driven style and distaste for government overreach — have expressed mutual admiration. Ahead of his inauguration last December, Milei praised Musk as an ''icon of freedom in the world." Musk gushed over Milei's speech lambasting socialism at the World Economic Forum in Davos, Switzerland, commenting ''So hot'' with a meme of a couple having sex while watching Milei speak.

With its vast lithium reserves, Argentina has much to offer Musk, a dominant player in the electric auto industry who has dubbed the metal, an indispensable ingredient in electric car batteries, "the new oil."

Milei's free-market policies have raised hopes in the U.S. that the metal and other badly needed raw materials can be extracted closer to the U.S., breaking China's dominance of the battery supply chain. The Biden administration said it was exploring investment opportunities in Argentine lithium earlier this year.

Title:

Content: Argentina sees the light with Maverick Javier Milei – Ivo Vegter

In a surprising turn, libertarian firebrand Javier Milei secured Argentina’s presidency after a second-round victory against his left-wing rival. Vowing to end decades of socialist mismanagement, Milei, an outspoken economist, faces challenges in implementing radical reforms, including abolishing ministries and dollarising the economy. While hailed as the world’s first libertarian president, Milei’s uphill battle involves legislative opposition and managing economic pain amid promises of a freer, market-oriented Argentina. Skepticism remains, awaiting the true impact of his ambitious plans in a nation grappling with deep-rooted economic struggles.

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Argentinians see the light

By Ivo Vegter*

It took a second round of voting, but the libertarian Javier Milei has defeated his Peronist rival to become president of Argentina.

A month ago, Javier Milei unexpectedly lost the first round of the Argentinian general election to his left-wing Peronist rival, Sergio Massa, after the latter had cynically promised zero taxes as a way to bribe voters.

In my column on the lessons South Africa could draw from that election, I said: ‘Let’s hope Argentinians see the light before Massa and Milei face off in the run-off election.’

Happily, they did see the light.

After decades of economic malaise under a government that for most of the last 30 years has been socialist, corrupt, wasteful and incompetent, leaving Argentina eighth from last in the Fraser Institute’s Economic Freedom of the World Report 2023, they elected Milei, a libertarian firebrand, in the biggest landslide since Juan Perón’s election in 1973.

Milei becomes the first libertarian president, not only of Argentina, but in the world. The closest precedent that comes to mind is that of Calvin Coolidge, the small-government conservative president during the Roaring Twenties in the US, but Milei is far more radical than that.

‘“oday the reconstruction of Argentina begins’, he said, after winning 56% of the vote in the head-to-head race. That was also his first lie as president-elect, since he doesn’t actually take office until 10 December, but we’ll let that slide.

Radical

To describe Milei as radical would be putting it mildly. He has described the country’s ruling elite as thieves and the government as ‘a criminal organisation’. He has promised to abolish ten of the government’s 18 ministries. He said he would do away with the central bank and dollarise the Argentinian economy.

‘The model of decadence has come to an end’, he told his supporters. ‘There’s no going back. We have monumental problems ahead. Inflation, lack of work, and poverty’.

Milei is an accomplished economist, and largely follows the Austrian School of individualist free-market economics. He has variously described himself as an anarcho-capitalist and a minarchist (an anarchist who accepts the legitimacy of a small government dedicated to protecting life, liberty and property).

He has been extraordinarily outspoken on the evils of socialism and statism, and how they turned Argentina from a once-wealthy world power into an over-indebted, poverty-stricken, underdeveloped basket case.

Mainstream media

The mainstream media, with its largely left-leaning bias, has compared Milei to former presidents Donald Trump of the US and Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil.

‘Argentina set for sharp right turn as Trump-like radical wins presidency’, trumpeted the Washington Post

‘Argentina Elects Javier Milei in Victory for Far Right’ was the headline in the New York Times, which added: ‘Argentina’s next president is a libertarian economist whose brash style and embrace of conspiracy theories has parallels with those of Donald J. Trump.’

The ‘embrace of conspiracy theories’ is a particularly vicious jab. Readers would have to follow a link to find an explanation, and it turns out that the Times only referred to Milei’s allegations of polling irregularities, which have not been tested.

It is entirely plausible that Argentina’s electoral system is less secure than that of the United States, and that the incumbents – who went as far as abolishing taxes in order to engineer a win – might have been involved in some electoral skulduggery.

Allegations of election fraud are very common on all sides of the political spectrum, and do not, in and of themselves, rise to the level of the debunked claims of Trump, and his attempt to derail the orderly election of his rival.

Authoritarians

More importantly, both Bolsonaro and Trump are alt-right populists. They are moral authoritarians – not liberals – and appeal to collectivist – not individualist – principles such as nationalism and protectionism. They have often, rightly, been described as fascist, which is just as antithetical to libertarians as is left-wing socialism.

