The 2020 reconversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque has sparked international criticism for prioritizing its Islamic past over other historical layers.

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque is seen as a political move by Erdogan to consolidate power and appeal to his conservative base.

The Turkish government's decision to convert Hagia Sophia into a mosque has been criticized for erasing the country's multiculturalism and restricting access to the site.

Hagia Sophia has suffered damage and deterioration under the Turkish Directorate of Religion, with fragments falling from the dome due to humidity.

The UNESCO recommendations guide the visitor management plan, as heavy cleaning damaged marble floors and caused oak wood decay at the Imperial Gate.

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque has been praised by Muslims but criticized by countries like Greece and the US.

The American Council demands Hagia Sophia be converted into a Christian site, possibly appealing to the ECHR if refused.

Erdogan's decision to convert Hagia Sophia into a mosque is seen as a political move opposed by the Anatolian Youth Association.

The international community has criticized Turkey's decision to convert Hagia Sophia into a mosque, citing concerns for religious minorities.

The Pope has expressed grief and called for the protection of Christian heritage sites.

The 1972 World Heritage Convention provides a framework for international cooperation and protection of cultural heritage sites like Hagia Sophia.

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque may harm its cultural and historical significance and preservation.

The Hagia Sophia conversion has sparked a global debate about preserving cultural heritage.

Hagia Sophia's UNESCO World Heritage Site status is at risk, prompting a recommended visitor management plan.

The 2020 reconversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque has sparked international criticism for prioritizing its Islamic past over other historical layers.

Title:

Content: She returned Hagia Sophia to a mosque.
Turkey has challenged global trusteeship
Daily Morning
Istanbul, Turkey
Posted at 29.10.2022 10: 23
Hagia Sophia Mosque (Getty Images)
President Recep Tayyip Erdogan said Friday that the fact that Turkey has returned the Hagia Sophia museum from a museum to a mosque represents a major challenge to the global trusteeship.
Speaking at a ceremony announcing the vision of the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) “Turkey ’ s Century ” in Ankara, Erdogan said his country was challenging global tutelage and thanked citizens for their support for the decision to return Hagia Sophia.
He noted that his party has always sought to eliminate any vestiges of guardianship and promote democracy in the country over the past 20 years.
Turkey has lived through a remarkable period in its history in general and the history of Istanbul, especially when Hagia Sophia was transformed from its status as a museum and restored to its former glory as the Grand Mosque of Hagia Sophia on July 24, 2020.
The historic building remained a church for 916 years until the conquest of Istanbul.
It was then used as a mosque between 1453 and 1934, nearly 500 years before becoming a museum for 86 years.
It is one of the most visited historical buildings in Turkey by domestic and international tourists, and Hagia Sophia was added to the UNESCO World Heritage List in 1985.
On July 10, 2020, a Turkish court overturned a 1934 ministerial decision that turned Hagia Sophia into a museum, paving the way for it to be used again as a mosque after an 86-year hiatus.

How did Muslims and Orthodox Christians react to the reconversion?

No--In 1934, Ataturk turned it into a museum, making it a major tourist attraction and secular symbol in Turkey.

What political motivations influenced Erdogan's decision to reconvert Hagia Sophia?

Erdogan's decision was influenced by Turkey's Islamic resurgence.

Who was angered by the reconversion of Hagia Sophia in July 2020?

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque is seen as a political move by Erdogan to consolidate power and appeal to his conservative base.

Title:

Content: Can Europe Make It?: Opinion

Why Turkey’s withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention is a global problem

Far-Right populists might claim to be protecting local traditions, but the backlash against women’s rights demands an international response

Özlem Altan-Olcay Bertil Emrah Oder
2 June 2021, 12.00am

On 20 March, Turkey’s Official Gazette announced a presidential decision to withdraw from the Istanbul Convention, the Council of Europe’s treaty on preventing violence against women and domestic violence. While the announcement was sudden, it was not a complete surprise, given that the Convention has been a focus of the backlash against women’s rights in countries with right-wing populist governments.

Alongside the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (Bélem do Para), the Istanbul Convention is the world’s leading international human rights treaty that specifically targets gender-based violence. After two years of preparation and negotiation, the treaty was opened to signature in 2011 in Istanbul, with the Turkish foreign minister being the first signatory. The Turkish parliament then approved the ratification unanimously, stressing its full support for eradicating violence against women. On 8 March 2012, in a symbolic display of political support to mark International Women’s Day, the parliament passed Law No. 6284 on gender-based violence and officially ratified the Istanbul Convention.

Turkish participation in the Convention stems from a history of feminist mobilisation in Turkey, which has successfully demanded progressive changes in state structures and legislation over several decades. For example, feminist groups pushed for Turkey’s ratification of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women in 1985 and successfully pressured the government to lift its reservations in 1999. In addition, alliances across women’s organisations helped push for a new civil code in 2001, which recognised the full equality of women and men in marriage, and a new penal code in 2004, with progressive changes in punishing femicides (or so-called “honour crimes”), rape in marriage, sexual harassment, child abuse, and other sex crimes that perpetuate women’s inferior status. Feminist advocacy has made Turkey’s legal system significantly more gender-responsive by building coalitions across women’s networks (platforms) and negotiating with state actors through institutional channels such as parliamentary committees and ministries.

