Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin, India and Russia have deepened their “special and privileged strategic partnership” through frequent leader-level engagement, institutionalized dialogues, and a broad agenda spanning defense, energy, trade, and connectivity.

Modi and Putin have met over 20 times since 2014, underscoring sustained high-level political investment in the relationship.

The two sides have signed 28 cooperation agreements and launched a 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue to coordinate foreign and defense policy, reflecting a matured framework for strategic coordination.

They have also concluded a Reciprocal Exchange of Logistics Agreement to enable mutual use of military facilities for repair, replenishment, and operations support.

Defense cooperation remains the central pillar, anchored by a long legacy of Russian equipment in Indian service and an expansive roadmap for co-production and technology transfer.

Russia accounts for nearly half of India’s arms imports, and India has maintained this cooperation since the Cold War era despite external pressure.

A 10-year Program for Military-Technical Cooperation has been extended through 2031, prioritizing joint development and localized production.

Headline projects include the $5 billion S-400 air defense system, with deliveries underway, and the joint production of 600,000 AK‑203 rifles in India.

The two sides co-produce Su‑30MKI fighters and T‑90S tanks, collaborate on the BrahMos cruise missile, and plan joint production of Ka‑226T helicopters and Igla‑S systems.

Russia supports India with critical technologies, including missile systems and submarine nuclear reactors, reinforcing India’s high-end military capabilities.

Over the past five years, India has bought roughly $13 billion in Russian weapons, with Russia’s annual arms exports estimated at $14–15 billion and a significant Indian order book.

Economic ties have expanded markedly, with energy trade driving a rapid rise in volumes and ranking Russia among India’s top trading partners.

Bilateral trade reached about $39.8 billion in FY 2022–23, with a $34.8 billion Indian trade deficit, and grew further to roughly $65 billion in 2023, propelled by discounted Russian oil and coal.

India increased Russian oil purchases by around 20 times since 2021, saving an estimated $13 billion, and Russia has also been a reliable supplier of grain and fertilizer to India.

Energy cooperation extends to civil nuclear power, with Russia agreeing to build six nuclear plants in India.

New connectivity initiatives—INSTC, the Chennai–Vladivostok maritime corridor, and the Northern Sea Route—are intended to cut costs and transit times while integrating India with Russian and Eurasian markets.

The sides have discussed a free trade agreement and investment guarantees, and Moscow has sought to increase imports of Indian machinery to improve the trade balance.

India has also opened a $1 billion line of credit for Russian Far East projects, tying trade to resource and infrastructure opportunities.

The Ukraine war has tested but not ruptured the partnership, as India has balanced its strategic equities while calling for de-escalation and dialogue.

New Delhi abstained in UN votes and maintained “benevolent neutrality,” sustaining energy trade and defense cooperation while urging an immediate cessation of hostilities.

India’s approach reflects its reliance on Russian platforms and spares, coupled with its strategic autonomy and preference for multipolarity.

At the same time, US sanctions under CAATSA have loomed over major acquisitions like the S‑400, complicating India’s external balancing.

India’s rivalry with China is a defining factor shaping the trajectory and limits of India–Russia ties under Modi and Putin.

New Delhi regards China as its top security threat amid a prolonged border standoff that has seen tens of thousands of soldiers deployed and repeated military-level talks without full normalization.

India’s dependence on Russian equipment and spares has reinforced the logic of staying engaged with Moscow as a hedge even as it strengthens partnerships with the US, Japan, and Australia in the Quad.

Washington sees India as pivotal to balancing China, and has urged New Delhi to reduce reliance on Russian arms, but India has resisted sanctions alignment while diversifying some procurements.

Russia’s growing proximity to China, and a Sino‑Russian alignment opposing the US, have constrained Moscow’s room to maneuver and complicated India–Russia diplomacy.

Analysts note Russia’s limited regional influence due to its close ties with China, and its strengthening of relations with Pakistan has also raised concerns in India.

India has tried to provide Moscow with balancing options and avoid pushing Russia closer to China, with high-level engagements aimed at preserving space for Indian interests.

Russia has at times supported India on Kashmir and border tensions and has promoted normalization in India‑China relations, underscoring Moscow’s balancing role in the triangle.

However, the Ukraine conflict has narrowed India’s geopolitical options, with Russia no longer reliably available as a balancer, while questions persist about Russia’s eroding defense production capacity and its ability to underwrite India’s deterrence against China.

Despite these constraints, the partnership continues to adapt through localization of defense production, expanded energy trade, and Eurasian connectivity, consistent with both countries’ emphasis on a polycentric international order.

The declared trade and investment targets to 2025, the logistics and defense-industrial accords, and cooperation across space, energy, and transport corridors all point to a sustained, if recalibrated, strategic engagement under Modi and Putin.

India’s strategy is to preserve strategic autonomy by keeping strong ties with Russia while deepening convergences with the US and partners in the Indo‑Pacific, even as the China factor increasingly shapes the speed and scope of India–Russia cooperation.

Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin, India and Russia have deepened their “special and privileged strategic partnership” through frequent leader-level engagement, institutionalized dialogues, and a broad agenda spanning defense, energy, trade, and connectivity.

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Content: Russia-India coordination, balance, US-India approach?
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Source: Global Times
Author: Wang Shida
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke by telephone with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the 20th to further develop the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
At the beginning of this month, Russia and India held an annual leaders' summit, launched the first "2 + 2" dialogue between foreign ministers and defense ministers, and agreed to strengthen cooperation and coordination on bilateral and multilateral issues, and signed up to 28 cooperation agreements.
In just two weeks, the summit had two interactions, which sent a signal that Russian-Indian relations were more special than before.
From the interaction on the 6th, Putin led a strong delegation to visit India and held the annual Russian-Indian leaders' summit.
This is Putin's second overseas visit since the outbreak of the COVID-19 epidemic, highlighting the importance he attaches to the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
During the visit, Russia and India held their first "2 + 2" meeting, which will help deepen mutual understanding and strengthen the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two countries.
The most important of the 28 cooperation agreements signed by Russia and India is the Agreement on Military Technical Cooperation 2021-2031.
The document will provide guidance for Russian-Indian military cooperation in the next 10 years, especially to promote joint development and production of weapons and equipment.
It can be said that the foundation for the next stage of military interaction between Russia and India has been laid.
In addition, Russia and India are also actively discussing the signing of a military logistics agreement similar to the memorandum of understanding on logistics exchange between the two countries to facilitate the use of each other's military bases.
Once signed in the future, the Russian-Indian military relations will take another step forward.
The two leaders discussed how to implement the agreement reached at the December 6 meeting, agreed to maintain regular contact on all aspects covered by the Russian-Indian “special and privileged strategic partnership ”, continue to deepen bilateral cooperation and consultation and coordination in multilateral forums, and exchange views on international stability and security issues, including the situation in the Asia-Pacific region.
Since taking office as US president at the beginning of the year, Biden has inherited and strengthened the Indo-Pacific strategy of his predecessor, Trump, and has courted India as the key to its success.
To this end, Biden has made efforts to promote the upgrading and implementation of the four-nation mechanism.
In March this year, the four-nation mechanism held its first video summit, issued a joint declaration, and established three working groups to implement the summit consensus.
In September, the four-nation mechanism held its first offline summit, reiterating the implementation of cooperation in the fields of vaccines and high-quality infrastructure, and proposing to jointly train scientific and technological talents to create a "closed loop of scientific and technological talents of the four countries".
For example, the United States has continued to deepen the "comprehensive global strategic cooperative partnership" between the United States and India.
On March 19, U.S. Defense Secretary William Austin visited India, calling the U.S.-India relationship "a key pillar of a free and open Indo-Pacific."
Under the continued cozying up of the Biden administration, India's attitude of strategic autonomy has become blurred, and it has clearly moved closer to and tilted toward the United States in implementing its foreign policy of "multi-faceted alliance."
During his visit to the United States in September, Modi said that "the relationship between the United States and India has entered a critical transition period".
In the face of the continuous promotion of the "Indo-Pacific Strategy" by the United States and the drift and deviation of India in the two strategic directions of the Indo-Pacific Ocean and the Eurasian continent, Russia is certainly alert.
As early as the Cold War, Russia and India established a relatively special strategic cooperative partnership, even reaching the level of quasi-allies.
At the end of the Cold War, Russia pushed India to join strategic designs such as the "trilateral dialogue between China, Russia and India" in an attempt to promote the establishment of a fair and multipolar world order.
Russia also sees India as an important partner in the Indian Ocean region and an important contributor to the effects of radiation in the Indian Ocean region.
To this end, Russia has taken a series of actions, Foreign Minister Lavrov and other high-level leaders directly expressed opposition to the United States using the "Indo-Pacific strategy" as a tool to contain China and Russia and create regional division.
This round of Russian-Indian strategic coordination is also the proper meaning of Russia's anti-Indo-Pacific strategy.
In particular, Russia and India signed a major defense cooperation order, began the delivery of S-400 air defense system, and will soon sign a military logistics agreement, which is conducive to consolidating defense and military cooperation between the two countries, hedging the penetration and erosion of the traditional Russian arms market by the United States in the past 10 years, and preventing India from falling into the "Indo-Pacific camp" because of increased dependence on weapons and equipment.
Therefore, Russian-Indian interaction is conducive to maintaining the relative balance between the two camps of the Eurasian continent and the Indo-Pacific Ocean, as well as to global strategic stability and peace.
(The writer is deputy director of the South Asia Institute of the Chinese Institute of Modern International Relations)
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How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

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Modi and Putin have met over 20 times since 2014, underscoring sustained high-level political investment in the relationship.

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Content: World News
Putin, Modi strengthen ties despite tensions over Ukraine
CAIRO (Reuters) - Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s current visit to Russia was highlighted by the Guardian newspaper, which said Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin were strengthening “ties of friendship ” despite tensions over the war in Ukraine.
The newspaper said in an analytical article published on Tuesday that Modi received a warm reception from Putin upon his arrival in Moscow.
Modi said the visit - his first since Russia's large-scale intervention in Ukraine - was aimed at strengthening "ties of friendship" between the two countries, and later described Russia as "India's all-weather friend and trusted ally".
Relations between India and Russia are deep, dating back to the Cold War, and Russia has long been India ’ s largest arms supplier.
Since his election in 2014, Modi has had a highly publicized relationship with Putin, with the two leaders holding more than 20 meetings.
However, Putin ’ s decision to intervene militarily in Ukraine in February 2022 put unprecedented strain on their relations and forced India onto a difficult path in balancing its relations with both Putin and the West.
India has refused to join Western countries in condemning Putin ’ s war and abstained in all UN votes condemning Russia.
It has also become the biggest buyer of cheap Russian oil and continues to send billions to state coffers, which some see as undermining Western sanctions efforts.
However, India ’ s dissatisfaction with Putin ’ s actions was not entirely hidden, with Modi saying that “now is not the age of war. ”
The Indian prime minister ’ s decision to strengthen ties with Western leaders who are Putin ’ s biggest critics, including U.S. President Joe Biden and French President Emmanuel Macron, was met with a chill in the Kremlin.
Similarly, Putin ’ s increasingly close ties with Beijing are viewed with great suspicion in New Delhi.
But while the geopolitical landscape was markedly different from 2019, when Modi was last in Moscow, the two leaders went to great lengths to show their continued friendship during Modi ’ s visit that concluded this evening.
The Kremlin gladly spoke of Modi ’ s decision to make Russia one of his first international trips after winning a third term in office last month.
But Indian officials were more restrained, and New Delhi confirmed that the visit, Modi's first in five years, was about bilateral relations, adding that India was seeking to "play a supportive role for a peaceful and stable region."
At the official summit on Monday, Modi said he and Putin discussed everything from setting up new Indian embassies in Russia to increasing cooperation on trade.
However, the complexities surrounding India ’ s achievement of a delicate diplomatic balance over Ukraine have also been uncomfortably apparent.
The summit between Putin and Modi was also held on the same day as the start of the NATO summit in Washington, where Biden and other leaders are expected to announce a historic defense package for Ukraine.
At a dinner on Monday evening, Modi reportedly made his most direct appeal to Putin to end the war in Ukraine, telling the Russian president that “there is no solution on the battlefield. ”
However, few analysts believe Modi ’ s words will have any impact.
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

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The two sides have signed 28 cooperation agreements and launched a 2+2 Ministerial Dialogue to coordinate foreign and defense policy, reflecting a matured framework for strategic coordination.