That both former presidents expressed their support for Milei has a lot more to do with shared anti-socialist positions than any real congruence in their political philosophy.

Milei has himself rejected the right-wing label, and indeed, his classical liberalism (for which ‘libertarian’ in the American sense is a synonym) does not yield to a simplistic left-right analysis. Rather, it falls on the liberal end of an authoritarian-liberal scale, and on the progressive end of a conservative-progressive scale.

Sour-grape-ish

Milei does have some views that are questionable, or traditionally associated with the conservative right, such as his anti-abortion stance and his rejection of climate alarmism.

Neither define him, however, and both are issues on which libertarians can and do disagree.

By similar logic, Milei’s promise not to dismantle Argentina’s extensive social welfare programmes does not make him some sort of left-winger.

In focusing on incidental agreements between Milei and leaders like Trump and Bolsonaro, and ignoring the fundamental philosophical differences between the former’s individualist, free-market, small-government ideas and the authoritarianism, nationalism, populism and protectionism of the latter, the media does both Milei and their readers a great disservice.

That a politician does not perfectly reflect all one’s personal political or moral views is in any case far less of a concern when that very politician proposes as far as possible to keep government out of people’s personal affairs and to leave most of the world’s problems to the private sector.

‘When your response to everything that is wrong with the world is to say, “There ought to be a law,” you are saying that you hold freedom very cheap’, said Thomas Sowell.

Moreover, it seems extraordinarily petty and sour-grape-ish to complain about a few differences of opinion with a candidate who promises radical change in a country that is mired in economic crisis, thanks to the policies of its incumbent rulers.

Music to the ears

Sniping from the mainstream press aside, the rise of a truly libertarian president in one of the world’s most economically unfree countries should be music to a classical liberal’s ears.

Who doesn’t want to radically slash the size of government? Who doesn’t question the inflationary monetary policy of highly indebted countries? Who doesn’t want to see free enterprise flourish, and witness the departure of a government that strangles business with red tape and taxes, and tries to pick winners by throwing subsidies at favoured companies?

On the face of it, this should be an excellent experiment to show whether the libertarian prescriptions for government do, indeed, produce a better outcome than the socialist quagmire in which Argentina has been stuck for so long.

Pain and gain

Practically speaking, however, there are reasons to remain skeptical.

First, we’ve only seen Milei’s talk, and not his walk.

Second, making drastic changes in the structure of a country’s government and economy, as Milei proposes, will be painful.

It is arguable that the short-term pain is justified by the long-term gain, but electorates are rarely forgiving to those who inflict necessary pain. Witness Margaret Thatcher, who saved Britain from the socialist economic malaise of the 1970s, but remains hated to this day by those who bore the brunt of her reforms.

Dollarising an economy does not produce immediate results, for example. It can take years before the stabilising effect of dollarisation filters through to low inflation rates. It can, however, immediately harm people and even increase poverty levels, depending on the exchange rate at which existing deposits are converted.

Drastically reducing the size of government will also face much immediate opposition, especially from civil servants who stand to lose their jobs.

Privatising healthcare, education or other government functions is also fraught with transition difficulties. Much depends on exactly how such privatisation is carried out. It can fail, and even if the eventual outcome is a success, it could cause years of disruptions and dissatisfaction.

Then there are the entrenched patronage networks of the incumbent socialist government, who will be highly upset – and fight back vigorously – when the taps of corrupt fiscal spending get turned off.

Finally, few voters have the patience to wait five or ten years for radical free-market reforms to have a positive impact, and Argentina’s president only serves a four-year term before facing the electorate again.

Legislative opposition

A further obstacle to Milei’s reforms is that he will not be the philosopher-king of every libertarian’s dreams. He will not be a dictator.

He will simply be the head of the executive in a constitutional parliamentary democracy, with strictly circumscribed powers.

And the elections did not result in a similar landslide in the legislature.

Argentina has a 72-seat Senate, or upper house, and a 257-seat Chamber of Deputies, or lower house. Together, they make up the Argentinian National Congress.

In both houses, Milei’s libertarian coalition, Liberty Advances (La Libertad Avanza, or LLA) took more seats from the conservative coalition, Together for Change (Juntos por el Cambio, or JxC), than from the socialist Peronista coalition, Union for the Homeland (Unión por la Patria, or UxP).

In the Senate, this leaves the Peronistas as the largest coalition, with 32 seats. It would need 37 seats to command an outright majority. The conservative coalition, JxC, retains only 27 seats. As the third-largest party in the Senate, Milei’s LLA only has six seats, which even in coalition with the conservatives is not enough for an outright majority.

In the lower house, the picture is similar. UxP has 104 out of 257 seats, JxC has 93, and LLA has 38. The only difference is that here, a JxC and LLA coalition can command a simple majority.