Since then, feminist groups have campaigned to make visible the horrific extent of violence against women in Turkey and the way in which it has intensified in recent years. They used the Council of Europe’s first Group of Experts report on the Convention in 2018 to highlight how the judiciary finds ways to undermine legal clauses or misinterpret them to enable victim blaming. They also raised concerns about secondary victimisation, which occurs when police fail to implement protective measures, as well as prosecutorial ignorance and violations of victims’ rights. In contrast to right-wing populists, who claim that violence against women has increased because of the Convention, women’s NGOs have proved that the problem is a lack of implementation.

The gathering backlash

Despite the progressive legal framework, populists on the far Right have become more unabashed in recent years. There are increasing attempts to remove the problem of gender inequality from political discussion by claiming that there is a natural division of labour between men and women in families, and that we should try to protect families and Turkish culture.

For example, perpetrators’ strategies of victim-blaming have been increasingly successful before criminal courts, which themselves abuse the legal clauses regarding unjust provocation or good behaviour. Lower courts have unsuccessfully challenged the existing legislation to prevent gender-based violence in Turkey’s constitutional court. In 2016, a bill was proposed that would have deferred punishment for the sexual assault of minors. Supporters of the bill, which advocacy groups referred to as “the marry your rapist bill” or “the statutory rape bill”, claimed to be protecting families where men, punished for sexual assaults on minors, had married their victims with the consent of both parties. After massive protests and criticism from civil society, including representatives of conservative women’s groups, the government withdrew the bill.

These moves coincided with growing attacks from the Right on the ‘dangers’ of the Istanbul Convention. In response, We Will Stop Femicide Platform (Kadın Cinayetlerini Durduracağız Platformu) organised a social media campaign in 2019 called “The Istanbul Convention Keeps us Alive”. This campaign was picked up by civil society organisations, political parties and local authorities. In 2020, Turkish feminists initiated the #Challenge Accepted campaign by posting black-and-white pictures of themselves, indicating that they do not want to end up among the pictures of domestic violence victims that mourners pin to their collars at funerals. The campaign was picked up internationally and became a trending topic on Instagram within days. Turkish feminist organisations came together in August 2020 to establish a platform called Women’s Platform for Equality (Eşitlik için Kadın Platformu) to fight collectively against far-Right demands to withdraw from the Convention. The platform is also part of a transnational advocacy network with organisations from various countries where women’s rights are under similar attack.

Meanwhile, polls in Turkey show a significant decrease (from 45% to 21% in the last ten years) in public support for namus, the belief that women’s behaviour and public presence should be controlled in order to protect ‘family honour’. Similarly, acceptance of domestic violence is falling (from 20% to 6% in the last five years). Among people who know what the Istanbul Convention is, 84% were against a potential withdrawal in September 2020. Even within the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), many defended the Convention after far-Right actors began denouncing it.

As societal norms become more progressive, thanks in part to a strong tradition of feminist advocacy, there is also a vociferous right-wing backlash. The situation in Turkey, therefore, is complex.

Withdrawal and democratic resistance

The level of social mobilisation against the presidential decree throws its legitimacy into question. After 20 March, government leaders claimed that the decision was irrevocable. Nevertheless, people poured onto the streets to protest despite the risks of police violence and the Covid-19 pandemic. Resistance has not been limited to demonstrations, either. Individuals and associations have used strategic litigation in a manner unprecedented in Turkey’s political history: Women’s platforms, ordinary citizens, and 77 bar associations have filed thousands of lawsuits before the Conseil d’Etat, the highest administrative court, calling for the decision to be annulled. The opposition parties, CHP, IYI Party, DEVA, and HDP, have also voiced their objections and joined the litigation campaign while TUSIAD, the Turkish Industry and Business Association, which represents Turkey’s largest companies, has issued a declaration against the withdrawal.

Recently, some right-wing commentators have explained the backlash against the Convention as a reaction against top-down policy measures linked to globalisation and Europeanisation. They claim that the pro-women policies themselves reflect a significant democratic deficit because they lack popular support in Turkey. Accordingly, any action to promote gender equality in Turkey results from international commitments and the work of “submissive governments” and the “bureaucratic elite”. In this explanation, therefore, the backlash is presented as a case of citizens voicing their concerns about the lack of democratic oversight, and demanding participation in public policy making.

However, this argument is not just implausible but also highly problematic given the unanimous parliamentary approval of the Istanbul Convention in 2012, as well as the recent polls showing high public support for the Convention, not to mention widespread protests and declarations against the withdrawal, and divisions inside the AKP itself. A better explanation might be that marginal and ultra-conservative groups have captured critical positions in the government and are attempting to retain them through a politics of polarisation.

The far Right claims pro-women policies reflect a significant democratic deficit because they lack popular support in Turkey

The support of Turkey’s bar associations for the litigation campaign against the withdrawal decision is also significant. In fact, it is not possible to unilaterally withdraw from an international convention based on a presidential decision. The government has tried to justify this by reference to a recent and highly controversial decree giving the president opaque authority to dissolve international agreements unilaterally. However, a presidential decision is a simple administrative order for implementing statutory legislation rather than replacing it. Thus, the withdrawal violates the institutional balance of powers and associated normative hierarchy laid down in article 90 of the Turkish constitution.