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'India great power and a time-tested friend', says Russia's Vladimir Putin

India, Russia hold 21st summit, and first 2+2 dialogue; sign 28 agreements

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indian government | India-Russia ties | Narendra Modi

Ajai Shukla  |  New Delhi

Prime Minister Narendra Modi receives Russian President Vladimir Putin at Hyderabad House in New Delhi, on Monday (Photo: PTI)

New Delhi and Moscow on Monday issued to the world a high-visibility reminder about their “Special and Privileged Strategic Partnership”, as Prime Minister and Russian President held the 21st India-Russia Summit, an annual ritual missed only in 2020 due to the pandemic.

Leading into the 21st summit meeting, India and Russia held their first-ever 2 + 2 Ministerial Dialogue, in which External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh together held strategic discussions with Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov and Defence Minister Sergei Shoigu.

“We perceive India as a great power, a friendly nation and a time-tested friend. The relations between our countries are growing and I am looking into the future,” Putin said in his initial comments.

Putin also expressed concern over the developments in Afghanistan and said India and Russia will continue to coordinate on major challenges facing the region.

Modi said Putin’s second visit abroad during the Covid-19 pandemic reflected his personal commitment to the and that the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two sides was getting stronger. In the last few decades, the world witnessed many fundamental changes and different kinds of geopolitical equations and variables, but the friendship of India and Russia remained constant, Modi said. “Your visit to India is a reflection of your commitment to ties with India,” the PM said.

Foreign Secretary Harsh Vardhan Shringla said 28 agreements were concluded between India and Russia after Modi-Putin meet. After the 2+2 meeting, Jaishankar tweeted: “A productive exchange of perspectives on cross-cutting and inter-related issues. Will be reporting it to the Annual Summit later today.”

Earlier on Monday, there was a meeting of the apex body that governs defence relations between the two: The Indo-Russian Inter-Governmental Commission on Military Technical Cooperation (IRIGC-MTC), co-chaired by the two defence ministers, Singh and Shoigu.

India’s military uses Russian weaponry extensively, such as Sukhoi-30MKI fighter aircraft, T-90S tanks and BMP infantry combat vehicles, Talwar-class frigates, and Kilo-class submarines. The two sides have jointly produced the highly regarded BrahMos cruise missile system.

During the 17th annual summit, the two countries concluded deals on India’s procurement of five units of the S-400 air defence systems for an estimated ~37,000 crore, constructing Talwar-class frigates under Project 1135.6, and a shareholders’ agreement on a joint venture (JV) to manufacture Kamov-226T helicopters in India.

The S400 is regarded as the world’s premier long-range missile system, with the ability to shoot down enemy aircraft at ranges up to 400 kilometres. During the confrontation over the last two years between the Chinese and Indian armies in Ladakh, China deployed the S400 along the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

On March 3, 2019, in Amethi, Modi announced another JV —Indo-Russian Rifles — that would manufacture 750,000 AK-203 assault rifles in Korwa under the “Make in India” programme for an estimated $687 million. Russia is also competing for a ~40,000-crore deal for building six submarines in India under Project 75I, and a ~50,000-60,000 crore agreement to manufacture 114 fighter aircraft in India.

To ensure that Russian defence equipment was not hampered by any shortfall in maintenance or spare parts, the two sides agreed during the 20th Annual Summit in Vladivostok in September 2019 to cooperate in producing spare parts for Russian/Soviet military equipment.

The India-Russia defence partnership is being tested by Washington, especially through the piece of legislation the US Congress passed in 2017, titled CAATSA (Countering America’s Adversaries through Sanctions Act). This provides for US sanctions on countries that have significant defence or intelligence relations with Russia, Iran, or North Korea. India’s purchase of the S400 missile system is regarded as a potential trigger for Washington to impose sanctions.

While the US Congress has created a “CAATSA waiver” for close partners such as India, the US president is required to determine whether to exercise that waiver. So far, President Joe Biden has not stated a preference.

India, which faces a growing threat from China, is determined to buy the S400 from Russia. Asked whether New Delhi would bow to CAATSA pressure, India’s foreign ministry spokesperson said last week: “India and the US have a special global strategic partnership. And we also have a very special and privileged strategic partnership with Russia. And as you’re all aware, we pursue an independent foreign policy. This applies to our defence acquisitions, and supplies which are and will continue to be guided by our security interest.”

New Delhi and Moscow have identified trade and economic relations as a priority area. Modi and Putin have set a bilateral investment target of $50 billion and a bilateral trade target of $30 billion by 2025. (With inputs from PTI)

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First Published: Tue, December 07 2021. 01:24 IST
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

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They have also concluded a Reciprocal Exchange of Logistics Agreement to enable mutual use of military facilities for repair, replenishment, and operations support.

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  4. India, Russia looking at holding '2+2' dialogue alongside Modi-Putin summit

India, Russia looking at holding '2+2' dialogue alongside Modi-Putin summit

The pact will allow militaries of the two countries to use each other's bases for repair and replenishment of supplies, besides facilitating scaling up of overall defense cooperation.

PTI
New Delhi Published on: November 17, 2021 23:36 IST

The first edition of India-Russia '2+2' defense and foreign ministerial dialogue may be held alongside a summit between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and President Vladimir Putin that is likely to take place on December 6, people familiar with the developments said on Wednesday. The two sides are looking at holding the '2+2' dialogue around the time of the summit primarily due to scheduling issues, they said. External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh are scheduled to hold the dialogue with their Russian counterparts Sergey Lavrov and Sergey Shoygu.

Jaishankar and Singh were to travel to Moscow in the last week of November but the plan is being amended primarily due to the Winter session of Parliament that is scheduled from November 29.

The two ministers were also likely to travel to Washington for the India-US '2+2' dialogue with US Secretay of State Antony Blinken and Defence Secretary Lloyd Austin later this month or early December.

But, the people cited above said the talks are now likely to be pushed to January. Putin is likely to visit India for the bilateral summit with Modi on December 6. The summit is expected to produce specific outcomes in further expanding ties in areas of defense, trade, and energy.

It is learned that the two sides are going to firm up a number of agreements in the areas of defense, trade and investment, and science and technology at the summit.

A framework for military-technical cooperation is set to be renewed for the next decade at the summit besides announcing a joint commission on technology and science. India and Russia have also reached the final phase of negotiation for a logistics support agreement and it is likely to be signed either during the two-plus-two talks or at the summit.

The pact will allow militaries of the two countries to use each other's bases for repair and replenishment of supplies, besides facilitating scaling up of overall defense cooperation. The unfolding humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan and implications of the Taliban's takeover of Kabul for regional security are also expected to figure prominently at the summit.

The summit was postponed last year because of the COVID-19 pandemic. Both the countries have a mechanism under which India's prime minister and the Russian president hold a summit meeting annually to review the entire gamut of ties.

So far 20 Annual Summit meetings have taken place alternatively in India and Russia. Russia has been a time-tested partner for India and a key pillar of New Delhi's foreign policy.

Also Read: India starts receiving 'game changer' S-400 surface-to-air missile systems from Russia

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Defense cooperation remains the central pillar, anchored by a long legacy of Russian equipment in Indian service and an expansive roadmap for co-production and technology transfer.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
weapons supply
security & military

Russia accounts for nearly half of India’s arms imports, and India has maintained this cooperation since the Cold War era despite external pressure.

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Content: Lithuanian Foreign Minister Lance Burgess recently visited India to meet with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Foreign Minister Sujssen on the regional security threat posed by Russia and China and the importance of reducing cooperation with Russia in the military, diplomatic and economic fields.
Lithuanian Foreign Minister Gabrielius Landsbergis also confirmed to Lithuanian media today that following the establishment of a representative office in Taiwan last year and the opening of an economic and trade office in Australia this year, India will also set up an embassy in Vilnius, the capital of the country.
The Lithuanian government, which took office in December 2020, is committed to expanding and deepening relations with the Indo-Pacific region, with new embassies in Australia, South Korea and Singapore, and an economic and trade office in Taiwan expected to open this year.
Bordering Russia and Belarus, Lithuania was occupied by the Soviet Union for about 50 years and has always been wary of Moscow ’ s imperial ambitions.
Russia ’ s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February proved Lithuania ’ s long-held warning to its European and American allies.
With Lithuania at the forefront of European countries in supporting Ukraine, countering Russia, and even supporting Taiwan against Beijing ’ s bullying, Lithuania can be expected to play a more important role in the security issues linking Europe and the Indo-Pacific region.
During his visit to India on the 26th, he spoke at the annual Raisina Dialogue with foreign ministers from Poland and Luxembourg, as well as experts from Britain and the United States to discuss the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian war on European and global security structures and economic and trade activities.
Lithuania's Foreign Ministry said that during the meeting with Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, the two sides discussed issues such as supply chain diversification and reducing economic and trade dependence on autocratic regimes, and stressed that Lithuania and the European Union see India as an important partner and that Russia's aggression is likely to expand beyond Ukraine.
Both sides agreed that since global food and energy supplies would be greatly affected, even countries far away from Russia could not be aloof to the Russian-Ukrainian war.
After Russia's full invasion of Ukraine in February, India's vote on the Russia-Ukraine issue at the United Nations mostly chose not to oppose Russia, and so far has not joined the sanctions against Russia, and even decided to increase the purchase of Russian oil at reduced prices, which has caused concern in Western countries that have positioned India as an important liberal and democratic partner in the Indo-Pacific region in recent years.
Despite India ’ s efforts in recent years to boost its production of armaments, and the trend of arms imports from Russia falling to the west, according to a report released in March by the Stockholm Institute for International Peace (SIPRI), a Swedish think-tank, Russia accounted for an average of nearly 50% of India ’ s total arms imports between 2017 and 2021.
Based on factors such as territorial disputes and armed conflicts along its borders, India has in recent years tended to regard China as a top security threat and has maintained a degree of cooperation with Russia since the Cold War era.
Aaditya Dave, a researcher specializing in South Asia at the Royal United Military Research Institute (RUSI), a British think tank, recently wrote that the West has long avoided providing India with advanced weapons and military technology, but Russia is willing to do so and relatively favorable conditions, so India has become the largest buyer of Russian military equipment.
However, the war in Ukraine and the West ’ s reaction are likely to deepen Russia ’ s need for economic, trade and strategic cooperation with China, and the tightening of Russia-China relations will inevitably lead to unease in India.
On the other hand, Russia has also strengthened its relations with India ’ s old enemy Pakistan in recent years.
Former Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan, who visited Russia in February before stepping down in April, became the first Pakistani prime minister to visit Russia in nearly 23 years and the first foreign leader to meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin after the war.
David pointed out that while there are still countries in Europe that continue to buy oil and gas from Russia, convincing India to join sanctions against Russia is obviously not easy.
However, India is also concerned about the impact of international sanctions on Russia, affecting the acquisition of the military equipment needed to counter the Chinese armed forces.
David called on the West to help India accelerate diversification and localization of its arms supply chain, rather than restricting access to India ’ s weapons.
British Prime Minister Boris Johnson announced during a visit to India on 21-22 that Britain would simplify administrative procedures, shorten delivery times, and strengthen bilateral military-industrial cooperation, including technology transfer and localization, within the framework of a Make-in-India policy.
The prime minister ’ s office said it was the first time the UK had used the Open General Export Licence (OGEL) mechanism in the Indo-Pacific region to increase the efficiency of arms sales to specific countries.
# Russia # India # Lithuania # Indo-Pacific # Military

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

A 10-year Program for Military-Technical Cooperation has been extended through 2031, prioritizing joint development and localized production.