This leaves Milei at the mercy first of the conservatives, who would welcome market-oriented reforms and a departure from socialism, but by their very nature would be reluctant to endorse Milei’s more radical, disruptive proposals. Once Milei has cleared that hurdle, he needs to gather a majority in the upper house, which will be even harder.

Argentina is also heavily indebted, including to the International Monetary Fund, and creditors are likely to have a say in how the country is run. Anything that scares them will raise the cost of credit, which Argentina can ill afford.

Wait and see

Once the initial euphoria of seeing a true libertarian in power has cleared, then, we are left with the sobering realisation that Milei may not be able to achieve anywhere near as much as he has promised.

Turning failing countries around is not for the faint-hearted, and it always comes with social upheaval and economic pain.

Even if Milei gets the good ship Argentina pointed in the right direction again, the prevailing winds and currents may still dash it – and its captain – upon the rocks.

Read also:

*Ivo Vegter is a freelance journalist, columnist and speaker who loves debunking myths and misconceptions, and addresses topics from the perspective of individual liberty and free markets.

This article was first published by Daily Friend and is republished with permission

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What are some of the "liberal democracies" that the Milei administration prioritizes partnerships?

What are some of the "liberal democracies" that the Milei administration prioritizes partnerships?

Milei's policies include abolishing ministries, dollarizing the economy, and adopting Austrian School economics, which may increase economic freedom but also inequality.

He plans to replace Argentina's currency with the US dollar, which would require congressional approval and may complicate domestic monetary policy.

Title:

Content: Argentina election: Javier Milei's radical proposals face test of reality

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Javier Milei, the anti-establishment politician who cruised to victory in the Argentine presidential election last week, has courted intense controversy with radical, provocative policy proposals and statements.

This led many detractors of the self-styled "anarcho-capitalist" to call his candidacy a "leap into the void".

Now, with the mop-haired president-elect only two weeks away from taking over Latin America's third-largest economy, many are asking, how will his policies and positions face the test of reality?

Taming inflation takes time

Javier Milei had proposed to dollarise the economy and eliminate the Argentine Central Bank as a strategy to "kill" hyper-inflation. This meant making the US dollar the national currency in place of the Argentine peso, whose value, Mr Milei said, had been "melting like blocks of ice in the Sahara".

One obstacle is that ditching the Central Bank and making the US dollar legal tender would need approval from the Argentina's Congress and could even require changing the constitution.

Although Mr Milei convincingly won the presidency, his Libertad Avanza (Freedom Advances) movement is barely the third largest political force in Congress. This suggests difficult negotiations might be in store.

Some economists have also questioned whether Mr Milei's plans are feasible, saying they would weaken his government's ability to manage domestic monetary policy.

Having the US dollar as the Argentine currency would effectively leave interest rate policy in the hands of the US Federal Reserve. Argentina's economy would be more vulnerable to external shocks involving the US dollar, for example sudden rises in prices for oil and fuel imports, which could make internal adjustments even more painful inside the country.

Sceptics also point out that Argentina would need to have in hand the US dollars to replace the pesos. Experts believe this could require anywhere between US $35bn to $50bn which indebted Argentina currently does not have and may not be able to borrow easily.

Mr Milei himself has admitted his "shock adjustment" economic stabilisation recipe could actually take up to two years to bring down inflation. "Saying anything else is lying," he said.

A climate sceptic?

Another topic that had made media headlines was Mr Milei's apparent declaration of himself as a climate change "sceptic", that is, someone who denies the role of humans in global warming.

"I do not deny climate change. What I am saying is that there is a temperature cycle in the history of the Earth... Therefore, all those policies that blame humans for climate change are false," Mr Milei said during a presidential debate last month, causing much commentary and criticism.

In his proposed government programme, one of the numerous ministries he had said he planned to axe would be the existing environment ministry.

Such apparent climate scepticism risked putting Mr Milei sharply out of tune with an international majority of governments and leaders who plan to gather at the COP28 climate conference in Dubai soon to seek urgent solutions to the problems of climate change and global warming.

Pragmatism and the Pope

Before he was elected, Mr Milei virulently attacked Argentine Pope Francis, calling him a "Jesuit who promotes communism", and even the "representative of the evil one [the Devil] on Earth".

Such statements caused frictions with the local Catholic Church and the Vatican.

However, this antagonism appeared to miraculously dissipate only days after his election win, when Mr Milei had what he called a "very friendly" phone call with the Pope, whom he addressed as "Your Holiness", inviting him to visit Argentina in 2024.

Asked in a TV interview about this change of heart, Mr Milei conceded that, when one is president, "there are some things that require greater doses of pragmatism".

No break with China and Brazil

Before his election, Milei had signalled he could freeze ties with Brazil and China, Argentina's two top trading partners, on the grounds that he did "not make pacts with communists".

