The J-10C, a 4.5-generation fighter jet, has been exported to countries including Pakistan, which bought 35-40 jets for $1.5 billion, and Sudan.

The J-10C is a capable multirole fighter with a 2,500km range and 1.9-ton payload.

The J-10C features an active phased array radar and carries PL-10 and PL-15 missiles.

Pakistan has ordered 36 J-10CE fighters and will receive 25 J-10C fighter jets from China.

The J-10C features improved avionics, helmet sights, and electronic warfare countermeasures.

The J-10C is more powerful than the JF-17 and has advanced avionics and weaponry.

Turkey may replace its F-16s with the Chinese J-10C due to its low operating cost and improved avionics.

The J-10C is an attractive option for countries upgrading their air forces due to its low operating cost and minimal maintenance requirements.

The J-10C can operate US weapons and has a faster delivery time than the F-16.

The J-10 has experienced issues with its fly-by-wire system, causing deadly accidents.

The J-10C and J-10CE models were developed to address issues with earlier models, including unspecified challenges with the fly-by-wire system.

The J-10C's similarity to the Israeli Lavi may affect its export market due to US opposition that canceled the Lavi's production.

The J-10C remains a viable option for countries seeking a capable and affordable fighter jet.

The J-10C's export performance is crucial to China's global arms market share.

The US has pressured Israel to limit China's investments, potentially impacting China's military exports.

The J-10C is a significant addition to the global arms market, offering advanced capabilities at a competitive price.

The J-10C, a 4.5-generation fighter jet, has been exported to countries including Pakistan, which bought 35-40 jets for $1.5 billion, and Sudan.

Title:

Content: China
China wants to smell.
China 's main fighter jet J-10C first export to Pakistan to fight India' s "gusty wind" procurement engine improved long-range missile deal key
(Ming Pao News) Pakistan's military confirmed on Wednesday (5) that it is buying multi-purpose J-10C fighters from China in response to the introduction of French Rafale fighters by the Indian Air Force. The J-10C is the main equipment of the People's Liberation Army Air Force, and once a deal is reached, it will be the most advanced fighter aircraft exported by China in history and will also be the Pakistan Air Force's strongest fighter.
It has been rumored that the number of J-10Cs exported to Pakistan is 35 to 40, and the price is about 1.5 billion US dollars (about 11.7 billion Hong Kong dollars).
Speaking at a press conference, Maj. Gen. Babar Iftikhar, a spokesman for Pakistan ’ s army, said: “This is a step to upgrade our air force and get the best possible technology because we know what the other side (India) is getting. ”
"Our opponents are using one excuse after another to keep buying the latest equipment," Iftihal warned.
Any conventional imbalance in the region is dangerous, "and" it will lead us into a race to buy more equipment. "
It is expected to purchase more than 30 aircraft, each about $390 million.
This is the first time the Pakistani military has made it clear that it is buying Chinese J-10s, but Iftihar did not say how many will be purchased.
China has not commented on this.
According to the military self-media "white wolf view of the world" on December 23 last year, since the service in 2006, the Chinese Air Force has been equipped with nearly 500 J-10C, becoming the Chinese Air Force's largest number of fighter aircraft.
Its foreign trade version of the J-10CE is also of interest to many countries, including Ukraine and "Pakistan Railway" (the nickname of the mainland people for Pakistan), Pakistan is ready to sign with China 35 to 40 aircraft, worth about 1.5 billion US dollars, each less than 50 million US dollars (about 390 million Hong Kong dollars).
"China Times" reported that this arms case is China's long-awaited defense deal, from the beginning of the J-10A until the J-10C deal, in addition to the Indian purchase of wind, J-10C successfully replaced the turbofan -10 vector thrust engine and decided to match the PL-15 long-range air-to-air missile, is Pakistan willing to finalize the deal two key factors.
Low-price export of Huamou real war inspection J-10C
Another eye-catching item is the price, which was first reported at the 2018 Zhuhai Airshow at $70 million per aircraft, and is now about $50 million.
China is willing to sell to Pakistan at such a low price, in addition to friendly relations, but also considering that the India-Pakistan border may be the only battlefield that can allow the J-10C to have a combat test.
The report also said that last year, China and Pakistan agreed to the export of the Perila-15 (PL-15) long-range air-to-air missile, in addition to the use of the Pakistan Dragon Block 3, can also be equipped with the newly purchased J-10C.
It is believed that after importing the J-10C, its active phased array radar plus the long-range air-to-air missile, as long as it grasps the opportunity and uses it properly, it has the opportunity to defeat the fighter jet.
In 2015, India announced the purchase of 36 French fighter aircraft, worth US $8 billion (about HK $62.4 billion), with a unit price of nearly US $300 million (about HK $2.3 billion).
Pakistan: March National Day parade will see J-10 formation
Pakistan ’ s interior minister, Sheikh Rasheed Ahmad, also revealed plans to buy Chinese fighters at a public event last week, saying that a squadron of 25 J-10s will participate in Pakistan ’ s Independence Day parade on March 23 and that the flyby ceremony “will be conducted by the Pakistan Air Force in response to the (Indian) gusty fighters. ”
The 25 J-10Cs are believed to be the first aircraft to be delivered to Pakistan.
■ Ming Pao reporting hotline: inews @ mingpao.com / 9181 4676
Related words: Gust fighter J-10C Pakistan
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An advanced export model of J-10 Fighter

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Which countries' airforces are the purchasers of China's J-10 FIghter?

The J-10C is a capable multirole fighter with a 2,500km range and 1.9-ton payload.