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Content: Russia / India / Political / Military
Modi Meets Putin, Putin Praises India as ‘ Strong and Reliable Ally ’
Russian President Vladimir Putin, who is visiting India, praised India as Moscow's "strong and reliable ally", Putin's visit focused on "energy" and "national defense", and the foreign ministers and defense ministers of the two sides held their first 2 + 2 meeting and signed a number of military cooperation agreements.
In a joint statement, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation and achieve the goal of 30 billion US dollars in bilateral trade by 2025.
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Indian diplomatic officials said on Monday that Russia had begun supplying India with S-400 long-range air defense systems.
During Putin's meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the two sides also signed a 10-year military cooperation agreement and an oil cooperation agreement.
In a joint statement issued after the meeting, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation, including joint research and development and production of military equipment.
The two sides also stressed the need to achieve the goal of 30 billion U.S. dollars in bilateral trade by 2025, and to strengthen cooperation in energy and satellite navigation.
The two sides pointed out that it is necessary for the Eurasian Economic Union and India to start negotiations on a free trade agreement on goods.
Speaking to the media before his meeting with Modi, Putin said: "We consider India to be a big country, a friendly country and a security ally."
Putin ’ s visit to India is aimed at strengthening ties with India ’ s traditional allies, which are being eroded by the United States.
To counter China ’ s rise, the Quadripartite Security Dialogue (Quad), established by the United States with India, Japan and Australia, has drawn the attention of Beijing and Moscow.
During the Cold War, India had close ties with the Soviet Union, a relationship that continues to this day, described by New Delhi as a “special and privileged strategic partnership. ”
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi met with visiting Russian President Vladimir Putin on Monday to discuss defense and trade relations between the two countries in an effort to strike a balance with the United States.
"There have been many fundamental changes and geopolitical elements in the world over the past few decades, but India's friendship with Russia remains the same," Modi said before meeting Putin.
India ’ s foreign ministry said the annual bilateral summit covered political and defense issues.
The two leaders also discussed the humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan caused by the takeover of the Afghan government by the Taliban earlier this year.
India and Russia have long had close ties, and both sides have set a goal of reaching $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025.
Recently, however, India has drawn closer to the United States, believing that the United States is a key force against China.
India is also trying to manage its defense relations with Russia while strengthening its military ties with the United States, the sources said.
India, a major arms importer, relied heavily on the former Soviet Union for armaments during the Cold War, but now it is diversifying its procurement of arms, as well as buying US-made weapons.
During the period of former US President Trump, India signed more than $3 billion of arms purchase contracts with the United States, and the arms trade between the two countries has increased from zero in 2008 to $15 billion in 2019.
On the other hand, India's purchase of the Russian-made S-400 missile system to counter China has become a major problem in relations with the United States.
This sophisticated anti-missile system, once available, is expected to enable India to gain strategic deterrence power against China and Pakistan.
However, the United States has asked its partners not to purchase Russian-made armaments, or it may impose sanctions.
In addition, India and Russia held their first 2 + 2 meeting in New Delhi on Monday, where the two sides signed a number of cooperation agreements on "military and small arms".
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu arrived in New Delhi on Monday for a 2 + 2 meeting with Indian Foreign Minister Sujson and Defense Minister Manmohan Singh.
The 2 + 2 ministerial meeting was the first between India and Russia.
Singh tweeted after the meeting that discussions on defense cooperation between the two sides had been fruitful and that India cherished the "special strategic partnership" with Russia.
He added that the two sides have signed several agreements, contracts and protocols on small arms and military cooperation.
However, Singh and India ’ s Ministry of Defence have not issued a formal statement or press release disclosing details of the various agreements signed with Russia.
Indian media reported that one of the major agreements was the transfer of technology and local production of the Russian-made AK-203 assault rifle.
Under the agreement, India will produce more than 600,000 AK-203 assault rifles in India over the next 10 years through an Indian-Russian joint venture.
The report also said that another agreement is to extend the 10-year India-Russia military-technical cooperation agreement until 2031.
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
security & military

Headline projects include the $5 billion S-400 air defense system, with deliveries underway, and the joint production of 600,000 AK‑203 rifles in India.

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Content: Russia / India / Politics / Military
Modi Meets Putin, Putin Praises India as ‘ Strong and Reliable Ally ’
Putin, who is visiting India, praised India as a "strong and reliable ally" of Moscow. Putin's visit focused on "energy" and "defense". The foreign ministers and defense ministers of the two sides held their first 2 + 2 meeting and signed a number of military cooperation agreements.
In a joint statement, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation and achieve the goal of reaching US $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025.
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Indian diplomats said on Monday that Russia had begun supplying India with S-400 long-range air defense systems.
During Putin ’ s meeting with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the two sides also signed a 10-year military cooperation agreement and an oil cooperation agreement.
In a joint statement issued after the meeting, the two sides reiterated their intention to strengthen defense cooperation, including joint research and development and production of military equipment. They also stressed the need to achieve the goal of 30 billion US dollars in bilateral trade by 2025, and strengthen cooperation in energy and satellite navigation.
Speaking to the media before his meeting with Modi, Putin said: "We consider India to be a big country, a friendly country and a security ally."
Putin ’ s trip to India is aimed at strengthening ties with India ’ s traditional allies, which are being eroded by the United States.
To counter China ’ s rise, the United States has established the Quad Security Dialogue (Quad) with India, Japan and Australia, drawing attention from Beijing and Moscow.
During the Cold War, India had close relations with the Soviet Union, a relationship that continues to this day, described by New Delhi as a “special and privileged strategic partnership. ”
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi met with visiting Russian President Vladimir Putin on Monday to discuss defense and trade relations between the two countries to strike a balance with the United States.
"Over the past few decades, there have been many fundamental changes in the world, as well as various geopolitical elements, but India's friendship with Russia has always been the same," Modi said before the meeting with Putin.
India ’ s foreign ministry said the annual bilateral summit covered political and defence issues.
The two leaders also discussed the takeover of the Afghan regime by the Taliban earlier this year, which has led to a humanitarian crisis in Afghanistan.
India and Russia have long had close ties, and both sides have set a goal of reaching US $30 billion in bilateral trade by 2025.
But recently, India and the United States have drawn closer, seeing the United States as a key force in the fight against China.
India, while strengthening its military ties with the United States, is also trying to manage its defense relations with Russia.
India, a major arms importer, relied heavily on the former Soviet Union for its military supplies during the Cold War, and now buys weapons from the United States in a decentralized manner.
Under former US President Donald Trump, India signed more than US $3 billion in arms purchase contracts with the United States, and the two countries ’ armaments trade has increased from zero in 2008 to US $15 billion in 2019.
On the other hand, India ’ s purchase of the Russian-made S-400 missile system to counter China has become a major problem in relations with the United States.
This sophisticated anti-aircraft missile defense system, once available, is expected to give India the strategic deterrent power against China and Pakistan.
However, the United States has asked partners not to purchase Russian-made military equipment, or it may impose sanctions.
In addition, India and Russia held their first 2 + 2 meeting in New Delhi on Monday, where they signed a number of cooperation agreements on "military and small arms".
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov and Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu arrived in New Delhi on Monday night and held a 2 + 2 meeting with Indian Foreign Minister Igor Sujason and Defense Minister Manmohan Singh.
The Ministerial 2 + 2 meeting was the first between India and Russia.
Singh tweeted after the meeting that discussions on defence cooperation between the two sides had been fruitful and that India valued the "special strategic partnership" with Russia.
He added that the two sides had signed several agreements, contracts and protocols on small arms and military cooperation.
However, Singh and India ’ s Ministry of Defence have yet to release a formal statement or press release disclosing details of the various agreements signed with Russia.
Indian media reported that one of the major agreements was the technology transfer and local production of the Russian-made AK-203 assault rifle.
Under the agreement, India will produce more than 600,000 AK-203 assault rifles in India over the next 10 years through an Indo-Russian joint venture.
Another deal is to extend the 10-year India-Russia military-technical cooperation agreement until 2031.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
security & military
weapons supply
commerce

The two sides co-produce Su‑30MKI fighters and T‑90S tanks, collaborate on the BrahMos cruise missile, and plan joint production of Ka‑226T helicopters and Igla‑S systems.

Title:

Content: Russia will provide all the necessary countries interested in the production of weapons of the Russian sample
Director of the Federal Service for Military-Technical Cooperation (FSMTC) of the Russian Federation Dmitry Shugaev said that Russia is ready to provide all the necessary countries that are interested in the production of Russian weapons and military equipment on its territory.
According to him, despite the large share of exports, many foreign partners are eager to implement joint projects.
"This is primarily the joint development of high-tech PVN (military products. - '' Kommersant ''), the creation of joint ventures for the production of military products, the construction of service centers for the maintenance of delivered products, the implementation of mutually beneficial research and development work in relation to PVN," Dmitry Shugaev told reporters (quoted by TASS).
As an example, the head of the FSMTC pointed to India.
Within the framework of cooperation, the countries have implemented the Brahmos project, licensed production of T-90S tanks, Su-30MKI aircraft, aircraft engines, Mango tank shots, and construction of Project 11356P Burevestnik frigates is underway at Indian shipyards.
It is also planned to jointly produce Ka-226T helicopters and Igla-S man-portable air defense systems with India.
In February, Dmitry Shugaev said that for five years Russia ’ s arms exports to India amounted to $13 billion.
The order book is now more than $10 billion.
According to him, Russia ’ s partners in India, China and Southeast Asia are interested in acquiring the S-400 Triumph, the Wasp, Cube / Square, Pechora, Strela, Tunguska and Pantsir systems, Su-30 and MiG-29 fighters, Mi-17, Mi-24, Mi-35, Ka-28 and Mi-28 helicopters. Ka-31.
Rosoboronexport CEO Alexander Mikheev said in February that in 2022 the company fulfilled the tasks set for exporting equipment and weapons abroad.
He did not mention specific amounts.
By August 2022, the company had supplied foreign customers with weapons and military equipment worth $5.4 billion.
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
weapons supply
security & military

Russia supports India with critical technologies, including missile systems and submarine nuclear reactors, reinforcing India’s high-end military capabilities.

Title:

Content: Under pressure, will India abandon Russia?
Author: External Submission
Published: Updated:
Recently, Sameer Lalwani, a senior expert at the Asia Center of the American Institute of Peace, and Happymon Jacob, an associate professor of diplomacy and disarmament at Nehru University, wrote that in the short and medium term, the foundation of Russian-Indian relations is still very solid, and in the long term, Indian-Russian relations are on a long-term downward trend, from partnership to trading. "Change".
Following the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in February 2022, major democracies have come together to defend Ukraine by condemning Russia ’ s military actions.
But India did not join in, opting instead to abstain in a key UN vote and refusing to condemn its longtime partner, Russia.
Many countries expressed disappointment with India's stance on the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.
However, some observers believe that India has shown signs of considering a rupture with Russia, and India may change its previous neutral course. In September 2022, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in a conversation with Russian President Vladimir Putin that “today ’ s era is not an era of war ”, a phrase that seemed to warn Russia, as U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken called Modi ’ s stance“ significant. ”
American political scientist Happymon Jacob also wrote that the Indian government is weakening its “long-term partnership ” with Russia and is committed to closer cooperation with the United States.
Based on the interpretation of these events, India needs to strengthen its cooperation with the West and is alienating Russia.
However, the view that "India and Russia will part ways" is too "taken for granted" and does not reflect realistic possibilities.
It is true that in the context of Russia ’ s growing economic dependence on China and its provision of unreliable weapons to India, India should theoretically move away from Russia and promote diversification of partnerships, but this is not realistic or feasible.
The United States, the first Western country to win over India on a number of issues, turned a blind eye to the human rights dispute.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and US President Joe Biden at last year ’ s G20 summit. (Reuters)
In fact, India is not ready to give up the India-Russia partnership, and in November 2022, Indian Foreign Minister Sujishin visited Russia, stressing that the relationship between the two countries is “strong and stable. ”
For this reason, US policymakers still need to make policy plans around the reality of a lasting India-Russia relationship, but they should also make India realize that Russia is a burden; the United States cannot punish and sanction India because of the close India-Russia relationship.
Because for the United States, India can play a more prominent and more active role in the Indo-Pacific region.
The False Dawn
Analysts have concluded that India is trying to distance itself from Russia based on what Indian officials say, including Modi ’ s verbal confrontation with Putin in September 2022, a vote against Russia at the United Nations, and the cancellation of a multi-billion dollar Russian weapons procurement program (fighters and helicopters).
However, these developments do not mean that India has explicitly chosen to stay away from Russia.
The Washington Post called Modi ’ s September 2022 statement to Putin a “rebuke. ”
But in fact, Modi ’ s statement was not intended primarily to address the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, but to express concern about rising food and energy prices.
Several assessment reports issued in India have warned against over-reading Modi ’ s remarks, which are no different from the official position of India in the past that the war has inflicted great trauma on developing countries.
It is undeniable that India has indeed sided with the West in some of the UN ’ s procedural votes, such as allowing Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky to speak at the UN General Assembly in September 2022.
But in more substantive votes, such as the October 2022 vote on four regions of Russia ’ s military campaign in Ukraine, India abstained.
In addition, in early 2022, India cancelled several agreements to purchase Russian weapons (such as the MiG-29 fighter).
But the decision has little to do with the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and is more about promoting domestic arms production and supporting India ’ s “self-reliance ” program.
A few months before the Russian-Ukrainian conflict erupted, the Indian government had planned to cancel these deals, including the purchase of Boeing P-8I aircraft from the United States, in favor of domestically produced weapons.
But India will still buy major weapons such as S-400 air defense systems, stealth frigates and nuclear submarines from Russia, which means India will be tied to Russia for decades to come.
In fact, India cannot really break with Russia, because Russian-made weapons account for a large share of India ’ s arsenal, and Russia still plays a significant role in India ’ s geopolitical considerations, so most of India ’ s political elite still prefer friendly Indian-Russian relations.
India can ’ t really break with Russia because Russian-made weapons make up the bulk of India ’ s arsenal and most of India ’ s political elite still prefer friendly India-Russia relations.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin.
(Reuters)
(2) Patience and persistence
India has long regarded Russia as a valued partner in its “multidirectional alliance ” strategy.
Within the framework of this strategy, India wants to maintain a constructive strategic partnership with several major powers at the same time, but refuses to form an exclusive alliance with any major powers.
India ’ s leaders believe that the “multidirectional alliance ” strategy is still valid today because Western analysts have misjudged Russia in several important ways.
The authors ’ study found that despite strong Western sanctions against Russia, Indian national security officials still believe in Russia ’ s endurance and durability.
They expect Europe to struggle under pressure from inflation and energy shortages, while Russia ’ s economy will be boosted by rising commodity prices.
After all, Indian companies are investing in Russian energy projects, such as oil and gas extraction projects in Sakhalin, Russia ’ s Far East.
In addition, India has doubled its investment in future India-Russia cooperation in defense technology research and development (including the development of the Brahmos cruise missile).
The leaders also believe that the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is likely to turn into a military stalemate that will culminate in a negotiated cease-fire and that Russia will eventually be allowed to reintegrate into the international community.
Indian policymakers also believe that Russia will remain an important geopolitical force that will help India.
India relies on Russia for missile technology, submarine nuclear reactors, and hypersonic weapons, and Russia can still provide diplomatic support to India in the United Nations Security Council, which can exert influence on India ’ s other continental neighbors.
In addition, with the Russian regime in turmoil, Indian officials want to be able to extract more benefits from their dealings with the Russian government, just as India did at the beginning of the collapse of the Soviet Union, when the two countries established the Brahmos Aerospace Joint Venture.
As India continues to maintain friendly relations with its old partner Russia, the West is hesitant to punish India.
Some observers believe that India will downplay the India-Russia relationship as Russia becomes closer to China and even more dependent on China.
But unlike Western officials, Indian officials do not believe that tough sanctions will force Russia into China ’ s arms, because there is no shortage of friction between China and Russia over Central Asia and the Arctic.
In the eyes of Indian policymakers, India can become a "wedge" between Russia and China, helping Russia retain some autonomy in Sino-Russian relations, and avoiding Russia becoming a "small follower" of China.
On September 15, 2022, Chinese President Xi Jinping held a bilateral meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin at the Samarkand State Guesthouse to exchange views on China-Russia relations and international and regional issues of common concern. (Xinhua)
Third, get on with it.
Much of the Indian military ’ s combat and strike equipment is dependent on Russia.
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict has limited and delayed India ’ s process of acquiring spare parts and equipment upgrades, thus creating a “supply shock ” to India ’ s main Russian-made weapons arsenal.
While India remains concerned about the performance of Russian-made weapons and Russia ’ s ability to provide spare parts, it has not taken any hard measures to curtail the use of Russian materials or to purchase substitutes to accelerate the diversification of military equipment imports.
All in all, India has no plans to achieve a rapid and comprehensive transformation of its Russian-made weapons systems by bringing in other foreign suppliers. After the border crises of 2019 and 2020, there has been some peace and stability in the border area, and Indian strategists believe that India should maintain a low level of operational readiness for the next few years, even if that means increased vulnerability.
In the short to medium term, India plans to keep up with its existing inventory, while at the same time sourcing from the secondary market for Russian components and relying more on domestic military equipment.
India will continue to work with Russia to meet outstanding delivery commitments and selectively sign contracts with the West to support the development of India ’ s indigenous defence industry.
In the long run, India wants to be largely self-sufficient in terms of defense needs and no longer rely on external suppliers.
While India aims to diversify its arsenal and become self-sufficient within the next 20 years, it still needs some key technical support from Russia.
Su-30 fighters will remain the backbone of the IAF for decades, but they cannot be maintained or upgraded without Russian technical support.
India ’ s most important defense export, the BrahMos anti-ship cruise missile, currently sold mainly to Southeast Asian countries to deter China, uses Russian propulsion technology.
As long as Russia is in control of key elements of India ’ s advanced weapons systems, especially fighter jets, cruise missiles and submarines, Russia has considerable influence over India.
Much of the Indian military ’ s combat and strike equipment is dependent on Russia.
Su-30 fighters will remain the backbone of the IAF for decades. (Getty)
The First Friend of India
In addition to the above material considerations, the common ideological orientation has also driven India and Russia to maintain friendly relations.
Both Indian and Russian officials support the “polycentric ” vision of a global order in which there is no single dominant hegemony and each major power maintains its own sphere of influence.
Both India and Russia believe that a “multicentre ” is more stable than an international order governed by one or two superpowers.
India ’ s political elite also maintains a “sense of closeness ” to Russia, which stems from India ’ s decades-long tradition of cooperation with the former Soviet Union.
Two months after the conflict broke out, Yoga Jyotsna, an Indian scholar, said that “Russia is India ’ s number one friend in the eyes of the military and people of insight. ”
According to Rajeswari Rajagopalan, another Indian scholar,
Strategic sympathy for Soviet Russia was widespread not only among Indian politicians, but also among the general Indian population.
This is because Russia ’ s historical support and assistance to India has been “romanticized. ”
Although Indian diplomatic agencies have not helped Russia in its defense, national security officials believe that multiple actors, including NATO, should be held responsible for the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, and not all blame should be placed on the Russian side.
A September 2022 survey of more than 1,000 Indian adults found that Indians believe the West and Russia are equally responsible for the Russia-Ukraine conflict. (Reuters)
The Indian public is also sympathetic to Russia. A July 2022 poll found that a majority of Indians refuse to describe Russia ’ s military actions in Ukraine as “wrong. ” A September 2022 survey of more than 1,000 Indian adults found that Indians believe that the West and Russia are equally responsible for the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and most Indians do not believe that a Russian victory will make the world more dangerous.
Public attitudes in India are not only very different from those in Europe, Australia and Japan, but also in emerging countries such as Brazil and South Africa.
Read the second half of the article.
This article was first published in the South Asia Research Newsletter. It only represents the author 's opinion and does not represent Hong Kong' s position.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
weapons supply
security & military

Over the past five years, India has bought roughly $13 billion in Russian weapons, with Russia’s annual arms exports estimated at $14–15 billion and a significant Indian order book.

Title:

Content: India has bought $13 billion worth of weapons from Russia in the past five years
Author: United Morning Post
Published: Updated:
According to the official Russian news agency, India has ordered about $13 billion worth of arms and military equipment from Russia over the past five years.
Reuters quoted the Interfax news agency as saying Sunday evening that Dmitry Shugayev, head of Russia ’ s military-technical cooperation agency, said India, China and some Southeast Asian countries ’ interest in buying Russian weapons remained unchanged.
“After Russia launched a special military operation in Ukraine, Western countries, led by the United States, have exerted unprecedented pressure on India, and India remains one of Russia ’ s main partners in the field of military-technical cooperation, ” said Shugayev.
Interfax said Russia's annual arms exports amounted to $14 billion to $15 billion, and the overall order remained at $50 billion.
This article is authorized by the United Morning Post.

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

security & military
weapons supply
commerce

Economic ties have expanded markedly, with energy trade driving a rapid rise in volumes and ranking Russia among India’s top trading partners.

Title:

Content: Russia has become one of India ’ s largest trading partners
In 2023, the trade turnover between Russia and India almost doubled.
It was $65 billion.
Russia has become India ’ s fourth largest trading partner.
Russia has increased trade with India a record, last year it amounted to $65 billion - 1.8 times more than in 2022, according to the Statistical Service of India.
These indicators allowed Russia to become one of the largest trading partners of India.
The main partner of this country remains the United States, despite a decrease in trade turnover by 9% to $119 billion.
The top three also included China (-2%, up to $116 billion) and the United Arab Emirates (-7%, $78 billion).
The top five was closed by Saudi Arabia (-17%, $44 billion).
The State Statistics Service notes that India increased exports of its goods to Russia by 1.4 times.
Last year, $4 billion worth of goods were delivered.
Thanks to this, Russia entered the top 30 importers of Indian products.
The basis of growth – Russian energy resources
Vyacheslav Kulagin, Director of the Center for Energy Research at the Institute for Pricing and Regulation of Natural Monopolies at the Higher School of Economics, told Vestnik Kavkaza that the trade turnover between Russia and India had grown so significantly.
“First of all, the growth of trade with India was due to the increase in oil supplies from Russia.
In second place is the export of coal.
We have the potential to increase exports to India and LNG, but at the moment all production of liquefied natural gas already has regular customers.
For Arctic projects, this is Europe, and for Sakhalin, China and Japan, ” he said.
“It is clear that such a significant surge in India ’ s interest in Russian oil is associated with the ability to buy it at certain discounts compared to the average market.
But equally important is the growth of the oil refining industry in India, which today sells its refined products around the world, including in Europe - it determines the constantly increasing Indian demand for crude oil, "said Vyacheslav Kulagin.
“Of course, from the point of view of transportation, oil supplies to Europe are of greater interest, but in the current situation, when the possibilities of these supplies are limited politically, Russia chooses the best buyers in other regions, and these are the countries in Asia, showing the fastest growing demand for energy resources.
China and India.
There is a proven supply mechanism that allows them to carry out without restrictions on price corridors, ” the economist said.
“Periodically there were questions about currencies and payment mechanisms, but companies and government agencies were able to solve these problems in a timely manner.
Therefore, in the current conditions, the Indian market is quite attractive for Russian suppliers.
What is important, it is not without an alternative, as Indian buyers understand.
For this reason, last year in comparison with the previous year, the size of the discount on Russian oil significantly decreased, and prices are already approaching the world average, ” concluded Vyacheslav Kulagin.
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How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Bilateral trade reached about $39.8 billion in FY 2022–23, with a $34.8 billion Indian trade deficit, and grew further to roughly $65 billion in 2023, propelled by discounted Russian oil and coal.

Title:

Content: Russia ranks among India ’ s top five trading partners for the first time
Author: Zhang Yuejing
Published: Updated:
Russian media reported on March 11 that Russia became India ’ s top five trading partners for the first time, and in the first 10 months of the 2022-2023 financial year, the two countries ’ trade volume has reached a record of about US $39.8 billion (about HK $310.4 billion).
According to data from India ’ s Ministry of Commerce and Industry, between April 2022 and January 2023, Russia ranked 5th in the list of India ’ s major trading partners.
This is the first time this has happened in India since such statistics began in the late 1990s.
In the previous financial year (April 2021 to March 2022), Russia was ranked 25th, while the best ranking appeared in the financial year 1997-1998, ranking 16th.
Russia ’ s rise in the ranking is due to a sharp increase in trade between the two countries: the trade volume between the two countries was only $13.1 billion in the last fiscal year, but reached $39.8 billion in the first 10 months of the current fiscal year.
India exported about $2.5 billion worth of goods to Russia during this period and imported about $37.3 billion worth of goods, with a trade deficit of about $34.8 billion.
India ’ s top four trading partners for the fiscal year were the United States (trade volume of about US $108.4 billion), China (about US $95.9 billion), the United Arab Emirates (about US $70.2 billion) and Saudi Arabia (about US $44.3 billion).
India has a trade deficit with all of its major partners outside the United States.