"I am going to be aligned with the United States, Israel, and the free world," he said.

Not surprisingly, this assertion caused consternation in Beijing and Brasilia, as well as in Argentina.

A Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson was quoted as warning that it would be a "huge foreign policy mistake" for Argentina to cut ties with countries such as China and Brazil.

Mr Milei's predecessor, outgoing left-wing President Alberto Fernández, had carefully nurtured ties with Beijing and had welcomed an invitation to join Brics, the China-led group which also comprises Brazil, Russia, India, and South Africa.

Experts questioned the wisdom of dismantling a relationship that clearly brought benefits to Argentina, and not only by China being a top market for Argentina's soybean, meat and grains.

China was also helping to prop up Argentina's financial reserves with a major currency swap deal - significant support for a country already heavily indebted to the International Monetary Fund (IMF).

Days after the election, however, there seemed to be clear signs that no major break in relations was planned. The president-elect received a personal letter of "congratulations and good wishes" from Chinese President Xi Jinping and Mr Milei himself made a point of thanking Xi on social media.

Mr Milei's pick for foreign minister, Diana Mondino, also dismissed as "nonsense" any suggestion that there would be a rupture in "commercial relations" with China or Brazil.

In Brazil, Mr Milei's invitation for former President Jair Bolsonaro to attend his 10 December inauguration was interpreted as "unfriendly" towards Brazil's current left-wing President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva.

But Milei has since said Lula would be "well-received", if he wanted to come.

Dictatorship denial

Mr Milei and his vice-presidential running-mate Victoria Villarruel also ignited intense controversy during the campaign with their position regarding Argentina's 1976-83 military dictatorship.

Defying traditional positions held by Argentina's government and society for the last 40 years, Mr Milei caused outrage by contesting the generally accepted estimate of those abducted and "disappeared" in the dictatorship - 30,000 - asserting the actual number was closer to 9,000.

The candidate argued that the political violence of the 1970s in Argentina was a two-sided "war" in which "the forces of the state committed excesses but the terrorists [anti-government guerrillas] ... [also] committed crimes against humanity".

This equivalence of presentation of the two sides raised howls of protest from groups like the Plaza de Mayo mothers and grandmothers of disappeared persons.

This was just another striking way in which the Milei-Villarruel duo were trying to shake up the political status quo in Argentina. The next four years will show if they can do it.

Argentina needs $35-50 billion to adopt the US dollar, and Milei's plan may take two years to reduce inflation, causing prolonged economic uncertainty.

What economic issue did Milei want to address?

Milei's economic reforms, including subsidy cuts, may spark inflation, unrest, and opposition.

Title:

Content: Argentina’s New Libertarian President, Javier Milei, Is on a Collision Course With His Country’s Powerful Labor Unions

Unions have promised a ‘total strike’ across the country Wednesday to protest Mr. Milei’s efforts to rein in a once-powerful central government and put Argentina on a path to prosperity.

Argentina’s new Libertarian president, Javier Milei, is on a collision course with his country’s powerful labor unions, a conflict that will come to a head Wednesday when the unions have promised a nationwide “total strike” to protest austerity measures enacted by Mr. Milei since he took office last month.

Union leaders speaking to the Financial Times say they expect as many as 200,000 people to take to the streets of Buenos Aires because the new president is “breaking the social contract” by passing an emergency decree that rolled back worker protections, deregulated many industries and began allowing employees to opt out of union-provided health care.

Around 40 percent of the country’s 13 million workers belong to labor unions that have for decades enjoyed considerable political clout under successive governments headed by leaders of the Peronist movement launched by strongman Juan Peron in the 1950s. That power evaporated overnight when Mr. Milei moved into the Casa Rosada, Argentina’s equivalent of the White House, on December 10.

The leader of Argentina’s Construction Workers Union, Gerardo Martínez, told the Financial Times that he hopes the strike —the earliest ever faced by a newly elected president — will force Mr. Milei to roll back some of his reforms and come to the bargaining table with the unions.

“We are aware that inflation [needs to come down.] We are embarrassed to have a country with this level of poverty,” Mr. Martínez said. “But we can’t accept that the cost of reaching economic stability falls solely on the backs of workers and the middle class.”

The tousle-headed Mr. Milei, who famously brandished a chainsaw during the campaign while promising to slash government spending and eliminate entire departments, has made good on some of those promises early in his tenure. He has slashed energy and transport subsidies and sent a bill to Congress that would privatize many of Argentina’s poorly managed state-run enterprises.

Mr. Milei already has backtracked on other issues, however, in an effort to secure the support of moderates in Congress, including taking off the table a plan to privatize the state-run oil giant, YPF.

While perhaps not exactly enamored by some of his fellow countrymen, Mr. Milei has become the darling of international free-marketeers since his full-throated defense of capitalism and the power of entrepreneurship to lift countries out of poverty during the annual World Economic Forum at Davos last week.