Title:

Content: If the J-20 is China ’ s top and most popular fighter, then the J-10C should be given the most expectations, because the CCP believes it is a more competitive fighter in the international arms market in recent years. Although the J-10 was designed in the 1980s, after many improvements and upgrades, it has spawned at least 11 models, and its export model, the J-10C, has gradually opened up the international market. There was a lot of praise in the beginning.
Foreign military analysts believe that after continuous upgrading, the J-10 fighter will be able to use by the 2040s, becoming the United States F-15's most powerful competitor.
The initial design was a 3rd generation fighter architecture, but the constantly upgraded J-10 series has been included in the 4th generation fighter by many experts, it has more than 11 mounting points under the fuselage and wing, and can carry an astonishing number of weapons, including laser-guided missiles, GPS-guided and glide bombs, as well as general air-to-air and ground attack ammunition.
The J-10 was designed by Chengdu Aircraft Design Institute (611) and manufactured by Chengdu Aircraft Company. It was designed in the 1990s, when the PLA developed its own fighter aircraft with a program called the "Destroying Project Plan". It was the No. 10 project, hence the name J-10.
The original concept was to extensively use the technology of the 1980s US F-15 and F-16 fighter aircraft and new fighter manufacturing concepts. The chief designer was Song Wenchong, which first flew in 1998 and entered service in 2003.
With a range of 2,500 kilometers and a payload of 1.9 tons, the J-10 has appeared in at least 11 types of aircraft after years of modification on this basis, making it the largest number of derivative aircraft in China.
According to the British Institute for International Strategic Studies (IISS) estimates, the Chinese air force currently has at least 540 J-10s, which can be assembled on a large scale to deal with super large battles.
The "Global Defense" website has carefully analyzed the latest J-10 upgrade to a phased array radar, which can control multiple modes of fire control radar and track 10 targets at the same time. If it is a semi-active radar, it can attack 2 targets at the same time, and if it is an active radar, it can attack 4 targets at the same time.
Analysis pointed out that the ability to track and attack multiple targets at the same time is very important for modern aircraft, and this ability can also be matched to the AN / APG-63 (V1) radar on the F-15.
Later, Boeing again updated the active phased array radar version of the F-15, allowing the F-15 to follow 14 targets simultaneously and attack six of them simultaneously.
This upgrade is said to maintain a nominal advantage over the J-10 fighter that has replaced the active phased array radar.
The upgrade of the J-10 is also the most noteworthy, including the replacement of its domestic engine WS-10B, and the 2018 Zhuhai Air Show was also the first time that the J-10B was equipped with a thrust vector jet engine for a difficult flight performance, which won the attention of many international media and heated discussion on the Internet.
Since then, the WS-10 engine has gradually replaced the Russian AL-31 engine, and some of the J-20 fighters have been switched to the WS-10.
In addition, military experts also noted that the new version of the J-10 also uses a water drop type cockpit cover, allowing the pilot to have a wider and nearly 360-degree all-round view.
Analysts believe that after the radar, fire control, avionics, cockpit covers and engines have been upgraded, the J-10 has the ability to fly into the 2040s, and in recent years began to complete transactions in the international market, proving that nearly 20 years of continuous upgrading and improvement has achieved considerable results, and will also become a very strong international competitor for the United States F-15 fighter.
However, to compare the F-15 with the J-10, some people may think that it is not fair.
Because the F-15 architecture was determined in the late 1960s, it first flew in the early 1970s; in contrast, the J-10 was determined in the early 1980s, and it first flew in the late 1990s.
The theoretical basis of the original design is more than 10 years apart, and the final design is more than 20 years apart.
From the design background difference analysis, the F-15 is a high thrust ratio, low wing load, low resistance high-speed air superiority fighter designed by the US military according to the experience of the Vietnam War and the failure of the F-4 Phantom fighter. Air and ground attack aircraft.
Therefore, some analysts believe that if we want to compare, J-10 may be more suitable to take the F-16 as the target.
Coupled with the tense situation in the Taiwan Strait in recent years, there are more and more people are more concerned about the comparison of the J-10 and Taiwan's main air force fighter F-16.
Source: Headlines Revealed on Facebook.com
# J-10 # fighter # J-20 # F-15 # Chengdu Aircraft Company

The J-10C features an active phased array radar and carries PL-10 and PL-15 missiles.

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PAF formally inducts Rafale rival China-made J-10C fighter jets

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11th Mar, 2022. 02:25 pm
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KAMRA: The Pakistan Air Force (PAF) formally inducted a modern Chinese-made J-10C multi-role combat aircraft also known as “vigorous dragon” during a ceremony held at Kamra Airbase on Friday.

Prime Minister Imran Khan attended the induction ceremony of the single-engine fighter jet at the invitation of Chief of the Air Staff (CAS) Air Chief Marshal Zaheer Ahmad Babar, along with other federal ministers and the Chinese ambassador.

During the ceremony, The Prime Minister has witnessed a thrilling flypast of various aircraft formations, including the newly inducted J10C, F-16s, JF-17s, and Mirages, which displayed a sophisticated array of avionics and weaponry.

Read more: PAF’s acquisition of J10-C

Following the flypast, the Prime Minister witnessed the landing of five J-10C aircraft, which have been inducted into the 15 Squadron.

The J-10C is larger and can be outfitted with a bigger active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar than the JF-17 Block 3 uses.

The aircraft can carry fourth-generation air-to-air missiles such as the short-range PL-10 and the beyond-visual-range PL-15.

According to a foreign media report, China will deliver a total of 25 J-10C fighter jets to Pakistan, significantly increasing the country’s military capability to defend airspace.

Read more: J-10C induction ceremony: Pakistan knows how to protect its boundaries, says Imran

After being tested in Chengdu, the first batch of combat aircraft arrived in Pakistan a few days ago.

Images of a Pakistan Air Force (PAF) J-10C fighter jet with the Pakistan Air Force (PAF) markings recently surfaced on social media and were widely circulated by media outlets.

Chinese analysts have praised the latest defence cooperation between China and Pakistan, saying that the move is significant for both countries because it strengthens the Pakistani military’s combat capabilities, promotes China’s aviation equipment, and serves regional security interests.

“The J-10C will significantly improve the Pakistan Air Force’s combat capabilities,” Chinese analysts predicted.

“The J-10C is a 4.5-generation medium-sized fighter jet that is more powerful than the China-Pakistan jointly developed lightweight fighter jet, the JF-17, which is currently in service with the Pakistan Air Force,” Shi Hong, Executive Chief Editor of Shipborne Weapons, told the Global Times.

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How is J-10C Fighter compared with JF-17, another jet fighter that China exports?