Although Turkey moved to a presidential system of government in 2017, the constitution still gives parliament exclusive power over both international agreements and civil rights. Moreover, the constitution recognises that international human rights treaties have primacy over statutory legislation. Therefore, this move can hardly be considered to carry legitimacy even within the confines of Turkish law.

Democratic backsliding

The withdrawal also has important implications for the wider political context in Turkey. In particular, the government’s increasing tendency to take controversial decisions without following the regular institutional procedures is undermining democracy.

For example, the government forced the repeat of two recent elections after losing: the general election in 2015 and Istanbul’s mayoral election in 2019. Meanwhile, the European Court of Human Rigthts and the Council of Europe Commissioner of Human Rights have identified numerous attacks and smear campaigns by the ruling elite against civil society, individual human rights defenders, journalists, and other dissenters. The government’s extensive use of criminal law, particularly anti-terrorism legislation, against Turkey’s independent media means that Turkey has the most detained journalists among Council of Europe countries. In contrast, organised crime leaders have become prominent figures who threaten the political opposition. An ongoing economic and financial crisis in Turkey has also reduced the government’s popularity, especially in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic, with increasing numbers questioning the shift to the presidential system.

Given these developments, the swift withdrawal from the Convention appears to be another government attempt to consolidate a shrinking political base, much like its sudden, well-publicised conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque. In other words, the tactical moves aim to gain support from Turkey’s far Right and to divide the opposition bloc by attracting the voters of minority political parties on the Right that the AKP needs to win upcoming presidential elections.

These sudden moves may also relate to the government’s call for a new constitution. Although the 2017 constitutional amendments increased the president’s executive power and accelerated democratic backsliding, Turkey has so far avoided a complete institutional dismantlement and collapse of civic oversight, as parliamentary opposition and civil society remain vibrant. The government’s sudden and arbitrary actions may be aimed at disempowering parliament and further eroding democratic oversight. Shutting down the possibilities for open public debate may be part of a wider project to introduce a more regressive constitution down the road.

The recent polls show high public support for the Convention, not to mention widespread protests and declarations against the withdrawal

The transnational context

The government’s withdrawal decision has been accompanied by intensified references to “our culture” and “our traditions”. Ironically, of course, such references to authenticity and cultural difference are common among far-Right opponents of gender equality and women’s rights everywhere. In other words, the backlash is transnational, even though it is based on claims of unique, homogenous community identities. For example, the Turkish government has tried to legitimise its decision by referring to other countries, such as the call by Poland’s ultra-conservative groups to protect the country’s ‘traditional’ values against LGBTQ+ rights, and the hesitancy of the governments of Hungary, Bulgaria, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic to ratify the Convention.

Turkey’s notification of withdrawal sets a precedent for other illiberal governments in Europe to suddenly abandon their international commitments. There is a risk that ultra-conservative forces in other contexts use Turkey’s withdrawal as a validation of their own claims that the Istanbul Convention reinforces unwelcome ‘gender ideology’ and ‘undermines the family’. The next stages will be crucial, not only for Turkey, but for the future of the European post-war order, which has gradually created a framework of human rights and the rule of law.

Gender equality is central to public discussion and policy formation transnationally, precisely because attempts at democratic erosion often target it in regressive political contexts. The right-wing backlash against gender equality makes it a vital theme and a matter of grassroots politics, but also shows that egalitarian achievements face a critical moment. We should not consider the sudden withdrawal by Turkey’s socially conservative government as a country-specific response; rather, we must follow it carefully for its transnational impact. Its effects can easily spread by encouraging other right-wing populist governments and transnational anti-gender networks. If this in fact happens, a powerful backlash may even threaten the hard-won gains in women’s human rights through other international commitments like the Beijing Platform of Action and Agenda 2030.

We must also consider the implications of these developments for how to situate rights with respect to cultural difference. Popular critical discussions currently tend to reject a Eurocentric perspective in favor of recognising cultural diversity. But they pay less attention than they could to feminists and rights advocates living under regressive regimes. A simplistic understanding of multiculturalism can be dangerous if it only recognises purported differences between societies and ignores differences within a society, as well as the fact that no cultural claim is fixed or uncontested.

Such a simplistic argument about cultural diversity can hide the fact that some people can have disproportionate power to define hegemonic cultural practices in each society. The inadvertent effect of not recognising this is that women demanding what right-wing voices refer to as ‘Western’ rights are heard less and must take greater risks to voice their demands whereas those with disproportionate power can become more brazen in promoting the one ‘authentic’ culture of that society.

An understanding of multiculturalism can be dangerous if it recognises differences between societies but ignores differences within a society

It is essential to remember that people who use arguments of cultural difference and tradition may themselves be part of transnational forces that use similar rhetoric to prevent oppressed groups from demanding their rights.