In a speech that has since been translated into dozens of languages, Mr. Milei stunned the normally left-leaning audience at Davos by blaming the decades of economic malaise that has plagued Argentina on the “collectivist” policies of his predecessors. Government, he said, is not the solution to what ails societies. Government is the problem, he said.

“The case of Argentina is an empirical demonstration that no matter how rich you may be, how much you may have in terms of natural resources, how skilled your population may be, how educated, or how many bars of gold you may have in the central bank — if measures are adopted that hinder the free functioning of markets, competition, price systems, trade and ownership of private property, the only possible fate is poverty,” he said.

As much as 40 percent of Argentina’s population is described as living in poverty, and inflation is currently running at a rate of 211 percent annually, the highest rate in 32 years. In Latin America, only Venezuela faces worse inflation than Argentina.

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What happened to food after three months into Milei's presidency?

Milei's policies face opposition and may be hard to pass due to his coalition's limited Congressional representation.

Title:

Content: International News

Who Is Javier Milei?

Alex Paszkowicz

Brandishing a chainsaw throughout his electoral campaign, the libertarian and self-proclaimed ‘anarcho-capitalist’ Javier Milei won the Argentine general election on 19th November 2023. Milei’s policies and personality cause controversy, so who is the television pundit turned politician?

Beating his rival Sergio Massa with 14.4 million votes to Massa’s 11.5 million, Milei will begin his 4-year mandate starting on 10th of December. After winning a majority of just 4 out of the twenty-four Argentine provinces, Massa conceded defeat at the Unión por la Patria‘s campaign house before the results were officially published.

The centre-left finance minister admits that “obviously these are not the results we hoped for, and I have spoken to Javier Milei to congratulate him because he’s the president that the majority of Argentines have chosen for the next four years”.

Massa has also hinted that he will retire from front-line politics.

The Peronist political movement has been pushed out of government

Milei’s victory has dismantled the left-wing political establishment, even ending Argentina’s 2-party political system. Created in the 1940s by Juan and Eva Perón, the Peronist political movement has been pushed out of government, despite ruling for sixteen out of the last twenty years. His campaign fell short despite Massa continuously appealing to voters’ fears surrounding Milei’s volatile character and risky economic policies.

Compared with Massa, and judging by the election result, Milei is seen as the lesser of two evils in Argentina, as the previous Peronist government could not provide economic stability.

The third-largest Latin American economy has almost reached inflation of 150%, and 40% of Argentina’s 45 million population is in poverty. Furthermore, the International Monetary Fund has rescued the Argentine state twenty-two times, with the most recent loan of $44 billion in 2018.

Milei used his platform […] to circulate conspiracy theories

Economist Sergio Armella believes, “it is indisputable that a swift change from the failed economic policies of the past is imperative. The accumulated economic imbalances have grown too large and must be addressed promptly”.

Nicknamed ‘El Loco’ and before running for president, Milei used his platform on television to circulate conspiracy theories around election fraud and Argentina’s economic problems.

Combined with his extravagant personality and viral TikTok videos, he targeted a younger audience who had grown up through economic hardship and strict Coronavirus lockdowns. Milei’s camp is also known to question the national consensus, which has lasted four decades, over the crimes of its 1976 to 1983 dictatorship, which killed around 30,000 people.

“The reconstruction of Argentina begins” [Milei]

The man with five cloned dogs, each named after a different right-wing economist, claims that with his new mandate, ‘“the reconstruction of Argentina begins”. Calling the result a “miracle” in his victory speech, he says that the result “marks the end of decadence in Argentina”.

He believes Argentina will return to being a “global power”, while alluding to those conspiracies he supported in his past where previous governments, “shared the state amonpoliticians and their friends”.

Although he abandoned his chainsaw to improve his public image, the symbol refers to his promise to decrease inflation by cutting public spending by 15% and privatising state companies, while reducing fuel and electricity subsidies.

Milei wants to abolish the central bank and adopt the US dollar as its official currency, to stop the country from printing more money like previous governments. If the dollar’s value continues to devalue, then inflation could rise with a risk of hyperinflation, which could return after three decades.

Aims to sever ties with China

Milei has no interest in joining the BRICS alliance, and aims to sever ties with China to help move towards privatising state-led companies like the oil industry.

According to economist Elizabeth Bacigalupo, this includes an estimated $10 billion in annual savings on energy imports through a new gas pipeline in Vaca Muerta. Also, this year, the drought in Argentina reduced its agricultural exports from $39 billion in 2022 to $23 billion. But with next year’s predictions, exports could be up to $40 billion.

The problem Milei faces is how fragmented the Argentine Congress is. The coalition he formed with the conservatives after the first round only has 10% of the Senate and 15% of the lower house, meaning he will have to negotiate with his political rivals to push through his complicated reforms.