J-10 can be outfitted with a bigger active electronically scanned array (AESA) radar.

What has Taiwanese meida said about China's J-10 Fighter?

Substantial improvements have been made on it.

What missiles can China's J-10 FIghters carry?

Pakistan has ordered 36 J-10CE fighters and will receive 25 J-10C fighter jets from China.

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Content: Chinese Army J-10 Crossing the Strait Central Line Ministry of Defense: Strict Monitoring of Missiles
Reporters Lu Chiung-chang / reporting from Taipei
The Ministry of Defense said that since 0600 hours yesterday (8) to 0600 hours, six sorties (including one over the middle line of the strait) and three ships have been detected, and activities around the Taiwan Strait have continued.
The military uses mission aircraft, ships and shore missile systems to closely monitor and respond.
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According to the plan released by the Ministry of Defense, the Chinese People's Liberation Army entered the airspace around the Taiwan Strait, and one of the PLA's J-10 fighters crossed the northern end of the Strait Central Line and immediately turned back.
In the 1980s, Israel Aerospace (IAI) developed the Lavi based on the F-16, but production was canceled due to opposition from the United States.
Since then, Chengdu Aircraft Company has cooperated with Lion to develop new fighters. Although Israel and China ended cooperation after 1989, Chengdu Aircraft Company continued to develop and develop the J-10A in 1998, and completed the test flight of the J-10A, and completed mass production two years later.
The J-10A adopts a single engine, a single vertical tail, and a single wing pneumatic configuration in the dual delta wing, which is characterized by excellent high altitude and high speed performance, and the front delta wing can improve the maneuverability of medium and low altitude, which can effectively shorten the take-off and landing distance.
J-10 fighter after service with Su-27SK, Su-30MKK, J-11 and other fighters formed a high and low match. Although the price of the J-10A is only half that of the F-16, but due to poor reliability, the supporting domestic engine development into a bottleneck, resulting in poor export performance.
After the production of the J-10A, Chengdu Aircraft Company started a performance improvement and improvement program in 2004, and the J-10B was successfully tested in December 2008. The J-10B abandoned the rectangular intake channel design and switched to a Rampless integrated intake channel similar to the FC-1, and continued to improve the launch of the J-10C. 2017 In June, the J-10C participated in the 90th anniversary parade of the People's Liberation Army, making its first public appearance, and the J-10C was replaced with an active phased array radar.
The Pakistan Air Force is the only foreign procurement unit of the J-10, ordering 36 J-10CE fighters, and J-10CE is the export model of the J-10C.
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Which countries' airforces are the purchasers of China's J-10 FIghter?

Which countries' airforces are the purchasers of China's J-10 FIghter?

The J-10C features improved avionics, helmet sights, and electronic warfare countermeasures.

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Content: The Pakistan Air Force has just imported a new J-10CE fighter from China, which has attracted the attention of foreign media to China's self-designed and developed 4-generation fighter.
Foreign media also noted a new discovery that has not been reported in the past: this batch of J-11CEs has a similar gold cockpit cover to the US military F-22, its function should be as a low-visibility coating, indicating that the J-10CEs have been fundamentally improved from the basic 4-generation fighter base.
From the first J-10A fighter put into use in 2005, to the appearance of the most advanced variant of the J-10C in the spring of 2018, the performance of this fighter has been fundamentally improved from the relatively basic fourth-generation fighter.
The most significant improvements include new avionics, network-centric warfare capabilities, helmet sights, and electronic warfare countermeasures, and the combination of AESA radars with the Peri-15 and Peri-10 air-to-air missiles. Although not built around stealth capabilities like the fifth-generation fighter, the J-10C ’ s radar cross section has been significantly reduced.
Pakistan ’ s purchase of the J-10CE is considered more likely to take part in combat than China ’ s own fighter jets, due to repeated clashes along the India-Pakistan border over the years.
As a result, the purchase of Pakistan has raised a lot of concern about the future performance of this fighter.
Foreign media pointed out that one feature of the J-10CE has attracted considerable attention, that is, the fighter's golden cockpit cover, which is very rare on the 4th generation fighter, but has been seen on the J-20 and the American F-22 Raptor fighter.
Under certain lighting conditions, the cockpit cover of the J-10CE is golden yellow due to an indium oxide tin conductive film coating between the optical glass layers.
This color coating is mainly used to scatter radio waves from the cockpit to reduce the radar cross-sectional area of the fighter.
This feature is one of several new technologies introduced by Pakistan, which is also the first country in the region to benefit from the technology. With the J-10CE expected to become the elite fighter in the Pakistan Air Force in the next few years, its golden cockpit cover symbolizes the aircraft ’ s status.
Article source: US media: Pakistan J-10CE has F22 style cockpit cover status is not ordinary
# J-10CE # F-22 # Pakistan # China # Fighter

What has Taiwanese meida said about China's J-10 Fighter?

Substantial improvements have been made on it.

An advanced export model of J-10 Fighter

The J-10C is more powerful than the JF-17 and has advanced avionics and weaponry.

Turkey may replace its F-16s with the Chinese J-10C due to its low operating cost and improved avionics.