We have outlined how progressive forces in Turkish civil society, particularly feminist groups, have resisted the government’s decision to withdraw from the Istanbul Convention and the backlash against its provisions. These developments show the need to listen more attentively to people living under regressive regimes who say they don’t want their rights to be eclipsed by ideas of cultural difference and tradition. The people making these demands are neither Westernised nor elites; rather, they are clear evidence that millions around the world demand democracy and gender equality. Their experiences also show the real dangers of confusing celebration of diverse cultural practices with ignoring demands for rights and opposition to regressive discourses and practices in specific societies.

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What kind of domestic reaction did Erdogan's reconversion of Hagia Sophia receive?

What political motivations influenced Erdogan's decision to reconvert Hagia Sophia?

The decision aimed to rally anti-Kemalist voters.

Erdogan's decision was influenced by Turkey's Islamic resurgence.

The Turkish government's decision to convert Hagia Sophia into a mosque has been criticized for erasing the country's multiculturalism and restricting access to the site.

Title:

Content: After Hagia Sophia, Turkey converts a second ancient Byzantine church into a mosque

Hundreds of worshippers filled the narrow streets of Istanbul's Fatih district on Friday to hear the sounds of Friday prayers ringing out from the newly inaugurated Kariye Mosque.

Once known as the Chora Church, the site spent the last 79 years as a museum. But it is now the latest structure to be converted back into a mosque by the government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, following the conversion of Hagia Sophia in 2020. While viewed as a triumph by many Turkish Muslims, the Greek Orthodox Church has decried it as an "ill-advised decision" that "makes a mockery of the Turkish government's commitment to religious tolerance and religious freedom."

Chora's conversion was announced shortly after Hagia Sophia's, but its opening for prayer was delayed by years of restoration work.

The showing for the first Friday prayers at Kariye was relatively quiet compared to Hagia Sophia, which drew hundreds of thousands who filled the streets with prayer rugs for blocks and blocks away from the building. By contrast, the crowd on Friday was relatively average for a mosque in one of Istanbul's more religiously conservative neighborhoods, where Friday worshippers frequently spill out onto the streets.

Both the Chora Church and Hagia Sophia are 4th-century Byzantine constructions. They spent nearly a millennium as Christian holy sites before being converted to mosques by the Ottomans after their conquest of Constantinople in the 15th century. Despite their conversions, they remained revered by Orthodox Christians. After the founding of a secular Turkish Republic in the early 20th century, the decision was made for both to be neither mosque nor church but simply museums.

"Both Hagia Sophia and Chora embodied Byzantine and Ottoman pasts, and they became symbols of co-existence and multi-faith living practices. Their conversion fundamentally implies a hierarchy, prioritizing the Islamic past over all other layers, Greek Orthodox, Armenian, Jewish, Syriac, et al," Dr. Özgür Kaymak, a lecturer and researcher on minority rights at Istanbul's MEF University, told Religion News Service in an email.

Rededicating the sites as mosques is more than just a status change. According to Islamic tradition, artwork of human figures are forbidden in places of prayer, while in Orthodox Churches, icons of Christ, saints and other biblical figures are a defining feature.

In Hagia Sophia, the mosaics of Jesus and Mary have been covered with curtains since the conversion. While Erdoğan promised Hagia Sophia would remain fully accessible and free to all visitors, Turkey reneged on that earlier this year, reimposing an entrance fee on tourists and relegating them to the upper level, while the main floor is exclusive to Muslim worshippers.

Observers have also criticized the Turkish Directorate of Religion's caretaking of the site, noting damage that did not exist when it was under the purview of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism.

Though Chora is significantly smaller than Hagia Sophia, it is home to some of the best-preserved examples of late-Byzantine art, including mosaics, icons and frescoes, and is considered a UNESCO World Heritage site.

"For us it's a very important place because it remembers our culture and our traditions here," Father Evangelos Markantonis, an Orthodox priest who was leading a group of theology students to Chora on Friday, told Religion News Service.

"Though we cannot venerate as Orthodox Christians, we have to try to find things we can be united on. Only with dialogue and good deeds can we continue our lives," Markantonis, who is also a professor at the University of Athens, said when asked about the controversy.

Erdoğan had long refused calls from his right to convert churches like Hagia Sophia and Chora, telling supporters in 2018 to fill the nearby Sultan Ahmet Mosque (also known in English as the Blue Mosque) before they talked about needing to pray in Hagia Sophia.

Nonetheless, he made an about-turn in 2020.

"My dear nation, the conquest of Istanbul and the conversion of the Hagia Sophia into a Mosque are among the most glorious chapters in Turkish history," Erdoğan said at the time in a speech inaugurating the Hagia Sophia as a mosque.

"This is the most honorable day that Islam has been looking forward to, Greek Constantinople has become Turkish Istanbul," he added, quoting the Turkish poet Nazim Hikmet.

"The resurrection of Hagia Sophia heralds the liberation of the al-Aqsa Mosque. The resurrection of Hagia Sophia is the footsteps of the will of Muslims across the world to come out of the interregnum," Erdoğan said in his concluding remarks.

Chora's opening as the Kariye Mosque comes just weeks after Erdoğan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) suffered its largest electoral defeat in two decades during Turkey's nationwide municipal elections.

"The recent conversion of Chora into a mosque may be due to Erdoğan's many problems, including his geopolitical power politics, his appeal to religio-nationalism to revive his electoral popularity after the March elections or his tactic to divert attention from Turkey's economic downturn," Kaymak said.