Any delay in economic progress could lead to more inflation and social unrest.

Despite insults hurled at Brazil’s President, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, by Milel throughout his campaign, he wished him support on social media, saying “democracy is the voice of the people and must always be respected”.

Donald Trump believes Milei will “Make Argentina Great Again”

Former US president Donald Trump believes Milei will ‘Make Argentina Great Again’. Businessman Elon Musk expressed a similar sentiment and posted, ‘prosperity is ahead for Argentina’.

Reactions from Milei supporters are varied, with voters desperate for change. A supporter named Michelle Chelsea in Buenos Aires says, “economic policies have led us to this situation. Today, more than half of the population has voted for a different option, and I hope that things will change a lot”.

A Food Service Worker, Alejandro Bravo, is hopeful for the future. “It’s an incredible joy. It’s the end of a never-ending decline, so to corrupt politicians, we say, “get lost”‘.

“We’ve had enough corruption, enough insecurity, enough inflation, enough poverty. We were very tired, we wanted something new, we wanted to see new faces”, states supporter Barbara Rubin.

Alex Paszkowicz

Featured image courtesy of Angelica Reyes via Unsplash. Image license found here. No changes were made to this image.

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Argentina's 150% inflation rate and 40% poverty rate make effective economic policies crucial, but Milei's policies risk exacerbating inflation and reducing household income through budget cuts.

Title:

Content: Updated 21 mins ago - Economy

Argentine President Milei's plan to remake the economy with a wrecking ball

If your economy is broken, you can try to fix it — or you can essentially just throw it in the trash and try to build something new from scratch.

Why it matters: The latter is, broadly, the plan of anarcho-capitalist Argentine president Javier Milei, while the former is the plan of Zambian president Hakainde Hichilema.

Where it stands: Milei came in like a wrecking ball after he took office in December. He slashed the official value of the currency in half, introduced a "mega-decree" scrapping 366 separate rules, and laid off 5,000 government employees.

  • Alejandro Werner, the former head of the International Monetary Fund's Western Hemisphere department, explains that this course of "shock therapy" carries enormous risks, both to the upside and the downside.
  • The devaluation, at least for the next few months, increases the Argentine inflation rate, which was over 200% in 2023. Milei's budget cuts will also cause a plunge in household income, as well as a deep recession.
  • The economic pain will embolden Milei's opposition — including in the courts, which have already suspended many of his early decrees. A general strike is planned for Wednesday.

What we're watching: Werner is hopeful that Congress will be at least minimally cooperative, that a good agricultural harvest will help replenish foreign reserves, and that inflation will fall to an annualized rate of 50% by the end of the year.

  • Argentina being Argentina, however, Werner notes, it's entirely possible that Milei's opponents in Congress will block most of his policies and devastating hyperinflation will result.

Reality check: Argentina's action stands in stark contrast to the zugzwang in Zambia, which is trying to restructure the old-fashioned way. There, creditors find themselves in a standoff without any obvious resolution — and where even the IMF seems powerless to move things forward.

Between the lines: Milei was quite the toast of the Davos elite this week, notwithstanding the fact that he's on the record calling climate change "a socialist lie."

  • "The Argentine economy is in such bad shape that it has to be shaken up. President Milei and his team are doing exactly that," said IMF chief Kristalina Georgieva in a CNN interview.
  • Milei returned the favor, saying that the CEOs assembled for his speech were "social benefactors" and "heroes."
  • "Let no one tell you that your ambition is immoral," he added.

The bottom line: For the time being, Milei seems to be able to draw on a wellspring of support and goodwill from the international community.

  • The IMF has restarted its program in the country, which means $4.7 billion in international funds have been unlocked and default isn't imminent.
  • All the same, Argentina's bonds are still trading at roughly the same level as those of Spirit Airlines. Some kind of default remains more likely than not — just pitched as part of a bold recovery plan, rather than being draped in anti-creditor rhetoric.
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As of 2024, what are the statistics regarding poverty?

What economic issue did Milei want to address?

As of 2024, what are the statistics regarding poverty?

What economic issue did Milei want to address?

Milei's economic policies, based on libertarian principles, aim to cut public spending, privatize state companies, and reduce fuel subsidies to decrease inflation.

What economic issue did Milei want to address?

Milei sent over 600 reform bills to Congress to accelerate economic reforms, aiming for a zero deficit by 2024.