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Content: The American F-16...
Information on the Chinese J-10C fighter
© AFP 2023 / KARIM SAHIBChinese J-10 fighter
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The Chinese J-10 is touted as the best alternative to the US fourth-generation F-16, which has led some countries to consider acquiring it.
China has produced about 350 such aircraft since they entered service in 2005, according to Military Factory.
The aircraft has a single crew and is used by China and Pakistan and is designed for aerial combat missions with a variety of weapons.
Turkey to replace F-16 with Chinese fighter jet
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What are the technical specifications of the J-10?
Length: 15.5 meters.
Distance between wings: 9.7 meters.
Height: 4.7 meters.
Weight of empty aircraft: 9.7 tons.
The total weight of the aircraft is 18.5 tons.
Speed: 2,336 km / h.
Altitude: 20,000 meters.
Range: 1800 kilometers.
What is the arming of the J-10?
The Chinese J-10 has six under-wing and five under-hull external suspension points that allow it to carry a large external payload of weapons, including air-to-air missiles, laser-guided bombs and other types of conventional bombs, as well as a 23 mm internal machine gun.
There are several versions of the aircraft, some with one seat and others with two seats for training tasks, including:
The J-10A is a single-seat multirole fighter.
J-10B: Marine version with twin-engine engines.
J-10C: An upgraded version of the B version with an electronic radar and infrared guidance system for missiles.
© AFP 2023 / WANG ZHAO Chinese J-10 fighter
The Chinese J-10 fighter.
The J-10C is an upgraded export version, which Turkey may acquire as a replacement for the U.S. F-16 fighter jets.
Earlier, a Turkish presidential official said Ankara was expected to abandon the U.S. F-16 fighter jets due to the availability of a better alternative in the Chinese J-10 signal.
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Content: Turkey replaces F-16 with Chinese fighter jet
Wednesday 08 March 2023 - 12: 09 GMT
Kagri Erhan, a member of the Security Council and Foreign Policy of the Turkish Presidency, announced that Ankara is expected to abandon its requests for American-made fourth-generation F-16C / D fighter jets due to the availability of a better alternative.
World - Turkey
The Turkish official noted that the “$20 billion cost package ” and the availability of more cost-effective options, notably the Chinese J-10C, could make such a rollout a reality.
"Now we have other options such as the Chinese plane that was sold to Pakistan, the Russian planes and also the Eurofighter," he said.
According to Miltary Watch, Pakistan began receiving Chinese J-10C fighters in February 2022.
The Chinese fighter is of the same weight as its American counterpart, the F-16, but it is several decades newer with multiple features and performance advantages, especially in terms of armament, flight and flight performance.
It is a lightweight single-engine fighter with low operating cost and improved fifth-generation avionics.
Chinese aircraft also have similar capabilities and in most respects are superior to their American counterparts, in addition to requiring less maintenance needs and much faster delivery time.
Although Turkey is the largest foreign operator of the US F-16, with about 250 in service, which means the new aircraft can be easily integrated with existing training and logistics systems and weapons, China has in the past modified its fighters to be able to operate US weapons at the request of foreign customers.
One of the main advantages of the Chinese fighter is its very low cost compared to its American counterpart, due to the fact that China manufactures large quantities of them, unlike the American.
Turkey ’ s preference for lightweight fighters makes the Chinese single-engine aircraft an effective and pioneering option.

What is the price of J-10 Fighter that China exports?

Which country may purchase China's J-10 Fighter as an alternative to the U.S. F-16 Fighters?

What is the price of J-10 Fighter that China exports?

Which country may purchase China's J-10 Fighter as an alternative to the U.S. F-16 Fighters?

The J-10C is an attractive option for countries upgrading their air forces due to its low operating cost and minimal maintenance requirements.

The J-10C can operate US weapons and has a faster delivery time than the F-16.

The J-10 has experienced issues with its fly-by-wire system, causing deadly accidents.

Title:

Content: Weapons that Don’t Work in the Ukraine War Make Up Most of China’s Military

Chinese analysts want to understand why Russian weapons are doing so badly in the war in Ukraine. 70% of China’s modern airplanes are licensed copies, unlicensed copies or variants of the SU-27. 20% are inferior planes that are not even as good as the Russian copies.

The Ukraine War has been an actual real world test or most of the modern planes, missiles, drones that the world has. The only systems that have not been tested or used are the stealth fighters. Russia has some SU57 stealth fighters but has not used them other than a few safe uses from long-range.

The other lessons are which tactics are ineffective and which tactics are more effective. There is also the need for a lot more drones for front line troops. Drones have become an absolute necessity on the front lines. There is a need for a lot more ammunition and overall training. There will need to be a lot more training on the effective tactics.

China also wants to look at the Russian Kinzhal hypersonic missile getting shot down. The Kinzhal and China’s hypersonic weapons (YJ-21 and DF-17) are similar technology. They are hypersonic warheads on a regular rocket booster. The Kinzhal had about 6 shot down in one day. The Kinzhal cost Russia about $10 million each to make. The YJ-21 is a shorter range navy variant of the DF-17. The YJ-21 costs about $8 million each. The DF-17 costs about $107 million each. Russia had about 6 Kinzhal missiles shot down in 1 day in the war. Normal supersonic missiles are about $1-2 million. The point of spending more money for a faster missile is so it can with near certainty penetrate defenses. A military could always just buy 10 or 100 cheaper missiles to overwhelm air defenses. You don’t want to go too cheap where the missiles are not reliable like a Scud missile. You want to spend enough to get good cost benefit on reliable destruction.

The Russian S-400 air defense system was supposed to be a scary system able to defend against the US air force and missiles. The S-400s have been defeated and destroyed with a few waves of cheap drones and cheap missiles. China bought a lot of expensive S-400 air defense systems.

The US and the rest of world may not have the exact same Russian equipment but all of the world’s military have to update and change procurement to reflect what is being learned in Ukraine.

Russia has lost about 20% of its Su-34 fleet, with a starting total of only 121 aircraft. Four Su-34 planes were shot down in only 2 days in December, 2023.

Chinese analysis identifies two reasons for these heavy losses.

1. The Russian Aerospace Force, which inherited the air combat theories of the Soviet Air Force, habitually allows existing combat aircraft to take on the tasks of both air defense suppression and electronic warfare.

2. Russian military’s did not buy enough precision guided stand-off munitions. They cannot keep their planes safer by being further away.

Roughly 20% of the PLAAF and PLANAF’s combat aircraft are old second-generation fighters of limited combat value against peer opponents, save perhaps in swarming attacks. Another 30% include strategic bombers and more capable but dated third-generation designs. Finally, 50% percent are fourth-generation fighters that can theoretically hold their own against peers like the F-15 and F-16.

China has about 126 actual Russian planes in the Su-27 family (SU27, SU30, SU35).

The J-11 and J-16 are copies of the SU-27 Russian planes, that are getting shotdown by ground to air missiles in Ukraine. The J-11 was a licensed copy of the SU-27.