Many analysts have attributed the loss to AKP bleeding votes to the more Islamist-leaning New Welfare Party, which has pressured Erdogan over his response to the Israel-Hamas war and humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip.

Muslim worshippers at the mosque on Friday said they viewed its rededication as an Islamic site to be a national win for Turkey.

"This mosque is one of the symbols of the Conquest. We are proud and happy. There are very beautiful frescoes inside. They were also nicely renovated before they were closed. May it be good for our country and our nation," a bystander, Ahmet Öteyüzoğlu, told Turkish media.

"Thank God for these days. Not everyone has the opportunity in their lifetime," another bystander named Mehmet Çelik told the Turkish news service Anadolu Agency, in reference to having been able to pray at both the rededicated Hagia Sophia and Kariye Mosques.

However, Greece, the U.S. State Department and Orthodox Christian institutions worldwide have all criticized the decision to revert the structure into a mosque.

"I want to publicly express my intense dissatisfaction, interpreting the feelings of all Greek women and men, for the completely unnecessary conversion of a historic Byzantine temple, the Monastery of Chora, into a mosque. It is, I believe, an action that offends the rich history of Istanbul itself as a crossroads of cultures," Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis said shortly before leaving for Turkey for a planned meeting with Erdogan.

"We encourage the Turkish government to preserve and ensure access to sites and buildings that have hosted different religious communities in a way that respects their diverse histories," a State Department spokesperson said in response to questions from Greek media.

"The Turkish government's appropriation of both as the property of one faith group not only constitutes yet another sign of that government's contempt for Turkey's rich Orthodox Christian heritage but further imperils the religious freedom of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the remaining Christians of that land," the Archons of the Ecumenical Patriarchate said in a statement.

© Religion News Service

How did Muslims and Orthodox Christians react to the reconversion?

Hagia Sophia has suffered damage and deterioration under the Turkish Directorate of Religion, with fragments falling from the dome due to humidity.

Title:

Content: [ditty_news_ticker id="27897"] Video Shows Fragments Falling from the Dome of Hagia Sophia - Orthodox Christian Laity

Video Shows Fragments Falling from the Dome of Hagia Sophia

0

Source: Greek Reporter

A still from a recently released video shows visitors rushing to take cover as fragments fall from the dome of Hagia Sophia. Credit: Daily Motion/BirGün

A video from 2022 that came to light recently shows fragments falling on visitors from the dome of Hagia Sophia, the former epicenter of Christian worship at Constantinople, today’s Istanbul.

The footage released by the Turkish newspaper, BirGün, raises serious questions over the safety of the former Orthodox Christian cathedral, now a mosque.

BirGün notably quoted officials as saying that “pieces are falling from the roof, due to the humidity created by the crowd, but no precautions are being taken”.

The president of the Turkish Art History Association, Serif Yasar, argued for restoration of the monument as soon as possible, suggesting that “If Hagia Sophia is not restored, it will collapse with the first earthquake.”

The monument was restored as a mosque three years ago after serving as a museum from 1935-2020 and has since received 21 million visitors, according to Turkey’s tourism and culture minister.

Yasar added that when the church was a museum, the scientific council overseeing it urged that groups of no more than 25 people should be allowed to enter the building at any one time.

This enormous lift in visitation has likely brought to the forefront the need for repairs and it was indeed reported in September that the Turkish government had decided to start long-term maintenance of Hagia Sophia.

Turkey to implement visitor management policy at Hagia Sophia

In early October Turkish historian Ilber Ortayli expressed fears that the large number of visitors to Hagia Sophia could lead to a catastrophic structural failure if not addressed immediately.

Writing in the Hürriyet daily, Ortayli said that the monument, which attracts three million pilgrims annually apart from tourists, has undergone significant damage since its conversion into a mosque.

He asserted that even a modest number of 20-30 thousand people annually, including scientists, historians, archaeologists, representatives of the Muslim religion, politicians, and public officials, could be considered excessive for the endurance of the monument.

In June 2022 a number of tiles of the ancient marble floors in Hagia Sophia were damaged by heavy machines used to clean the site.

In April 2022, The Turkish Association of Art Historians stated that the historic Imperial Gate in Hagia Sophia had been badly damaged.

The group posted a picture clearly depicting the damage to the oak wood of the 15-century-old gate.

Turkey unveiled plans in late October for a visitor management policy at Hagia Sophia, including charging foreign tourists with an entrance fee to be implemented starting Jan. 15.

Minister of Culture and Tourism Mehmet Nuri Ersoy said that extensive restoration work is underway in various sections of Hagia Sophia, now a mosque, with plans to progress to other parts upon their completion.

He emphasized that, based on UNESCO’s recommendations, a visitor management plan would be enforced to enhance the quality and safety of visits while preserving the historical significance of the site.

Related Articles
Officials argue for repairs to Hagia Sophia after footage shows fragments falling from the dome – Neos Kosmos

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The UNESCO recommendations guide the visitor management plan, as heavy cleaning damaged marble floors and caused oak wood decay at the Imperial Gate.

The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque has been praised by Muslims but criticized by countries like Greece and the US.