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India increased Russian oil purchases by around 20 times since 2021, saving an estimated $13 billion, and Russia has also been a reliable supplier of grain and fertilizer to India.

Title:

Content: 2 July 2024, Tuesday, 16: 46
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Bloomberg: India will prevent Putin from getting closer to China
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has launched the plan.
Russia ’ s active rapprochement with China worries India, which is countering its growing influence in the region.
Concerned about the expansion of the “limitless partnership ”, Prime Minister Narendra Modi next week will go to Moscow for talks with Vladimir Putin, writes Bloomberg.
It will be his first visit to Russia since the start of Putin ’ s war in Ukraine and his first trip abroad since Modi took office as prime minister for the third time.
While Moscow will try to present the meeting as proof that Russia has not been isolated since Western sanctions were imposed, Modi ’ s trip is more motivated by a desire to reaffirm the status quo in bilateral relations and limit China ’ s influence, experts and experts close to the Indian government say.
India is wary of Moscow ’ s growing dependence on Beijing, says Swasti Rao, a research fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defense Studies and Analysis at the Indian Ministry of Defense:
The deepening of strategic interaction between Russia and China makes New Delhi uncomfortable, as it is like a best friend sleeping with the enemy.
Given our concerns, it makes sense for the prime minister to go there and talk to Putin at the highest level.
Like China, India has taken advantage of the difficult situation that Russia has found itself in because of the sanctions.
It has more than 20 times increased purchases of Russian oil compared to 2021, saving 13 billion thanks to discounts on it, according to the April report of the rating agency ICRA.
It continues to purchase services and components from Russia to service previously purchased weapons, although major deals do not seem to be going any more.
In 2019-2023, according to the Stockholm Peace Research Institute, India for the first time since the early 1960s purchased less than half of the weapons from Russia / the USSR: the share of imports was only 36% compared to 76% in 2009-2013.
Russia has lost the Indian arms market, which has dominated for more than half a century
Russia has lost the Indian arms market, which has dominated for more than half a century
The meeting between Modi and Putin is expected to discuss the supply of logistics to India to strengthen cooperation between the armed forces of the two countries and resume discussions on joint development of a fifth-generation fighter, but breakthrough agreements in either this or other areas are likely not, informed Indian officials told Bloomberg.
Also, according to them, cooperation in nuclear energy will be discussed.
Payments in rupees for Russian oil for a long time hung on accounts in Indian banks, all of them accumulated by $8 billion.
Although the countries agreed to continue to pay for oil in UAE dirhams and increase purchases of Indian goods, their annual exports to Russia still do not exceed $5 billion.
Fearing sanctions and difficulties with calculations, Indian business is not eager to increase turnover.
Modi ’ s visit is “maintaining the status quo, ” Alexei Zakharov, an expert on India at HSE, told Bloomberg:“ Relations are not deteriorating, but there is no particular desire to improve them. ”
This is the second time that Putin ’ s turn to the East has caused concern among the leading countries in the region.
Thus, Chinese leaders may believe that Putin ’ s rapprochement with North Korea and the conclusion of a military alliance with it during a recent visit to Pyongyang may reduce the dependence of Russia and North Korea on Beijing and provoke unnecessary tension in the region.
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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Energy cooperation extends to civil nuclear power, with Russia agreeing to build six nuclear plants in India.

Title:

Content: Russia to build six nuclear power plants in India
According to the BBC, Russian President Vladimir Putin announced that Russia will build six nuclear power plants in India in the next two decades.
Putin made the announcement at a joint news conference after talks with visiting Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Modi said the strategic partnership between the two countries has deepened.
Modi ’ s trip to Moscow will see the signing of about $7 billion worth of contracts, mostly on defense matters.
Modi began a two-day visit to Russia on Thursday.
India and Russia have held annual summit meetings since 2000, alternating between Delhi and Moscow.
Sources said Modi ’ s visit was seen as an opportunity for him to increase personal understanding and goodwill with Putin and put relations back on track.
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

New connectivity initiatives—INSTC, the Chennai–Vladivostok maritime corridor, and the Northern Sea Route—are intended to cut costs and transit times while integrating India with Russian and Eurasian markets.

Title:

Content:
India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday. At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

The 22nd Russia-India Annual Summit will lead to a greater collaboration between the two countries in Russian Far East and the Eurasian space, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), according to experts.

The 81-paragraphbilateral Joint Statement underscored the "shared vision" to enhance transport and connectivity cooperation, as well as a "solid commitment" to enhance economic linkages in Russia's resource-rich Far East, Pravesh Kumar Gupta, an Associate Fellow at New Delhi-based think tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), told Sputnik India.

The 22nd Annual Summit, a "unique and pivotal event in the current global geopolitical context" according to Gupta, exposed the disappointment of Western countries.

"Amidst global turbulence, the summit served as a crucial platform for leaders to engage in constructive discussions and strategic dialogues, with the aim of bolstering cooperation in vital areas such as trade, energy, connectivity, defence, and technology. This event has been widely acknowledged as a significant milestone in the ongoing development of the close ties between India and Russia, a success that stood in stark contrast to the disappointment felt by the Western world," the Indian think-tanker asserted.

Lauding the Summit outcomes, Gupta remarked that the leaders would intensify effort to develop "promising production and marketing chains in Eurasia" and stick to the new plan for the Far East in providing enhanced cooperation in different sectors, including transport and connectivity.

Specifically both leaders shared a vision pointing to three projects – International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor as well as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), or the Polar Route.

"Most importantly, these connectivity projects are free from any political agenda, unlike the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as clearly mentioned in the joint statement. Their implementation will be based on the principles of transparency, broad participation, local priorities, financial sustainability, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations," the VIF pundit underlined.

Gupta expressed confidence that the proposal to establish a joint working group on developing the NSR would speed up the project, which promised "significant cost savings and reduced shipping times" for goods traveling between Europe and Asia.

"The route's increased accessibility due to melting Arctic ice has sparked increased interest in its potential for commercial shipping and trade, offering a bright future for global trade," Gupta stated.

In the context of the INSTC, the expert underscored that it could turn out to be the most "cost-effective and favourable" connectivity project to increase Indian exports to Eurasia and vice-versa. He explained that the 7,200-kilometre-long multimodal corridor was in line with Moscow's geo-economic focus on Asia-Pacific following the Ukraine conflict.

Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'

In terms of bolstering cooperation in Asia-Pacific, or near India's own neighbourhood, Modi and Putin shared approaches on building a "new architecture" of a 'Greater Eurasian space'.

Although, initially Russia was focused primarily on the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, the Ukrainian conflict completely changed the situation, Alexey Kupriyanov, an expert in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) at Moscow-based think tank IMEMO RAS told Sputnik India.

At the same time, the think-tanker highlighted that a growing trade turnover between Russia and India was pushing Moscow to return to the Indian Ocean Region, primarily to ensure the protecting of Russian vessels in areas not covered by Indian Navy's operations, which include the Red Sea and the Mediterranean region.

"In the long term, this means that Russian ships will soon operate more intensively in the Indian Ocean and expand their presence," Kupriyanov stressed.

It would bolster India's security efforts and help it manage the power competition between China and the US, even as Indian Navy has intensified inter-operability with western maritime forces in recent years, the expert asserted.

"Since India's focus is primarily on the eastern part of the region, Russian ships in the western part could help fill the vacuum of security there. This will reduce the need for East African countries to seek help from China and the US to combat pirates, smugglers and drug traffickers," Kupriyanov concluded.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The sides have discussed a free trade agreement and investment guarantees, and Moscow has sought to increase imports of Indian machinery to improve the trade balance.

Title:

Content: Russia and India agree on free trade agreement
Author: Hsu Yi-an
Published: Updated:
Indian and Russian officials said on April 17 that the two countries were discussing a free trade agreement that would further deepen India-Russia commercial relations since the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian war.
Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar said on Thursday that the two sides had reached a prior agreement on a trade treaty.
Russian Trade and Industry Minister Denis Manturov said the India-Russia trade agreement would provide guarantees for bilateral investment.
Manturov told reporters on the sidelines of the meeting that Moscow wants to increase imports of Indian machinery to improve the trade balance.
He said Russia needs to find a niche market in products that India can replace as a source of imports.
He said that in civilian projects, Russia needs to cooperate as extensively as it did before sanctions.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India has also opened a $1 billion line of credit for Russian Far East projects, tying trade to resource and infrastructure opportunities.

Title:

Content: India will open its territory to the Russian army
It is pleasant to see the breakthrough talks in India between Vladimir Putin and Sergei Shoigu, knowing that Washington will be extremely unhappy.
The United States could not force India to “divorce ” Russia
Vladimir Putin arrived in India on Monday for talks with Prime Minister Nareandra Modi.
There are already Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov, Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu and the head of Rosneft Igor Sechin.
In its efforts to counter China, Washington has established a “security dialogue ” in the region with India, Japan and Australia (QUAD).
Of course, the United States is now watching with regret the breakthrough agreements, and is convinced that India is an independent country.
Kremlin foreign policy adviser Yuri Ushakov told reporters last week that Russia and India will sign 10 agreements, including on energy.
India opens for the Russian army movement on its territory
According to the Hindustan Times, contracts for the supply of S-400 air defense systems worth $5.4 billion will be signed, and a contract has already been signed for the construction of a plant for the production of AK-203 assault rifles in Ameti, Uttar Pradesh.
It is expected that the Indian army will acquire 7.5 thousand AK-203.
The contract involves the full transfer of technology within seven years of signing the contract.
The parties will also discuss a deal to sell India to the Igla air defense system, but it is unlikely that it will be signed during this visit.
The key agreement that can be concluded is the "Logistics Mutual Exchange Agreement" (RELOS), which will allow the military of the two countries to gain access to logistics and support facilities at each other's bases.
India believes that these military ties with Russia will not be punished by US sanctions on CAATSA, as it “expands ties with the United States to counter China. ”
India will participate in projects in the Far East and the Arctic
The Financial Express newspaper suggests that energy supplies to India from Russia will be discussed after it came under secondary US sanctions against Iran, with which extensive oil supply contracts were concluded.
Recently, France warned its banks not to finance the Arctic LNG 2 project, and India is ready to invest in the project.
Economic Times reports that India has ambitious plans for the Russian Far East and has opened a $1 billion credit line for various projects in the region.
As it became known ET, "all eyes are focused on the revival of the Vladivostok – Chennai sea connection."
India ’ s total investment in oil and gas projects in Russia exceeds $15 billion.
This is the largest direction of Indian foreign investment in the oil and gas sector and the Government of India plans to increase it.
There are also Russian investments in India.
In August 2017, Rosneft bought 49% of the Indian company Essar Oil Limited (Nayara Enegry).
India is also interested in the Northern Sea Route through the Arctic and rich deposits of minerals in the Arctic, such as iron ore.
Old friends are more expensive than new ones
Cooperation between Russia and India has Soviet roots, when India was financially (the USSR drove food to India by cars) and morally supported by Leonid Brezhnev in its war with Pakistan.
The Soviet-Indian Friendship Treaty of 1971 became the Strategic Partnership Treaty of 2000.
India, although it has reduced by 33 percent in recent years purchases of Russian weapons, but the fleet of aircraft, tanks, artillery that it has involves close cooperation with Russian technical services, the purchase of equipment and spare parts.
For decades, the Russians had collaborated with India on its local manufacturing programs and were ready for technology transfers that India had been hard pressed to obtain from others.
We are talking not only about military programs, such as the Brahmos fighter, but also about nuclear reactors, space programs.
To assume a “divorce ” with Russia in favor of the United States, as is done in the West recklessly, this comes from ignorance of the depth of India ’ s gratitude to the Soviet leadership and the reputation of Russia ’ s reliability in India as a partner.
Moscow has distanced itself from the conflict between India and China on the border issue, and unites the countries in the SCO and BRICS.
It is significant that China and India find a common language in these organizations.
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Ambassador of India to Russia: “No one can put pressure on us ”

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The Ukraine war has tested but not ruptured the partnership, as India has balanced its strategic equities while calling for de-escalation and dialogue.