The J-10 is a copy of the Israeli Lavi from Israeli designs. The Lavi was based on the design of the French Dassault Mirage. The J-10s haver had several deadly accidents possibly related to difficulties in the fly-by-wire system. 22% of China’s 2500 combat aircraft are J-10.

The J-7 is an older and even more outdated plane makes up 20% of the fleet of 2500.

China’s J-20 now makes up about 8% of China’s 2500 combat jets. This is stealth plane copied from stolen F-22 and F-35 information.

What problems have J-10 Fighters that China exports had?

The J-10C and J-10CE models were developed to address issues with earlier models, including unspecified challenges with the fly-by-wire system.

What has Taiwanese meida said about China's J-10 Fighter?

Substantial improvements have been made on it.

The J-10C's similarity to the Israeli Lavi may affect its export market due to US opposition that canceled the Lavi's production.

What are the consequences of the problems that China's J-10 Fighters have?

The J-10C remains a viable option for countries seeking a capable and affordable fighter jet.

What has China said about its J-10C Fighter?

It is the most competitive fighter jet in the international arms market in recent years.

An advanced export model of J-10 Fighter

What is the price of J-10 Fighter that China exports?

The J-10C's export performance is crucial to China's global arms market share.

Title:

Content: Russia ’ s poor performance on the Ukrainian battlefield has become a global laughingstock, and it is expected that Russia, as an arms exporter, will lose a large number of orders and turn to China.
As a matter of fact, the Russian-Ukrainian war is still at a stalemate, and the old Russian military customer, Sudan, an Islamic state in North Africa, has decided to buy the J-10C fighter that China has strongly promoted in recent years. If the two sides are determined, Sudan will be the second customer of China's J-10C export after Pakistan.
Turkish media International Defense Analysis (IDA) recently reported the news, but did not specify the amount and price of the purchase, which may be that the details of the sales contract are still under negotiation.
If the price of export to Pakistan is estimated at 40 million US dollars, the price of Sudan's purchase may be higher, because Pakistan's order is the first order of J-10C export, the price is naturally more favorable, and now Sudan's purchase to China is mainly Russia's image destruction, not the price factor; The aim is to counter India ’ s established French Tornado fighter, US-made F-16 and Indian Su-30MKI, but Sudan does not currently have this need, and may only be equipped with the shorter range PL-10, but this part may have little impact on the price.
At the beginning of this year, Pakistan officially released the news of the purchase of J-10C, there are unconfirmed rumors that J-10C may appear in Africa a second customer, which is more likely to be Sudan, and the purchase of the model will not be J-10C, the cooperation between China and Pakistan JF-17 Dragon is also one of the options, after all, JF-17 uses more customers.
With an area of nearly 2 million square kilometers, the Islamic state of Sudan in North Africa is the third largest country in Africa. Its name Sudan means "black land" in official Arabic.
Sudan, ruled by a military government, has long been plagued by the Darfur conflict and South Sudan's independence, and has been named the "most unstable country in the world".
Economically based on agricultural and animal husbandry processing products, the military has long been supported by the former Soviet Union and Russia, and the existing weapons are mostly Russian-Chinese systems, and there are a small number of US-French weapons.
The aircraft purchased from China and Russia are mostly old models, such as China's Keang-5, J-7, FTC-2000, etc. The Russian-made MiG-23, MiG-29, Su-24, Su-25, etc., a total of about 40 ~ 50 aircraft.
The FTC-2000, also known as the Jian-9, is considered to be the third generation trainer, so there has been a need to update the fighter fleet for many years.
From the perspective of the composition of the Sudanese Air Force, it is still the largest number of Russian-made fighters, so it is the most likely to buy Russian-made fighters again.
Although the French surge is also actively in contact, the price of each aircraft is as high as 100 to 200 million US dollars to deter the sultan.
Since this year, the Russian Air Force and fighter aircraft have shown everyone ’ s surprise, which has seriously hit the outside world ’ s perception of Russian-made military fire, so the J-10C seized the opportunity as early as the contact, although it has not yet achieved actual combat results, but also Pakistan began to use on the tense India-Pakistan border, there are not many buyers in the international search, in the current atmosphere, the J-10C deal is finally Get a breakthrough.
The size of Sudan's air force is small, if the first batch of J-10C is purchased, the number should only be more than 10, about enough to form a squadron.
In recent years, China has pushed J-10C internationally, and many countries have expressed interest. In addition to Thailand in Southeast Asia and Argentina in South America, some countries in the Middle East and Africa have also been considered.
Especially after Russia ’ s performance in Ukraine has become an international laughingstock, many customers who used Russian-made aircraft in the past should turn to China.
In addition to fighter aircraft, other ground weapons or various types of frigates, unmanned ships and now the most popular drones, will also be due to the performance of the Russian army and China get a large number of orders.
Since fighter trading has always been the largest trading item in the international arms market, if China ’ s J-10C can have a big win in this wave of Russian orders, it will significantly boost China ’ s ranking in the global arms market share.
According to the 2021 ranking of the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, the United States ranked first in arms transactions for the year with 39%, Russia ranked second with 19%, France ranked third with 11%, and China ranked fourth with 4.9%.
And France ’ s share of the increase mainly comes from India and the Middle East countries to buy surge fighters, China J-10C this year has Pakistan ’ s deal, if coupled with Sudan ’ s order, it may surpass France to become the world ’ s fourth largest arms exporter in 2022, if the J-10C can thus open the market, and even in a few years may surpass Russia, to become only the United States defense industrial power.
Source: Headlines Revealed on Facebook.com
# J-10C # SUDAN # JET # ARMY # RUSSIA

What has China said about its J-10C Fighter?

It is the most competitive fighter jet in the international arms market in recent years.

The US has pressured Israel to limit China's investments, potentially impacting China's military exports.