Title:

Content: Turkey officially opens the Byzantine church and museum "Khora" as a mosque (PHOTOS)
World News
"Kari Mosque" in the Museum and Monastery of "Khora"
Copy Link https: / / www.rt.com / xhpk
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan on Monday officially opened the Kari Mosque in Istanbul ’ s Byzantine Museum and Monastery of Khora, four years after the church dedicated a mosque to Muslims.
On Monday, Erdogan oversaw the official remote opening of the Khora mosque and a number of restored sites from the conference hall of his residence in Ankara.
Erdogan said during the opening ceremony, which was broadcast on Turkish television, "May it be a good start."
One of the first worshipers at the mosque told Anadolu Agency: “I have been waiting for its opening for four years, and I have been honored to pray in such a place. ”
Anadolu quoted another serum as saying: “Thank God for showing us these days, I hope we come here from time to time and do our prayers. ”
The site near the walls of the old city of Istanbul is famous for its fine mosaics and frescoes.
The church dates back to the 4th century, although the edifice took its present form during the 11th and 12th centuries.
Greece has criticized the Turkish government ’ s decision to return it to use as a mosque, accusing Ankara of “personal insult ” to another World Heritage site, saying the decisions to turn Hagia Sophia and Khora back into mosques are steps aimed at strengthening the support base of conservatives and the religious trend of Erdogan ’ s ruling party amid an economic downturn.
The museum was built "Khora" monastery, in 534, the building was converted into "Kari Mosque" at the beginning of the 16th century, it was used as a mosque for more than four centuries and was converted into a museum in 1945 by a Turkish ministerial decision.
In August 2020, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan signed a decree on the conversion of the Hagia Sophia Cathedral and the Kari Museum, known as a “bottomless church ” in Turkish, into mosques.
The conversion of the two churches into mosques was praised by Muslims, but drew criticism from Greece and other countries that urged Turkey to protect important Byzantine monuments, both of which have been listed as World Heritage Sites by the United Nations.
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How did Muslims and Orthodox Christians react to the reconversion?

The American Council demands Hagia Sophia be converted into a Christian site, possibly appealing to the ECHR if refused.

Title:

Content: Hagia Sophia must once again become a place of Christian worship, demands the American Council for the Liberation of Hagia Sophia.
For a start, according to the organization, it is possible to allow liturgies in Hagia Sophia, preserving its museum status.
Although Christians still perceive this cathedral captured together with Constantinople in 1453 as one of the most important shrines.
In case of refusal, the “Council ” intends to appeal to the ECHR.
However, the situation around Hagia Sophia is much more complicated; the observer of IA REGNUM Stanislav Stremidlovsky analyzes the recent events around the former main temple of Byzantium.
Erhan Elaldı – Anadolu Agency
The 564th anniversary of the conquest of Constantinople was celebrated by the Hagia Sophia as a museum.
What is the 565th anniversary?
The head of the “Council ”, American politician Chris Spirou, has already been declared a provocateur by the Turkish authorities.
Today, when Erdogan is increasingly moving away from “his overseas partners ” at least in terms of the desired image of the president, and the new owner of the White House pays much more attention to Middle Eastern Christians than Obama, the situation is clearly changing.
There are already hints that Hagia Sophia from the museum will become a mosque.
At the same time, Erdogan ’ s victory in the last referendum made the president a debtor of domestic Anatolia (at least she believes so), who gave him their votes.
The Anatolian Youth Association strongly opposes any manifestations of non-Muslim faith in Turkish society.
For three years now, they have been trying to make Hagia Sophia a mosque.
And although Erdogan is in no hurry to meet, the Association expects decisive measures from him.
Where the Turkish president is inclined and what Hagia Sophia, cathedral or mosque can become, read here: Internal Anatolia, who supported Erdogan, demands to make Hagia Sophia a mosque
Read other articles by Stanislav Stremidlovsky on the relationship of world religions.

Erdogan's decision to convert Hagia Sophia into a mosque is seen as a political move opposed by the Anatolian Youth Association.

The international community has criticized Turkey's decision to convert Hagia Sophia into a mosque, citing concerns for religious minorities.

Title:

Content: The first Friday prayer in the old church of Istanbul that has been converted into a mosque - Sunrise Gate
Friday 10 May 2024 9: 23 PM Cairo Cairo 24 °
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First Friday prayers held in the old Istanbul church that has been converted into a mosque
Istanbul - (DPA)
Published on: Friday 10 May 2024 - 7: 21 PM | Last updated on Friday 10 May 2024 - 7: 21 PM
Muslims held Friday prayers at the historic ancient church of Chora, one of Istanbul ’ s most famous Byzantine era monuments, for the first time since it was converted into a mosque, state broadcaster TRT reported.
The Chora Church, formerly a museum, was officially converted into a mosque in 2020.
After lengthy restoration work, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan inaugurated the UNESCO World Heritage Site as a mosque on Monday.
It is noteworthy that in 2020, the famous Hagia Sophia church in Istanbul was converted into a mosque after a decree issued by Erdogan.
The two churches were converted into mosques after the Ottoman conquest of Istanbul in 1435.
The Hagia Sophia became a museum in 1935 and Chora in 1945, and the conversion of the two churches was met with international criticism.
Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis criticized the transformation of Chora as "an act that offends Istanbul's rich history" ahead of his planned meeting with Erdogan on May 13 in Turkey.
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How did Muslims and Orthodox Christians react to the reconversion?