Title:

Content: Russian President Vladimir Putin held a telephone conversation with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the Kremlin press service reports.
The parties discussed the prospects of partnership between the two states and agreed to continue personal contacts.
Vladimir Putin had a telephone conversation with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Expressing satisfaction with the high level of bilateral cooperation, developing on the principles of a particularly privileged Russian-Indian strategic partnership, the leaders discussed in detail the prospects for practical cooperation in such areas as mutual investment, energy, agriculture, transport and logistics.
In addition, Putin and Modi noted the importance of continuing coordination between Russia and India within the framework of the G20 and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.
At the request of Modi, the Russian leader voiced his opinion on the situation in Ukraine.
Earlier, Modi refused the annual meeting with Putin because of the situation in Ukraine.
The meeting of the leaders of the two states failed for the second time since 2000.
The summit, usually held in December, was previously canceled in 2020 due to the coronavirus pandemic.
Press Secretary of the President of the Russian Federation Dmitry Peskov later said that the allegations about the cancellation of the meeting are not true.
According to him, such negotiations were not in the schedule of the Russian leader.
The representative of the Kremlin added that next year the schedule of contacts will be agreed.
In September, Indian Foreign Ministry spokesman Arindam Bagchi said that Delhi continues to call for an immediate cessation of hostilities in Ukraine.
He stressed that in order to resolve the conflict, the parties urgently need to come to the negotiating table.
The diplomat noted that this position is shared by Modi, who confirmed it during a conversation with Putin at the summit of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Samarkand.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

New Delhi abstained in UN votes and maintained “benevolent neutrality,” sustaining energy trade and defense cooperation while urging an immediate cessation of hostilities.

Title:

Content: ...
...
...
...
India between Russia and America
I'm sorry.
The Merciful
Posted in: Last Updated:
As a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, India abstained last week to condemn Russia, the largest and most capable country in Europe and Asia, for its military operation in Ukraine.
Western countries voted in the Security Council to demand that Russia stop its operation in Ukraine and withdraw its troops immediately, but Russia responded by vetoing a council resolution.
The reason for India's abstention was that it believed that non-alignment on this issue was in its national interests, while siding with one side meant harassing the other in a situation where both the United States and Russia were important to India and its national interests.
Abstaining in the Security Council has thus allowed India to avoid taking sides and being dragged into a crisis in distant places.
The challenge for India, which has no direct interests in Ukraine apart from evacuating its mostly student citizens there, is to make sure there is no reaction to the crisis on its relations with Russia, a key defense partner, or with the United States, which is crucial to addressing growing problems with China in the region.
The Ukraine crisis also comes at a time when India is in the process of acquiring five S-400 Triumph air defense missile systems from Russia and needs an exception from the United States, which has already sanctioned Turkey under the Countering America ’ s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) for possessing the same S-400 missiles from Russia.
Moscow has already begun delivering missiles to New Delhi, which is seen as an important element of defence readiness for India, which has an unstable border with both Pakistan and China.
Russia and India have been allies since the Cold War, and defense cooperation has long been a cornerstone of their relationship.
India has sought to diversify its defense purchases outside of Russia, from countries such as Israel, the United States and others.
But more than 60 percent of India ’ s weapons continue to come from Russia, which means India needs to continue to get spare parts from Moscow.
There is no doubt that the relationship between India and Russia has come under strain, as New Delhi has become closer to Washington, amid mutual concerns over a range of issues, including the rise of China.
Their relationship has deepened over the past decade and they are now partners, along with Japan and Australia, in the Quadripartite Security Forum.
Russia, in turn, has become closer to China and Pakistan even as its relations with the United States and the West deteriorate.
But developments in Afghanistan, where the withdrawal of U.S. troops has brought the Taliban back to power, have led to New Delhi ’ s increased political engagement with Moscow as India seeks access to Central Asia.
There is no doubt that India is trying to maintain a delicate balance between Russia and the United States, taking sides in the Ukraine conflict will only lead to problems for India, especially since it has no direct interests in Ukraine.
There have also been reports that Russia has quietly worked behind the scenes to defuse tensions between India and China following the 2020 border clashes.
As a result, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was among the few world leaders to have spoken by phone with President Vladimir Putin in the midst of the Ukraine crisis.
Modi appealed to President Putin for an immediate halt to military actions and “called on all parties to return to diplomatic negotiations and dialogue. ”
At the same time, Modi also spoke to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and expressed “readiness to contribute in any way to the peace efforts. ”
For India, the sooner this crisis is resolved, the better, especially because of its fears that the focus of the United States and its other allies may shift from the Indo-Pacific and the China Sea to a crisis in Europe over the dispute over Ukraine ’ s accession to NATO.
It is clear, however, that the United States and its NATO allies will avoid indulging in a direct armed conflict in Ukraine.
While the EU has imposed some sanctions, including closing airspace to Russian aircraft, New Delhi ’ s biggest concern is that it will not get an exemption from Washington over the Triumph missile system and that tougher economic sanctions could lead to a spike in oil prices.
Although the Russian and Ukrainian delegates have agreed to meet to discuss and resolve the conflict, an early resolution of the crisis seems elusive.
It is clear that Moscow is determined to create a demilitarized buffer zone between Russia and NATO member states.
But there is no doubt that a peaceful solution is the best way forward to end a crisis of this magnitude.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi
Quote from "The Union"
Disclaimer: All published articles represent the opinion of their authors only.
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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

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India’s approach reflects its reliance on Russian platforms and spares, coupled with its strategic autonomy and preference for multipolarity.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

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polycentric system of international relations

At the same time, US sanctions under CAATSA have loomed over major acquisitions like the S‑400, complicating India’s external balancing.

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New Delhi regards China as its top security threat amid a prolonged border standoff that has seen tens of thousands of soldiers deployed and repeated military-level talks without full normalization.

Title:

Content: Wang Yi landed in India expert: China and India are expected to break the ice but still have suspicions | Deutsche Welle from Germany Introduction Germany | DW | 25.03.2022
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The political climate of the times
Wang Yi landed in India expert: China and India are expected to break the ice but there are still suspicions
This is the highest level visit between the two countries since the outbreak of bloody conflict on the Sino-Indian border in 2020.
Experts believe that the core issue of China and India is still the border, and Wang Yi may propose a mitigation plan on this trip.
At a time of turbulence in the Russia-Ukraine war, the two Asian powers are carefully balancing the West with Russia. What do experts think of the Sino-India-Russia triangular relationship?
In the past two years, China and India have held 15 military-level meetings, but the confrontation continues.
The Associated Press reported on the 24th that Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi arrived in India on Thursday.
An Indian Foreign Ministry official confirmed to the Associated Press that Wang Yi will meet with Indian Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar on Friday.
Some Indian media said that during the period may also meet with Indian national security adviser Shri Ajit Doval. The discussion topic is not clear, but it is expected to talk about the Ukraine issue, China-India relations, and the BRICS summit to be held this year.
Wang Yi ’ s visit to India is highly regarded by the international community because it is the first time that such a high-level Chinese official has visited India since the bloody border conflict between China and India in 2020 and the diplomatic relations between the two countries have reached a low point.
In June 2020, a fierce conflict broke out in the disputed Kashmir region between China and India, killing 20 Indian soldiers and four Chinese.
According to the Associated Press, the two countries have deployed tens of thousands of soldiers on the “actual control line on the Sino-Indian border, ” backed by artillery, tanks and fighter jets.
India and China have both withdrawn troops from parts of the border since February, but have retained additional military personnel at the border.
The two sides have met 15 times in the past two years, but the standoff continues.
The key is the border.
"The fundamental problem in Sino-Indian relations has not been solved, and the biggest problem is the border issue."
Liu Qifeng, an associate professor at Fleming University in India, told Deutsche Welle that he believes "the Indian side may be waiting for the Chinese side to come up with some conditions before talking to them."
Tsinghua University ’ s India Center deputy director, Fang Tien-chih, told Deutsche Welle, “What is more amazing is that the two sides are facing each other, but there is a hard border. ” He said that the past was a soft border, and there were conflicts between China and India in the disputed area.
“I don ’ t think that Wang Yi ’ s visit to India is to quarrel.
"We believe that the relationship between China and India is at an overall stage, and Wang Yi's visit should try to put forward some plans to improve the relationship between China and India."
He said the border standoff between China and India has not been resolved and relations between the two sides have not been normalized, but there have been some signs of moderation in the recent past.
The meeting between the foreign ministers of China and India took place nearly two years ago.
In addition to Wang Yi ’ s visit to India is an important indicator, Fang Tianchi mentioned that India ’ s new ambassador to China, who used to be a representative in Taiwan, understands Chinese and is familiar with Chinese affairs, was originally sent to the Netherlands, but his term of office has not yet ended and sent to China.
"It is possible that India wants to send him to speed up the settlement of the talks between China and India," Fang said. "From these indicators, China and India are willing to stabilize relations."
China's arrogance, India's distrust
There are long-term structural problems in Sino-Indian relations.
Fang Tianzhi believes that China does not take India ’ s feelings into account when making decisions, and does not pay too much attention to India ’ s interests. “China ’ s attitude towards India is more arrogant. ” Beijing often makes such mistakes in Sino-Indian relations.
“China-India relations remain an asymmetrical security threat.
"It is also easy for the Indian side to interpret China's actions as coming specifically to India."
Sometimes China does not deliberately target India, but India will magnify and the lack of mutual trust between the two sides will continue to worsen, which will seriously affect the long-term factor of China-India relations. ”
On the other hand, Liu Qifeng believes that on the Sino-Indian border issue, "the Chinese side actively deployed, including the establishment of bases on the border, and then slowly consolidated his voice and actual control over the line of control by means of cannibalization," compared with the progress of India's military hardware under the framework of the "Quad" (Quad).
"The Chinese side has become one-sided, hoping to put the situation in an oppressive way, and then ask India to come to the negotiating table, and on that condition, you accept it."
India doesn ’ t want to do that, ” says Liu.
China-India-Russia triangular relations
In BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), China and India are key players.
Fang Tianzhi said, "If the relationship between the two of them is not good, the organization will not be too close."
In the past, Russia has been trying to pull India together.
After Putin visited India at the end of last year, it was reported that Russia wanted to convene the "Russia-India-China" tripartite mechanism (RIC).
This also means that Modi and Xi Jinping have a chance to meet, Fang said, but the relationship between China and India has deteriorated after 2020, and no bilateral talks have been held alone. "India is trying to maintain the participation of both sides, but it does not want to go directly to the other side."
Fang also pointed out that "when China and India voted in the United Nations on the Russia-Ukraine war issue, they almost all voted the same," and the two countries have become "embarrassed co-workers."
When the Sino-Indian border issue is not resolved, India does not want to give such an image to the outside world.
Liu Qifeng said that after Putin's visit to India, a reporter asked a spokesman for the Indian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, if Russia plays a role as a peacemaker in the Sino-Indian border conflict, what does the Indian government think? The spokesman replied at the time: "He did not feel suitable for such an expression."
Virtual summit of the BRICS countries in 2021.
Liu Qifeng explained that India had hoped to control China through Moscow, but the change in the past year is that China also perceived such a function, and in turn called India to the negotiating table through Moscow, "India is very resistant to this."
He also believes that after the Russia-Ukraine war, the outside world has seen that India has been expressing support for Russia, but "a friendly attitude towards Russia will not spill over into relations with China."
India should still show restraint, and China should adopt a more conservative attitude in the BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization before the 20th National Congress. “There should not be any breakthrough, ” Liu said.
Doing business with China in Taiwan?
India has always wanted to reduce its trade deficit and dependence on China ’ s economy, but Fang says it is still unable to do so on a practical level.
For example, India has been banning Chinese mobile apps for a while, "but it is amazing that he did not ban Chinese mobile phones because it cannot." Chinese mobile phones still have a high market share in India, which is reflected in many economic aspects, and India's demand and dependence on China is still very large.
Fang Tianzhi said that the economic and trade relationship between China and India will remain close in the short term.
He also added, "The wonderful impact of the war in Ukraine on Sino-Indian relations is that India and China have not participated in sanctions against Russia, and India even wants to buy more Russian crude oil, which is related to the fact that there is no way to use the US dollar for transactions, so India may use the value of both parties as a trading system, and may find a reference exchange rate, and may use the RMB."
It is also not ruled out that in the future, China, India and Russia will develop a trading system that can operate on their own, avoiding the assets of European and American countries.
But he also pointed out that at the same time, India is trying to distance itself from China, hoping to attract investment from other countries and encourage manufacturing in India.
Liu Qifeng pointed out that while Sino-Indian trade grew by 43% last year, it was regarded by many Indian scholars as a wake-up call.
“They think that if India becomes more and more dependent on China, then it is possible for China to hold India by the neck, or to blackmail India by some means, ” Liu said.“ Some people even say that India will become an economic colony of China. ”
“What India is learning is how to attract Chinese investment to benefit India in the face of a confrontation with the Chinese economy, ” said Liu. India is trying to learn some trade strategies from Taiwan.“ Because they understand that Taiwan is politically antagonistic to China, but Taiwanese business is doing well in China and they want to understand how Taiwan handles its relations with China. ”
“India ’ s basic need for relations with China is: you ’ re the enemy, we have border issues, but we ’ re going to continue doing business with you because what ’ s good for us is not trade, it ’ s investment. ”
I think this is India ’ s idea, ” says Liu.
(Interviewer: William Yang)
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DW.COM

India’s dependence on Russian equipment and spares has reinforced the logic of staying engaged with Moscow as a hedge even as it strengthens partnerships with the US, Japan, and Australia in the Quad.