Title:

Content: Why did Argentina give up on joining the BRICS?
You don't have to be too serious about the new president, Millet.
Author: Ye Dehao
Published: Updated:
December 29 is the last government working day in 2023.
The Argentine government issued a letter to the BRICS countries as early as the 22nd, indicating that Argentina is not suitable for joining the BRICS at present, saying that its foreign policy is very different from the previous government.
Argentina ’ s new president, Javier Milei, a far-right liberal who was sworn into office on December 10, has been highly pro-American and pro-Israel, and his formal decision to forgo joining the Golden Brick, which is seen as close to China, comes as no surprise.
Negotiations are fruitless?
After Millet ’ s victory in the second round of voting at the end of November, Chinese Ambassador to Argentina Wang Wei quickly met with then-Foreign Minister Diana Mondino, and Millet himself released a Spanish translation of a personal letter sent to him by Chinese President Xi Jinping, thanking Xi Jinping for holding up a letter of “common interest ” between China and Argentina.
Although Millet, who had indicated during the election that he would not talk to communist countries (for Millet during the election campaign, this included China and Brazil), expressed goodwill, the foreign minister said publicly on social media in early December that he would not join the BRICS.
Subsequently, at the invitation of Argentina, China sent special envoy of President Xi Jinping and Vice Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People ’ s Congress Wu Weihua to Buenos Aires to attend the inauguration ceremony of Milai on December 10, and met with Milai with Wang Wei the following day.
Mirai later wrote back to China, which Argentine media said contained references to a currency swap agreement between China and Argentina, when one of Argentina ’ s loans to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) was due to be repaid.
Later, Chinese officials also met with Milay ’ s nominee for governor of Argentina ’ s central bank (although Milay had stated during his campaign that the central bank would be abolished and fully dollarized), as well as his economy minister, Luis Caputo.
Ukrainian President Leonid Zelensky also attended the inauguration ceremony of Millet.
(Reuters)
In the end, there seems to be no progress on the currency swap agreement and the related issues of joining the BRICS.
By December 14, Reuters had reported that Milay had reached a loan agreement with the Development Bank of Latin America and the Caribbean (CAF), allowing Argentina to repay the IMF as scheduled on December 21.
On December 19, Argentine media revealed that China had suspended the currency swap agreement with Argentina, saying that Beijing had recalled Wang Wei to Beijing the previous day.
The letter from Argentina renouncing its accession to the BRICS came on the 22nd.
Argentina ’ s renunciation of BRICS membership has been widely interpreted as a setback for China ’ s efforts to “expand ” solidarity with the global South at the BRICS summit in South Africa in August 2023.
At that time, the BRICS decided to invite the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Argentina, Egypt, and Ethiopia to join the BRICS.
However, to put it another way, Millet ’ s renunciation of joining the Golden Brick was just an act of symbolic significance greater than practical significance, and his attitude toward China and even his right-wing libertarian stance have weakened significantly since his election.
Foreign Minister Guido Mondino has made it clear that he will not abandon diplomacy with China and Brazil (Argentina ’ s first and second largest trading partners, respectively).
Millet has quickly appointed a new ambassador to China, and his letter to the BRICS states that he hopes to deepen bilateral relations and increase trade and investment contacts with other countries, and hopes to meet with the leaders of the BRICS countries.
On December 10, Millet addressed supporters after he was sworn in as president. (Reuters)
During the campaign, there were fears that Millet would behave badly when he came to power.
However, the majority of those who were elected were on the right wing.
For example, Economy Minister Caputo is a member of former President Mauricio Macri ’ s Juntos por el Cambio party, and Central Bank governor Santiago Bausili was Finance Minister from 2015 to 2019.
The Adventures of Shock Therapy
Of course, after coming to power, Millet quickly pushed for “shock therapy ” economic reforms, immediately devalued the Argentine peso by half (but its exchange rate remained below the black market), and declared a two-year economic emergency, proposing more than 300 measures in the form of presidential decrees, from loosening controls on food retailers to loosening the use of foreign exchange, from privatization of state-owned enterprises to deregulation of proprietary medicines, from labor protection to employee restrictions. All strikes are complete.
Unions in Argentina have mobilized a revolt, but the scale of the demonstrations has not reached enough to worry Millet.
Security officials from the Milai authorities also issued a stern warning against the demonstrations, which seemed to have a degree of deterrent effect.
On December 29, the economic emergency in Milai came into effect, with demonstrators gathering in the streets of Buenos Aires to protest against economic reforms.
(Reuters)
At the end of the year, Millet also sent more than 600 reform bills to Congress, asking Congress to initiate a special session from December 26 to January 31 to help Argentina move forward quickly with reforms.
The bill includes legalizing Millet ’ s previously declared economic emergency, abolishing the primary election system, increasing penalties for various protest-related crimes, protecting the right to self-defense and strengthening the police, listing state-owned enterprises that can be privatized, allowing the legalization of undeclared property, modifying policies related to the oil industry (such as the government will not impose price limits), and temporarily handing the president more legislative powers on taxes, pensions, security, and other items.
Millay ’ s government says it wants to reduce the government deficit to zero by 2024 (which would have been about 5% of GDP), thereby drastically reducing the size of the government, cutting subsidies for electricity and transportation, cutting funding to local governments, and temporarily raising import taxes and increasing benefits such as the value of food cards to help those most in need.
With only 40 of the 257 seats in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies and 7 of the 72 seats in the Senate, Millet ’ s party, even with less than half of the traditional right-wing “working together to change ” support, is hoping to use popular opinion to put pressure on Congress to show that if Congress is unwilling to pass his reform bill, it will resort to the law (no law). Binding) referendum.
[Here: Chainsaws are a symbol of Millet ’ s reformist economy, and he often picks them up to campaign events.]
Millet ’ s “crazy ” economic reforms, and the voters ’ support for him, are understandable. After all, Argentina ’ s economy has been a tragedy for more than a century, and its per capita GDP was higher than that of Germany and France 100 years ago, but it is now several times behind them, from advanced countries to developing countries.
According to statistics, its ratio of negative growth to positive growth has been worse than that of war-torn Iraq and Sudan since 1950, and it is now the largest recipient of IMF assistance since its inception.
Not to mention that Argentina has an inflation rate of more than 100%.
Millet has long shown that his shock therapy will bring economic pain, but voters have limited tolerance for the pain, and the pain is likely to grow.
The street demonstrations are not threatening Millet at this point, but if Millet ’ s new deal doesn ’ t work, the situation will be very different in a few months.
In the midst of a crisis-ridden march of economic reform, Millet ’ s foreign policy will remain at the symbolic level, and will never dare to do anything that will really negatively affect the Argentine economy.
Giving up on joining the Brick is just one example.
We don ’ t have to read this diplomatically too seriously — it ’ s just the political norm in Latin America, where the ideologies of the right and the left are fiercely opposed.