Title:

Content: Dragons and Israel.
From the Promised Land of China to the Time of the Ultimate Flood
There is an old and not very common story that can explain the course of relations between China and the Israeli occupation state.
The events began with a letter sent by Sun Qi, a prominent Chinese legislator and member of the Supreme Council for National Defense, son of the founder of modern China and the first president of the Republic of China, to the government ’ s Civil Affairs Office, which contained a proposal that at first glance seemed strange and unfamiliar: Why does China not host Jews fleeing Nazi oppression in Europe and offer them an alternative homeland, rather than British plans to settle them in Palestine, which Arabs reject. And bloody confrontations?
It was in 1939, and World War II was knocking on the doors of the world, about two years after the beginning of the Japanese invasion of Chinese territory in the Second Sino-Japanese War.
Sun Qi ’ s proposal, of course, was not so much driven by benevolent Chinese motives as by strategic reasons in his view.
For starters, by hosting fleeing Jews, Beijing could benefit from American and British support in the face of the Japanese invaders, who had taken Shanghai and taken control of the entire Chinese coast by then.
Moreover, Sun Ki believed that Jewish refugees had something to offer China economically thanks to their “strong financial background and many talents, ” as he put it.
This is in addition to the great publicity that China will receive in the West for its contribution to solving the “Jewish dilemma ” and providing an alternative homeland for fleeing Jews.
By then, China had already hosted between 20,000 and 25,000 Jewish refugees, most of them concentrated in Shanghai, but Sun Qi ’ s plans were much broader: the Chinese official hoped to host 100,000 Jews, not in Shanghai this time but in Yunnan province at the foothills of the Himalayas, a temperate and scenic border province with enough arable land to accommodate tens of thousands of new refugees. "For the Jews.
But the idea of settling Jews in China was not entirely new, and it is believed that Sun Ki somehow picked it up from an American dentist from Brooklyn named Maurice William who had proposed it to the famous physicist Albert Einstein five years before Sun Ki proposed it.
William believed — a belief that Einstein strongly agreed with — that China was the only real hope for Hitler ’ s “victims, ” not only because both the Chinese and Jewish peoples belonged to cultures dating back to antiquity, but also because China was still a young country struggling to transform itself into a modern state, perhaps willing to make room for Jewish settlers.
William ’ s vision found its way into the then ruling Kuomintang, but party leaders showed limited acceptance at first because of their appreciation for their ties to Germany, which stepped up military and economic aid to China after the Nazis took power, and fears that the reception of Jews in Berlin would be interpreted as an insult to the German government.
More importantly, voices within the Chinese government warned that China ’ s rule over its proposed Jewish settlement would be difficult in the long run and that Jews would sooner or later demand autonomy.
Finally, Chinese officials feared that receiving Jews would weaken their position in the face of Japanese fascist propaganda that focused on accusing China of communism, and often singled out Jews with communism.
In March 1939, the KMT approved Sun Ki ’ s proposal and began publishing the “Yunnan Plan ” in the Chinese and American press. There is a conflict of opinion among the Chinese.
In the end, it was the Pearl Harbor incident — not the plan to settle the Jews — that led the United States and Britain to support China, ending the war with Japan ’ s defeat, but the KMT emerged too weak to govern.
Mao Zedong ’ s Communist Party of China (CPC) took advantage of this weakness to assert control over the country from 1949 until today, forcing Sun Qi and his comrades to flee to Taiwan.
There is little that unites the Communist Party today with the Kuomintang in the 1930s, but one of the few issues that probably unites the two sides is how each treats Jews and Israel not as a mutually exclusive relationship between two independent parties, but as a function card in a broader geopolitical context that goes beyond bilateral relations.
For Chinese nationalists, the promise to host Jews was an important card for American and British support in the war, solidifying their propaganda image in the West, and, quite similarly, managing the relationship with Israel today has become for Xi Jinping and his fellow Mao descendants a way of maneuvering against the United States.
The main difference is that China today is much stronger than that fragile state of World War II, and that its maneuvers seek not so much to win Washington ’ s support as to undermine it.
China and Israel.
Troubled Beginnings
Diplomatic relations between communist China and the Israeli occupation state were opened with a gesture of diplomatic flirtation by the "nascent Zionist state" that rushed to recognize the People 's Republic of China in 1950 and was one of the first non-communist countries to take this step. Later that year, Chinese and Israeli officials met in Moscow to explore diplomatic relations. Dah.
Almost throughout Mao Zedong ’ s reign (1949 – 1976), China repudiated Israel in its renunciation of the Western capitalist world, seeing the Zionist state as one of the bases of Western imperialism in the East, and supporting nationalist and Marxist regimes in Egypt, Algeria, South Yemen, and Syria, as well as national liberation movements, primarily the Palestinian struggle.
This support was demonstrated by Chinese Foreign Minister Zhou Enlai ’ s efforts to put the Palestinian issue on the agenda of the 1955 Bandung Afro-Asian Conference as a symbol of Beijing ’ s support for “the struggles of oppressed peoples. ”
By 1965, China's "solidarity" with the Palestinians culminated in its formal recognition of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) months after its founding, the first non-Arab state to recognize the organization.
Under Mao and his successor, Deng Xiaoping, China provided difficult financial and arms support to the PLO and its leader Yasser Arafat, and remained faithful to its policy of "ostracizing Israel" until the early 1970s, refusing to grant visas to Israelis unless they hold another country's passport, and avoiding engaging in any formal diplomatic, military or economic relationship with the occupying state.
This policy began to change in the wake of the Sino-Soviet split and the departure of Mao Zedong and the more hawkish leadership of the Communist Party, and US-China relations improved to the restoration of diplomatic relations in 1979, as China eased travel restrictions for Israelis, while Israel voted to accept China's membership in the United Nations and reopened its consulate in Hong Kong (then under British administration), becoming the main point of diplomatic and economic contact with Beijing.
Simultaneously, the two sides initiated a growing military relationship in secret, including the sale to Israel of technology needed to modernize Chinese tanks and aircraft in the 1980s.
Israel Aerospace Industries is believed to have sold technologies related to the Lavie, a fourth-generation multirole fighter, to the Chinese who used it to develop the Chengdu J10 ′, and Israeli technology and expertise helped modernize the Chinese military and air force.
This cooperation paved the way for more open relations between the two sides by opening representative offices in Beijing and Tel Aviv that served as de facto embassies.