Title:

Content: English Edition
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    Russia will support India in a stand-off against ally China. Here's why

    Synopsis

    Not that sentiment plays no role in relations between nations. It does. The immense soft power that the West wields over nations like India colours the discourse, and could even impede rational pursuit of the national interest. So how does the national self-interest of Russia, China and the US play out vis-à-vis India?

    Modern chess evolved from the game Indians called chaturanga, meaning four angas or anatomical parts. The four elements of the ancient Indian army were the infantry, the cavalry, the elephantry and the chariots. Moving pieces to gain advantage, anticipating the opponent’s countermoves, is the nub of the game.

    Geopolitics is a lot like playing chess. You position your pieces to gain advantage, not because you like or dislike any particular piece. You could sacrifice the queen, if that is the path to victory, as unsentimentally as you would take the opponent’s rook. It is that lack of sentiment that many people fail to appreciate when they reach facile conclusions on the relations between nations. In the popular mind, Indo-Russian relations are about Raj Kapoor songs and lingering gratitude for the Soviet navy’s interception of the US 7th Fleet’s Task Force 74 as it moved towards the Bay of Bengal, to threaten India during the 1971 war in East Pakistan.

    In the same vein of humanising international relations, many conclude that Russia’s indebtedness to China for its support during the ongoing Ukraine war, economically and politically, would rupture Russia’s support for India in the face of Chinese aggression. Whatever the sentiment, Russia would continue to support India. Because that is in Russia’s own interest.

    National Interest…
    Not that sentiment plays no role in relations between nations. It does. The immense soft power that the West wields over nations like India colours the discourse, and could even impede rational pursuit of the national interest. So how does the national self-interest of Russia, China and the US play out vis-à-vis India?

    The expansion of Nato to include assorted former Soviet bloc countries has been an attempt to underline Russia’s loss of salience as a global power. The West loved Boris Yeltsin and his chums, who not just disbanded the Soviet Union, but also eviscerated Russia’s economy by handing over valuable economic assets to their cronies — the so-called oligarchs —as well as by failing to put in place a functional system of governance and regulation, without which a market cannot function.

    Vladimir Putin put an end to this dissolution of Russian power, when he took office in 2000. He even sought Nato membership for Russia, a request that was dismissed out of hand by the West. It was only after Nato decided to offer membership to Georgia and Ukraine that Putin turned actively hostile to the West. He attacked Georgia in 2008, putting paid to any plan for Georgia to join Nato. In 2014, when a pro-West popular uprising threw out a pro-Russian regime in Ukraine, Putin moved in, to annex Crimea, which, till 1954, had been part of Russia, and hosts the base of Russia’s warm water navy.

    Extending Nato to Ukraine would bring Nato missiles to Russia’s borders. As it is, extension of Nato to Poland, Latvia, Lithuania and Estonia has brought St Petersburg within the range of short-range Nato missiles. The Cuban missile crisis, it may be recalled, had been about the US stomping into the ground Cuba’s sovereign right to place missiles of any nation it befriends on its territory. No power allows hostility that amounts to an existential threat to thrive in the immediate neighbourhood.

    By forcing Russia to docilely accept Nato missiles in Ukraine, the West wanted to tell Russia and the world that Russia no longer matters, despite all its nukes. It is this that Russia opposes, primarily, in its action against Ukraine. For the US, its geopolitical rival of significance is China. It is to contain China that George W Bush gave India its nuclear deal, thereby releasing India from assorted technology denial regimes, imposed originally to rid India of its nuclear ambitions. India continues to be a significant ally in the Asia-Pacific region for the US, in its quest to keep China in check. Hence its membership of the Quad. China does not want to be the sole focus of western hostility. Its interests are served by the West having to commit some of its men and materiel to Russia.

    That calls for retaining Russia as a significant geopolitical power. That is why China supports Russia over Ukraine.

    …Not Sentiment

    It is in India’s interest to retain Russia as a global power centre. The alternative is to confront the dual hegemony of the world by the US and China. Given China’s aggressive claims on Indian territory, that would redound to abject dependence on the US to resist China, scrapping India’s hopes for strategic autonomy.

    China wants Russia as a power centre that would consume the West’s attention and resources. Russia wants to retain its own geopolitical relevance. It has not invaded Ukraine and taken China’s help to give up that relevance. Just as the West gains by propping up India as a counterweight to China in Asia, Russia also gains by India’s ability to stem China’s rise to become the principal countervailing force against the US.

    In other words, the interests of Russia and the West converge in keeping India alive as a viable counterweight to China. China’s desire to have Russia as another pole of global power implicitly entails acceptance of India’s role as a counterweight to itself.

    Probably, China would count that as a pawn sacrifice.

    Views expressed are author's own

    Stories you might be interested in

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Washington sees India as pivotal to balancing China, and has urged New Delhi to reduce reliance on Russian arms, but India has resisted sanctions alignment while diversifying some procurements.

Title:

Content: Listen to news
Will the US punish India for Russian air defense systems
Senators asked Biden not to impose sanctions against India for the purchase of S-400
In the United States, they fear the possible imposition of sanctions against India for the purchase of Russian S-400 air defense systems.
Two US senators urged Joe Biden to abandon the application of the law against New Delhi, because of which only a few years ago the US imposed restrictive measures against Turkey.
The experts interviewed by Gazeta.Ru are confident that the White House will fulfill this demand, since the pressure on India contradicts the anti-China strategy of the United States.
However, experts do not rule out that Washington will still try to influence Russian-Indian cooperation in the military sphere.
Republican Senator John Cornyn and his Democrat colleague Mark Warner sent a letter to US President Joe Biden urging him not to impose sanctions against India under the CAATSA (Countering America ’ s Adversaries Through Sanctions) Act.
Possible restrictive measures against New Delhi are related to the purchase of weapons from Moscow, including a major contract for five S-400 anti-aircraft missile systems, the delivery of which should begin before the end of 2021.
“We are concerned that the upcoming transfer of these systems will trigger sanctions under the Countering America ’ s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act, which was enacted to hold Russia accountable for its malign behavior, ” the senators wrote.
In their opinion, Washington ’ s concern about the Russian-Indian contact is understandable, but in recent years, India has allegedly reduced the number of transactions for the purchase of Russian weapons.
“In this regard, we urge you (Mr. Biden) to grant India exemption from CAATSA in connection with the planned purchase of S-400 Triumph anti-aircraft missile systems, ” the authors of the letter emphasize.
Waiting for sanctions against India
The US has consistently threatened India with sanctions for the purchase of Russian S-400 air defense systems, but New Delhi refuses to break the contract with Moscow, pointing to the need to protect its borders, including against the background of the strengthening of China and confrontation with Pakistan.
There is no certainty that Washington will indeed impose restrictive measures against New Delhi.
On the one hand, the United States has already resorted to sanctions pressure on its allies through CAATSA, thereby reacting to their purchase of Russian weapons.
Turkey signed a contract with Russia for only one set of S-400, which led to a protracted US-Turkish conflict, the introduction of personal and economic restrictive measures against representatives of the Turkish military-industrial complex.
Moreover, Ankara lost the program of production and purchase of the latest American F-35 fighters, but did not abandon the Russian air defense systems.
According to Dmitry Suslov, Deputy Director of the Faculty of World Economy and World Politics at the Higher School of Economics, India is unlikely to see a repeat of the Turkish scenario, since the situation here is completely different.
“Ankara is an ally of the United States and a member of NATO, but New Delhi is not.
India is a welcome partner for Washington, but not an ally.
New Delhi makes it clear that it will not become an ally of the United States.
The White House will not impose sanctions on India.
This is due to Washington ’ s desire to strengthen relations with India and involve New Delhi in a coalition to contain China in Asia, ” the expert explained.
India is a key participant in all American plans to counter China, Suslov continued.
In fact, without this country, any attempts by the US to contain China are doomed to failure, and the Biden administration is well aware of the central role of New Delhi.
“Washington, even at the level of symbolism, emphasizes the main role of India in countering China, in particular, this is manifested in the concept of the Indo-Pacific region.
It was in order to engage New Delhi and emphasize its status that the US renamed the Asia-Pacific region to the Indo-Pacific region for itself.
The Biden administration fully follows this terminology and logic, so the probability of imposing sanctions against India is zero – it would be detrimental to a much more strategically important direction of American foreign policy, ” the expert added.
At the same time, the efforts of the Americans to build allied relations with India are unlikely to interfere with Russian-Indian cooperation.
Professor of the Department of Oriental Studies of MGIMO, Doctor of Historical Sciences Sergei Lunev believes that the United States will not be able to force India to abandon military cooperation with Moscow.
“India will not refuse to cooperate with Russia, because New Delhi pursues a policy of balancing and maneuvering.
Strengthening relations with the United States, including in the military-political sphere, India does not want to become a military-political ally of Washington.
New Delhi needs freedom of hands in this regard, hence we can proceed in relation to cooperation with Moscow, ” the expert said.
What the US will do to India
Military-technical cooperation between Russia and India has a long history.
The interaction between the two states began during the existence of the USSR and quite fruitfully continues to this day.
This worries the US, as evidenced by the consistent pressure on New Delhi from the White House and the Pentagon over the purchase of S-400.
From the point of view of Dmitry Suslov from the HSE, the United States really does not like Russian-Indian military cooperation, although the Americans understand that New Delhi is not going to give up its independence.
"India will not become the new Japan and will not be a military ally or satellite of the United States.
And any attempts to pressure or impose restrictive measures will only weaken US-Indian cooperation.
Therefore, the best way to somehow weaken Russian-Indian cooperation, from the point of view of the Biden administration, is not to put pressure on India, but as if allowing it to cooperate with Russia, to increase its own interaction with New Delhi, ” the expert said.
According to Suslov, the United States expects to naturally weaken the interaction between India and Russia by strengthening the US-Indian relations on an anti-Chinese basis, given India ’ s concern over the strengthening of China.
That is, US-Indian cooperation will compete against Russian-Indian cooperation as US-India relations strengthen, as well as mutual discontent between Moscow and New Delhi over China increases.
Because India expresses great concern and dissatisfaction with how deeply Russian-Chinese relations are developing, including in the military sphere, ” the expert said.
At the same time, Sergey Lunev from MGIMO believes that it is not so easy to reduce Russian-Indian cooperation, given India ’ s dependence on arms supplies from Russia.
According to him, Moscow ranks first among the military-political partners of New Delhi in terms of arms supplies.
“Russian-Indian cooperation in this regard is so significant that all the main tanks in India are Russian-made, and the aircraft are mainly Soviet, the same applies to the Navy of the country.
That is, in addition to the fact that New Delhi pursues a policy of military maneuvering and balancing, it should take into account its certain dependence on Moscow for arms supplies.
The United States will not be able to change the position of India, at least in the foreseeable future, ” the expert concluded.
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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

How has Russia/ India arms trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Russia’s growing proximity to China, and a Sino‑Russian alignment opposing the US, have constrained Moscow’s room to maneuver and complicated India–Russia diplomacy.