What issue did Milei want to address without printing money?

Milei faces a US$44 billion IMF debt and an economic crisis with triple-digit inflation and a looming recession.

Title:

Content: Economy Minister Sergio Massa was the candidate for the ruling coalition. He has done the numbers, recognised defeat, and conceded in the presidential run-off.

Libertarian lawmaker Javier Milei will be Argentina's next president.

Background to this:

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Argentina's economy has been smashed by triple-digit inflation, looming recession and rising poverty. The worst economic crisis in two decades.

Incoming president Milei is promising economic shock, with plans including:

  • shutting the central bank
  • ditching the peso
  • slashing spending
  • has criticized China and Brazil, says he won't deal with "communists", favours stronger ties with the US

Mileil now fronts up to:

  • government funds having run dry
  • a US$44 billion debt program with the International Monetary Fund
  • a highly fragmented Congress (no single bloc has a majority), he'll need backing from factions to pass legislation
  • Milei's coalition does not have any regional governors or mayors

Milei (left of screen) and Massa

What economic issue did Milei want to address?

Milei, who won the election with 55% of the vote, proposes financial decentralization, advocates for Bitcoin as legal tender, and has a mandate for economic reforms, although the implementation timeline is unclear.

Title:

Content: Argentina ’ s ‘ Bitcoin maniac ’ elected president threatens to shut down central bank and dollarize
Author: Zhang Yuejing
Published: Updated:
The result of the election in Argentina was announced, and Javier Milei, a representative of the far-right Liberal Progressive Party (LA), an economist and known as “Trump Argentina, ” was elected president.
He has criticized the central bank as a “scam, ” vowing to shut it down, and he sees Bitcoin as the key to reviving the economy.
Forbes magazine reported on the 20th that Millet won the election with 55% of the vote, reflecting a major political shift in Argentina, and saying that he criticized politicians for using the central bank to levy inflation taxes on the population, and that his stance in favor of Bitcoin may change the local "game rules".
Millet advocated the return of currency control to the private sector and advocated Bitcoin as a legal tender, but did not propose a formal plan.
He also supports financial decentralization and the replacement of the peso with dollars, known as “economic shock therapy. ”
Millet served as chief economist at Corporación América International and was a member of the World Economic Forum (WEF).
The position is often related to traditional finance, and contrasts sharply with pro-Bitcoin views, making his economic policies more complicated.
According to the report, Millet ’ s tenure may lead Argentina to follow El Salvador, using Bitcoin as a fiat currency and as a reserve asset, which is expected to be introduced into the local economy, which can lead to a more decentralized and inflation-resistant financial system, or have a positive impact on the value of Bitcoin.

Milei's economic reforms include abolishing the central bank and dollarization, with significant implications for Argentina's governance and society.

dollarizing the Argentinian currency
closing the central bank

dollarizing the Argentinian currency
closing the central bank

dollarizing the Argentinian currency
closing the central bank

Milei's policies may boost US investment, cut public spending, and reduce inflation, potentially benefiting Argentina's economy, small businesses, and entrepreneurship.

What economic issue did Milei want to address?