The Israeli office, known as the Liaison Office of the Israeli Academy of Sciences and Humanities, opened in June 1990, and was followed in the same year by the Chinese office in Tel Aviv, a branch of the China International Travel Service.
In January 1992, relations culminated in China ’ s formal recognition of Israel and the establishment of full diplomatic relations, and since then four Israeli presidents and three prime ministers — including Benjamin Netanyahu in March 2017 — have paid official and semi-official visits to China.
Despite this, Beijing has maintained the broad outlines of its policy toward the Palestinian cause, at least rhetorically, sticking to the demand for a Palestinian state as the only way to resolve the conflict, calling for the resumption of negotiations and peaceful solutions, and repeatedly denouncing Israeli aggression against the Palestinians.
Technology...
The Rise and Fall of Relationships
Despite the passage of more than three decades of full diplomatic relations between China and the Israeli occupation state, “utilitarianism ” remained the main title of these relations, which focused mainly on the economy, especially technology, and did not result in a diplomatic rapprochement in the sensitive files of both parties.
For its part, China has kept its rhetoric on the Palestinian issue from criticizing Israel for building the “separation wall ” in the West Bank, condemning its 2010 raid on the Freedom Flotilla, voting for the UN investigation into Israeli war crimes after the 2014 Gaza aggression, rebuking Israel for its actions in Syria and Lebanon, and refraining from designating Hamas and Hezbollah as terrorist organizations despite Western pressure. for large segments of the Palestinian and Lebanese populations.
On the other hand, Tel Aviv has remained faithful to its alliance with the United States, including its vote against China in international forums, and its condemnation of its violations against Uighur Muslims.
The unwritten agreement between the two countries, then, was to separate economic files from political positions, a position that benefited China far more than Israel, which has come under heavy US pressure to curtail relations with Beijing and has been accused of lacking a coherent strategy to deal with China and even of not fully understanding Beijing ’ s ambitions and motives.
The implicit agreement has resulted in a rapid expansion of bilateral trade, making China Israel ’ s second-largest trading partner after the United States, with trade between the two countries increasing by 130 percent between 2013 and 2022 to an all-time high of $17.6 billion.
Most of the trade exchange money between the two countries comes from Chinese imports to the Israeli occupation state, but what matters more about this relationship is what Beijing has benefited from Tel Aviv, which is revealed by Chinese investment figures more than trade exchange data.
For example, in 2018, China concluded 73 foreign direct investment deals in high-tech fields in Israel, a trend that has dominated relations over the past two decades, with the Institute for National Security Studies monitoring a steady increase in Chinese investment and mergers and acquisitions in the Israeli technology sector between 2007 and 2020.
A RAND study from 2011 to 2018 also indicates that Chinese companies invested at least $5.9 billion in the Israeli tech sector, including companies with direct and indirect ties to the state and the military, such as Huawei, ZTE, Legend, Alibaba, Xiaomi, Kongxi and others.
Chinese companies have invested in cloud computing, artificial intelligence, semiconductors, and telecommunications networks, most of which fall under dual-use technologies that can be used for both civilian and military purposes.
These investments were accompanied by a range of scientific and research partnerships around the same areas.
For example, the Israeli Technion Institute of Technology and Shantou University in China have established a branch in Guangdong Province of China. Similarly, the Hebrew University of Haifa and the East China Normal University have launched a joint research institute in Shanghai, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev and Jilin University have established a joint center for entrepreneurship and innovation, and Tel Aviv University has teamed up with Tsinghua University in Beijing to build a research center focusing on biotechnology, water. environmental.
These investments and partnerships have provided a back door for China to acquire Western technology, which has been denied access to advanced technologies in the United States and Europe, and placed restrictions on Western companies ’ dealings with Beijing.
For China, Israel has been a lake of Western technology, but with far fewer restrictions and scrutiny given the fact that Israel ’ s technology sector is closely integrated into the Western tech world, Israeli companies cooperate with their American and European counterparts, and these companies, along with Western venture capital funds, have private offices in Israel.
In return, Israel reaped a lot of material benefits that China did not mind providing and benefited from the growth of Chinese tourism to Tel Aviv, after more than 150,000 Chinese tourists visited the occupation state in 2019, the largest number of tourists in the history of relations between the two countries.
But that "technical honeymoon" seems to be over or almost over.
Even before the Great Flood of October 7, 2023, economic relations between the two sides began to show signs of relative decline, with trade in 2023 falling 18 percent from the previous year to $14.6 billion, while the number of foreign direct investment deals has steadily declined since 2019 to only 18 in 2022, meaning that Israel ’ s image as an “innovation hub ” and a“ startup nation ” is eroding, at least from Beijing ’ s point of view....
One of the main reasons for this decline is that Israel has begun to bow to US pressure by curtailing China ’ s investments and acquisitions in technology, an issue that has long sparked friction between Washington and Tel Aviv.
For example, in 1999, a deal to sell Israel ’ s Falcon early-warning aircraft collapsed due to pressure from Washington, and in 2004 the occupying power was forced to reject Beijing ’ s request to modernize the Israeli-made Harpy drones and return them to China without modernization after the Pentagon demanded their confiscation.
It is clear that the differences over this file have become more acute and that US pressure has become too great to resist, which led Tel Aviv to block several China-related acquisitions and the establishment of a new internal investment regime in 2019 that takes into account “national security reasons. ”
The net result of all this has been a decline in the Chinese presence in the Israeli technology market and thus a decline in the functional importance of Israel to the Chinese.
The year 2018 is arguably the point at which the technical partnership between the two countries began to decline, and with it bilateral relations entered a new phase of cooling.
After the flood.
American Achilles Heel
As Israel ’ s technological functionality wanes, the occupying power ’ s place in official Chinese politics is likely to gradually shrink to pre-technology boom status.
The infrastructure of bilateral economic relations established over the past two decades is not easy to bypass and makes a total rupture or even complete estrangement unlikely, but it is not unlikely that the relationship with Israel in the near future in Beijing will be the same as it was in the Kuomintang era: a gambit to achieve China ’ s goals in the wider geopolitical space, first and foremost to undermine U.S. global influence and elevate China ’ s standing among the “global South. ”...