Who was angered by the reconversion of Hagia Sophia in July 2020?

The Pope has expressed grief and called for the protection of Christian heritage sites.

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Content: Erdogan invited the leaders of Muslim states to the first prayer in Hagia Sophia
13: 26 22 July Kiev, Ukraine
According to the plan, on July 24, the first prayer will be held in Hagia Sophia in Turkey, after it was decided to convert the building of the Orthodox church into a mosque.
The leaders of many Muslim countries are invited to take part in it.
Erdogan ’ s invitation came from Qatar and Azerbaijan.
The remaining heads of state have not yet responded to the Turkish president.
Remind me!
The Turkish government decided to change the status of the architectural monument and the Orthodox Church of St. Sophia and convert the room into a mosque.
The Pope said that this situation causes him grief.
The Patriarch of Ecumenical and Constantinople, who recently received a great number of churches on the territory of Ukraine, and did not demand the transfer of the museum to the Diocese of Constantinople in a timely manner, said that the creation of a mosque in the museum building can be negatively met in the Orthodox world.
It is expected that the first prayer in the new mosque will be attended by about 1000-1500 people.
All quarantine conditions will be met, participants in prayer will be given masks, and disinfectants will be placed everywhere in the cathedral so that people can treat their hands and their prayer mats.
During the prayer, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan will also be present in the cathedral, along with Turkish ministers, leaders of the ruling Justice and Development Party.
As previously reported, all the frescoes and mosaics at the time of prayer will be covered with curtains.
On July 10, a Turkish court ruled that the decision to convert the mosque into a museum in 1934 was illegal.
Erdogan immediately signed a decree on assigning Hagia Sophia the status of a mosque.
The move has sparked international criticism and concern, including from Greece, the United States and Russia, as well as UNESCO and Pope Francis.
Turkey insists that the status of the architectural monument is its internal affair.

The 1972 World Heritage Convention provides a framework for international cooperation and protection of cultural heritage sites like Hagia Sophia.

Title:

Content: The Zionist Kufiyya and the Crusader Sword
A few days ago, the press in Tel Aviv celebrated the news that an Israeli diver had found a sword from the time of the Crusades.
The news seems ordinary and does not need this much celebration and handling, to be exported on the pages of the State Department and then to be dealt with by many American and Western media, as well as printed Arabic.
And close to the news that has become repeated in the Western media and is no stranger to the official orientations of these major countries supporting the Israeli occupation.
But what is strange is the Arab and then the international deficit towards the human and historical heritage, the homelands may steal and occupy, but the culture and language is difficult to forge and name without its name, the language will remain evidence of identity, clothing, customs and folklore popular evidence of culture and civilization, but at this time the theft is complete and followed by the world in silence without any action or reaction. The occupied land of Palestine, as part of the heritage, history and folklore of the state of the usurper occupier, and this news passes us unnoticed and may be circulated by Arab sites in the pages of culture, tourism and arts as if nothing happened.
It is the occupation in its search for a culture, history, heritage or civilization, and it is proof that Zionism has failed to prove the Jewishness of the state, and the authenticity of its history since the Jews were religious on this land.
Here they are looking for a history of a heritage of a culture of existence, proving that Judaism, if they embrace it, is not their heritage or Christianity, if they embrace it, it is not their history or Islam, and if they occupy their homes, it is not their civilization.
There is no doubt that they are bankrupt, and thus every occupation is one religion, whatever its slogan or religion is hiding behind.
Crusaders, Zionists, Mongols or Franks have no present and no history but blood and tyranny.
The submissive international system
Israel, rather than being described in the international and Arab media as an entity with the highest rate of attacks and violations in the world, against the Palestinian people, where these violations start with ethnic cleansing and forced settlement, from expelling Palestinians from their homes, usurping their land and building settlements on it. This is, of course, in light of the Arab normalization campaigns, which began to land their journeys in shameful scenes under the name of tourism and cultural exchange.
In this article, I am not concerned with conveying the contradictions presented by the international system and its institutions, which only condemn these Zionist practices, towards the arts, history and antiquities.
Or what we read annually on the World Day for the Protection of Human Heritage, according to the agreement adopted by the World Conference of the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization in Paris in 1972, but I try to read the real Arab deficit, which is losing every day not only its land and history, but also its culture and identity.
If we accept that the subservient international system requires formal conventions, including the United Nations Convention on Education, Science and Culture, which classifies human heritage into two types; cultural and includes monuments and urban architectural works of value, the Convention stipulates in its declaration that the protection of these heritage properties rests with the international community as a universal heritage.
The second classification is the national and regional aspect, which is the identity and heritage of each people, whose Arab reality has become shameful and disgusting. Even Al-Aqsa Mosque has become a reality that nearly two billion Muslims around the world and about 63 Muslim countries do not have the right to preserve its heritage. One fifth of the earth's population.
The occupier initiated and the Zionists registered falafel as a food meal in their name and we smile!
They returned the ball and recorded the Palestinian keffiyeh as a folklore symbol in their name and we wonder!
We attribute the Islamic and Christian monuments to them and we are surprised, worried, condemned, denounced and denounced!
Today, it is no wonder that an occupied state emerged, in 1948, to declare that the history of the Crusades is attributed to it and that a sword they found on the bottom of the sea dates back to their distant history.
Meet the days.
You as an Arab will try hard to convince your children in the coming days that the sword of Saladin was a sword of Muslim Mujahideen, and that the old city was a city of the three religions and Zionism was not originally appeared and that both sides of the war at the time were the Arab Muslim Mamluks, and the Franco-Christian crusades coming from Europe. The Arab Zionists, who today hear them say, “This land was once ruled by the Jews and lived in it! ”
It is as if occupied Zionism today is an extension of a city that brought together the three religions of Islam, Christianity and Judaism in a harmonious heritage, cultural and human coexistence, and that we are the occupiers and they are the owners of the land, history and civilization.
On the other hand, you will not be able to describe the historical fact that the Jews and Muslims were all persecuted by the Crusader occupation, where they were killed, captured and persecuted. As a result of these Crusader massacres, the Jews fled from the Palestinian lands and returned only with the conquest of the city of Jerusalem by Sultan Saladin in 583 AH / 1187. This was followed by the Ottoman Empire, where the Jews were greatly expanded, and until the declaration of the Zionist occupation, which presented an oppressive project in which the secure and stable Jewish presence there was exploited.
You will find it difficult to prove that this common history and heritage is called the Arab and Islamic heritage, even if it was shared by Christians and Jews, and that without the preservation of diversity, this civilization would not have existed, and this heritage would not have existed if the occupying Zionists were the rulers.
Here you will return to what Dr. Abdul Wahab Al-Misseri said in the Encyclopedia, where the difference between the definition of Judaism and Zionism and the distinction was also on the basis of history and common human heritage, the Zionist occupiers, even if they were Jews, did not have a history or heritage in Palestine, and the Crusaders occupied, even if they were Christians, did not have a heritage or history in Palestine.
Today, as you read the news that the Zionist “Shlomi Katzin ” found a sword of a Crusader occupier at the bottom of the sea, you will understand that there is a message behind this effect that tells every occupier, no matter how long it lasts. May ” Zionist today, will be replaced by a machine gun of a settler inscribed on it in Hebrew, and will remain at the bottom of the sea until discovered by a diver inevitably will be a free Arab, this machine gun, which the world will consider at the time a valuable artifact, that it is the remnants of Zionist occupation gone irrevocably, and left of it only ruins and a trace.
Perhaps the truth of this Crusader sword won by “Shlomi ” is originally an Arab sword looted from it and plundered by the Crusader occupier, as the Zionists today (falafel, kufiya, rosary and even Arabic songs and melodies).
“History has many facets and is often written by the victors, ” they said, while the human heritage may be disputed by humans, but culture and influence are entrenched and engraved on every door and stone.
Source: Al Jazeera Direct
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Content: A forum dedicated to the 50th anniversary of the Convention on the Protection of World Heritage will open in Kazan - RIA Novosti, 05.12.2022
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A forum dedicated to the 50th anniversary of the Convention on the Protection of World Heritage will open in Kazan
On Monday in Kazan will open a forum for the 50th anniversary of the Convention on the Protection of World Heritage
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KAZAN, 5 Dec – RIA Novosti.
The international forum dedicated to the 50th anniversary of the Convention on the Protection of World Heritage opens in Kazan on Monday, it will bring together about a thousand participants from the CIS countries, Asia, Africa and Latin America.
“Kazan will host an international forum dedicated to the 50th anniversary of the Convention on the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage, organized by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation together with the government of Tatarstan.
The event will be attended by about 1 thousand delegates from Russia and friendly countries of the CIS, Asia, Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, as well as from Abkhazia, South Ossetia, "the organizers said in a statement.
Sberbank opens second hub for IT specialists in Kazan
The official opening ceremony and plenary session of the forum will be held on Monday.
It is expected that the opening will be attended by the Minister of Culture of the Russian Federation Olga Lyubimova and the head of Tatarstan Rustam Minnikhanov.
In the following days, thematic events are planned at various venues.
In particular, conferences of managers of world natural heritage sites, young specialists in the field of world heritage, meetings on problems of industrial and religious heritage will be held.
Also among the topics announced for discussion are the project "The Great Silk Road", the problems of restoring the Syrian Palmyra, the youth model of the UNESCO World Heritage Committee.
The 1972 Convention for the Protection of the World Cultural and Natural Heritage is one of the most effective and widely recognized international instruments developed under the auspices of UNESCO.
For half a century, the World Heritage List was formed within its framework - a list of outstanding cultural and natural attractions of universal value and requiring special protection.
Tatarstan and RAS signed a cooperation agreement
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The conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque may harm its cultural and historical significance and preservation.

How did the Greek prime minister describe the reconversion in May 2024?

An act that belittles Istanbul's history

The Hagia Sophia conversion has sparked a global debate about preserving cultural heritage.

Hagia Sophia's UNESCO World Heritage Site status is at risk, prompting a recommended visitor management plan.