This broad view can explain China ’ s policy toward the recent war in the Gaza Strip, and Beijing ’ s official pronouncements, which to observers in the West — and, of course, in Tel Aviv itself — seemed surprising in its hostility to Israel.
In contrast, Chinese officials were quick to assert that Israeli airstrikes “went beyond self-defense ” and condemned them as“ collective punishment ” for Palestinians, while Chinese media blamed the United States for fueling the conflict.
Not only that, but Chinese officials have been careful to point out the root cause of the conflict: the Palestinian issue has not yet been “fairly settled, ” according to Zhai Jun, the Chinese government ’ s special envoy to the Middle East, and Ma Xinmin, director general of the Foreign Ministry ’ s Department of Treaties and Law, told the International Court of Justice in February that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict“ stems from Israel ’ s occupation of Palestinian territories and oppression. ” "The Palestinian people are struggling against Israeli oppression, and their struggle to complete the establishment of their independent state on their occupied territories is a just struggle to regain their legitimate rights," in a rare and explicit recognition of the legitimacy of Palestinian armed resistance against Israeli occupation.
This is a severe rhetorical escalation even by China ’ s own standards, but it should not be read as a purely pro-Palestinian or anti-Israel stance, as it should be read in light of Beijing ’ s vision of its major strategic interests, centered around the United States rather than Israel.
There is no doubt that Washington ’ s absolute bias towards Israel and its financial, military, political and legal support for the crimes of the Israeli occupation (as opposed to its criticism of Russia ’ s war in Ukraine, for example) weakened its popular position in the Middle East and the countries of the global South in general. Give China a platform to spread its narrative that America ’ s boastful “rules-based ” world order is based solely on serving the interests of Washington and its allies.
To put it bluntly, Beijing treats America ’ s blind commitment to Israel as an Achilles ’ heel to hit, and rejoices to see its adversary stumble over it again and again.
At the same time, China, through its rhetorical support for the Palestinian cause, is gaining its strategic position in the global South sympathetic to the Palestinian cause, not only in Arab and Islamic countries, but also in many developing countries and major human blocs in Asia, Africa and Latin America, which see the Palestinian struggle as a symbol of resistance against colonial legacies and a challenge to American hegemony.
Opinion polls prove the effectiveness of this Chinese approach: Since the beginning of the American-backed Israeli campaign in Gaza, mistrust of the United States and its policies has clearly deepened.
A survey of five Arab countries conducted between December 2023 and March 2024 by the Arab Barometer reflects a sharp decline in popular support for the United States. Compared to the last poll of the Organization at the end of 2021 and the beginning of 2022, the positive perception of Washington in Jordan fell from 51% to 25%, in Mauritania from 50% to 31% and in Lebanon from 42% to 27%. Joe Biden was “good ” or“ very good ” with 12 points in Lebanon and nine points in Jordan during the same period.
The Arab Barometer poll in Tunisia specifically confirms that American support for the Israeli aggression on Gaza is the reason for the deterioration of Washington ’ s image.
In the three weeks leading up to the al-Aqsa deluge, 40 percent of Tunisians said they had a positive view of the United States, before dropping to just 10 percent three weeks after the start of the war.
The Arab Barometer survey showed that at least 50% of respondents had positive views of China (a notable increase compared to the 2021 and 2022 data that showed a decline in China ’ s Arab reputation), and in both Jordan and Morocco, China benefited from at least a 15-point increase in its positive reputation.
This trend does not stop in the Arab or even Islamic countries alone, but it resonates throughout the “non-Western ” world.
For example, a poll conducted in the autumn of 2023 (coinciding with the Gaza war) in eight major non-Western countries — Brazil, China, India, Indonesia, Russia, Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and South Africa — found that public opinion in the global South is more in line with China ’ s policies, visions, and propaganda messages on many issues, such as that Russia is closer to victory in its war on Ukraine, and that the United States bears a heavy responsibility. As well as a belief that the European Union could collapse within two decades, and a belief that American democracy is more fragile than it seems.
In terms of direct benefits, China believes it can take advantage of U.S. involvement in the Middle East and other arenas outside Asia to improve its strategic position in its immediate vicinity, particularly in Taiwan and the South China Sea.
But that doesn ’ t mean Beijing is willing to go beyond rhetoric toward more pragmatic positions in support of the Palestinians, as happened in Mao ’ s time.
First, because China today is far more integrated into the global system in terms of economy, trade and even security than Mao Zedong ’ s time, it is more likely to “reform ” the system and improve its position in it than to undermine it, making it less inclined to challenge the United States thousands of miles from its territory.
Second, because Beijing already knows the limits of its power and has no real leverage to force one or both sides of the conflict to take a stand, at least Israel, which would be less responsive to any Chinese diplomatic initiative, even if it were symbolic.
Third, and perhaps most importantly, Beijing is probably less interested in ending the war sooner than its official statements show, than in not expanding to the vital trade corridors of Bab al-Mandab and the Red Sea in a way that would seriously harm its commercial interests, and as long as the war is confined to the occupied Palestinian territories, Beijing will be happy to see the United States sink to its ears.
Meanwhile, Xi Jinping hopes that his rhetorical stance against the Gaza war and America ’ s shameful stance in favor of Israeli extermination will be enough to ensure the support, or at least neutrality, of the global South if he makes his fateful decision to “invade Taiwan ” anytime soon.
Margins:
The Kuomintang (Chinese Nationalist Party) was a political party that ruled all or part of mainland China between 1928 and 1949, ending with the loss of the Chinese Civil War, in which the Communist Party, led by its leader Mao Zedong, won the Chinese Civil War.
* * Geographically, the Global South refers to countries south of the equator versus those to its north.
It has often been used in journalism to represent third world countries or developing countries as opposed to rich countries regardless of their geographical location, reflecting primarily economic division.
Recently, however, the term has been adapted to refer to a “potential ” or“ hypothetical ” bloc of economically rising, population-intensive non-Western states that advocate a multipolar world and reject unilateral US hegemony.
Source: The Island

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