Title:

Content: Editorial on Sino-American Conflict Structure and Taiwan's Two Routes
In her speech to the Legislative Yuan yesterday, the speaker of the House of Representatives of the Czech Republic, Adamova, quoted a famous quote from the Prague Spring of 1968 in the Czech Republic: "I assure you that we are with you, we will continue to be with you, and we will be with you in all circumstances!" In contrast, Ma Ying-jiu went to China to pay homage to the ancestors and cooperated with President Tsai's visit to Central America and return to the United States.
Taiwan ’ s two lines intersect like never before as the conflict structure between China and the United States continues to consolidate.
Xi Jinping, on the one hand, criticized by name that Western countries led by the United States have implemented all-round containment, containment and suppression of China, bringing unprecedented challenges to China's development; on the other hand, despite the International Criminal Court issued an arrest warrant for Putin, accusing him of war crimes, and taking personal criminal responsibility for the abduction of Ukrainian children. In fact, it is supporting Putin to continue to govern and deepen the comprehensive strategic partnership, and it is no secret that the Sino-Russian alliance is joining hands to oppose the United States.
In the joint statement, the Russian side “reaffirms its adherence to the one-China principle, recognizes Taiwan as an inalienable part of China ’ s territory, opposes any form of Taiwan independence, and firmly supports China ’ s moves to safeguard its sovereignty and territorial integrity. ”
Xi Jinping supported Putin ’ s invasion of Ukraine, Putin ’ s invasion of Taiwan, and other border disputes.
This development is likely to pose a strategic challenge to India.
For a long time, based on the confrontation with China, India has been far away from Russia.
However, as Sino-Russian relations become closer and closer, and the two sides cooperate to promote "great changes not seen in a century", if India's Indo-Pacific strategy to the United States is tilted, it is very reasonable, and it is in India's national security and interests.
During Xi Jinping ’ s stay in Moscow, Fox News reported on the 21st that last December, when China and India clashed on the disputed border, India obtained real-time intelligence from the US government beforehand, which gave India an advantage in the conflict and caught China off guard and repulsed China ’ s aggression.
Allegedly, the United States disclosed to the Indian side in advance the location of China's deployment, detailed information about its forces, and satellite images, which allowed the Indian side to intercept in time for the PLA operation.
Sharing intelligence to help with precision strikes is reminiscent of the Ukrainian battlefield, and the timing of the disclosure is no accident.
And after the United States has consolidated its traditional allies, the position and choice of this big country is crucial.
From the One Country, Two Systems Taiwan Plan in 2019 to the Hong Kong National Security Law in 2020, the policy toward Taiwan in the new era of Xi Jinping has lost its stability since Deng Xiaoping.
It is generally believed that Xi Jinping, who has been in power for a long time, must have new historical achievements to rationalize his three consecutive terms and even his life.
In this regard, the resolution of Taiwan by force is only his appetizer, and the rewriting of the international order with China and Russia as the axis is Mao Zedong ’ s incomparable achievement.
As for China ’ s rising international status, Russia ’ s weakening, and a large area of territory occupied by Russia since imperialism, if it can be returned to China, Xi Jinping will be even more arrogant.
Therefore, the democratic world must prevent the first domino of Taiwan from falling, so that the whole domino effect accelerates, and finally, in order to Xi Jinping's ambitions and delusions, the world's soldiers are entangled in misfortune and death.
In other words, the world is in the ascendancy, of course, Taiwan cannot contract its own security to the democratic world. Although in the eyes of the democratic world, Taiwan is a leader in democracy in the Indo-Pacific, an important regional economy, and an important contributor to key supply chains, it seems that Taiwan has not achieved democratic stability since democratization.
The political party rotation has become normal, and it is a good thing.
However, after 2014, Taiwan ’ s democratic agitation and ups and downs have become more intense, with the 2014 Democratic Progressive Party retreating from power, the 2016 Democratic Progressive Party returning to power, the 2018 Korean wave sweeping, the 2020 small British reverse victory, and the 2022 KMT in great shape, thus, 224 is full of variables.
This time, the Kuomintang cooperation, the Beijing election, the depth of the breadth, have more than the past momentum, coupled with the increasingly established Sino-US conflict structure, which will have a positive and negative impact on the psychological state of Taiwan's voters, which may be a challenge to be overcome by Taiwan itself.
Some people may think that a general election only changes the government, not the country.
In the third wave of democratic countries, the election of authoritarian governments has reverted to “democratically elected autocracies ”, and there are many examples.
We do not want to be alarmist. The nature of the 2022 election is different from that of the past. It will not only determine whether the political parties win or lose, but also whether Taiwan can maintain its independence status quo.
Last week, the U.S. House of Representatives overwhelmingly passed an amendment to the Taiwan Guarantee Act, which will be implemented in 2020. The sponsor, Republican Congressman John Wagner, vice chairman of the House Foreign Relations Committee, stressed that the amendment is a counter to Chinese aggression and supports an independent Taiwan.
As Biden told Xi, “It (Taiwan) is independent and it makes its own decisions. ”
Geopolitics have changed dramatically, and Taiwan is at a crossroads, and Ma Ying-jeou has declared that "Chinese on both sides of the Taiwan Strait" should "strive to revitalize China", which runs counter to the mainstream public opinion in Taiwan.
The structure of the Sino-US conflict, the two routes of Taiwan, are displayed in front of 23.0 million people.
The 2022 election will determine whether the world views Taiwan from the perspective of Ukraine or Belarus.
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What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Analysts note Russia’s limited regional influence due to its close ties with China, and its strengthening of relations with Pakistan has also raised concerns in India.

Title:

Content: Putin ’ s visit to India focuses on military and energy cooperation | Deutsche Welle introduces Germany from Germany | DW | 06.12.2021
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Putin's visit to India focuses on military and energy cooperation
Russian President Vladimir Putin arrived in New Delhi on Monday to seek to strengthen military and energy cooperation with his traditional ally.
The trip is Putin's second foreign visit since the outbreak of the coronavirus pandemic.
India has also been "courted" by Washington.
On November 13, 2019, Modi and Putin met at the BRICS Summit in Brazil.
In response to a rising China, Washington has recently established a quadrilateral security dialogue with India, Japan and Australia, raising concerns in Beijing and Moscow.
During the Cold War, India had close ties with the Soviet Union.
The relationship has always existed, and New Delhi calls it a “special and privileged strategic partnership ”.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi told Putin at a video summit in September that "India-Russia friendship has stood the test of time... You have always been a great friend of India."
The visit is Putin's second overseas visit since the outbreak of the pandemic.
In June, after a summit in Geneva with US President Joe Biden, he did not attend the G20 and COP26 summits.
Nandan Unnikrishnan of the Observer Research Foundation, a think-tank in New Delhi, called the trip “symbolic. ”
"There has been a lot of speculation about the nature of India-Russia relations and whether this relationship has been fractured by the close relations between Russia and China and between India and the United States, and this visit has put an end to all these speculations," he said.
However, Putin still has to deal with the complex regional situation.
Relations between New Delhi and Beijing, a traditional ally of Moscow, have been strained following bloodshed in the disputed Himalayan region.
Tatiana Belousova, of Om Prakash Jindal Global University in Haryana, said, “Russia ’ s influence in the region is very limited.
This is mainly because it has close ties with China and is unwilling to act contrary to China's regional interests. "
September 2021 BRICS Video Summit
Defence and energy
The Kremlin said last week that the Russia-India summit would focus on defense and energy issues.
As the negotiations involved "several important energy agreements", Russian energy giant Rosneft boss Igor Sechin also attended the summit.
Russia has long been a major arms supplier to India.
India is committed to modernizing its armed forces, and one of the most high-profile India-Russia military contracts is the S-400 long-range surface-to-air missile defense system.
The deal, worth more than $5 billion, was signed in 2018.
The delivery of the weapon system is reported to have begun.
However, the arms deal has the potential to upend bilateral relations between New Delhi and Washington, which have grown rapidly in recent years.
The United States has threatened to impose sanctions under the Sanctions Against American Adversaries Act (CAATSA), which aims to deter Russia.
The State Department said last week that no decision had been made on granting India an exemption.
Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told reporters on Monday that Indian friends had made it clear to the Russian side that India is a sovereign state and that it is up to itself to decide whose weapons to buy and who can become India's partner.
New Delhi has long sought to diversify its military imports.
However, analysts pointed out that it will take some time to get rid of Russia.
Unok Richenan said that given the "unabated" tension with Pakistan, military equipment is of "vital importance" to India and "to ensure this, it will do its best to get what it needs."
India is also focusing on expanding its own arms manufacturing capabilities.
Recently, the country has established a joint venture with Russia to produce AK-203 assault rifles.
The annual bilateral summit has been the practice of India and Russia.
However, the last time the two leaders met was during the BRICS summit in Brazil in 2019.
In a statement last month, India's Foreign Ministry said that at this week's summit, the two countries "leaders will assess the current status and prospects of bilateral relations and discuss ways to further strengthen the strategic partnership between the two countries."
Prior to Putin's arrival on Monday, the foreign and defense ministers of the two countries had held preliminary talks.
Indian Defence Minister Rajnath Singh tweeted that the two sides had signed a number of agreements and contracts on small arms and military cooperation.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said Moscow and New Delhi held "consistent or almost identical positions" on the most important global issues and security issues.
(AFP)
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DW.COM

India has tried to provide Moscow with balancing options and avoid pushing Russia closer to China, with high-level engagements aimed at preserving space for Indian interests.

Title:

Content: International
International News
Modi visits Russia to meet Putin to deepen relations analysis: intended to balance Russia-India Russia-China relations
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi began a two-day official visit to Russia on Monday, during which he will meet with Russian President Vladimir Putin.
The two sides will seek to strengthen the development of traditional friendly relations between Russia and India, review defense and energy cooperation, and discuss topical issues on international and regional agendas.
As Russia deepens relations with China, India ’ s main competitor, some analysts say Modi ’ s visit seeks to balance Russian-Indian relations with China.
View Defense Energy and other cooperation
After his arrival yesterday, Modi first met with the Russian-Indian community, and in the evening, he went to Putin ’ s new Ogarevo residence for an informal meeting. Today, he will be accompanied by Putin to visit the Russian nuclear energy research and development and science and technology exhibition.
After concluding his visit to Russia today, Modi will begin his first visit to Austria by an Indian prime minister in 41 years.
Modi ’ s last visit to Russia was in 2019, his first since the Russian military invasion of Uzbekistan in 2022, and his first bilateral foreign visit since his third term as prime minister began in June this year. However, Putin visited India in 2021 and met with Modi at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Uzbekistan the following year.
In a statement before his arrival in Russia, Modi said he looked forward to reviewing various aspects of bilateral cooperation with President Putin and sharing views on various regional and global issues, “We seek to play a supportive role for regional peace and stability. ”
Briefing on his trip on Friday, India ’ s Deputy Foreign Minister Kvatra said the meeting would provide an opportunity for both sides to examine a range of bilateral issues, from defence and trade and investment relations to energy cooperation, as well as bilateral contacts within international organisations such as the SCO and BRICS.
India and Russia have been close since the Cold War, when the Soviet Union became India ’ s main supplier of arms, but in recent years the shared concern over China ’ s rise has brought the United States and India closer together.
Make sure that the proximity of Russia and China does not affect relations with India.
At the same time, Russia-China relations have flourished in response to Western encirclement, and Putin met again with President Xi Jinping last Wednesday before the SCO summit in Kazakhstan, following his visit to China in May.
The Wall Street Journal quoted an analysis, saying that India believes these sanctions have brought Russia and China closer, so India has tried to provide Moscow with the option of balancing the West to balance relations.
Mahapatra, founder of the Karinga Indo-Pacific Institute in New Delhi, believes that India ’ s goal is to emphasize the importance of India-Russia relations and ensure that Putin ’ s strengthening of relations with China will not affect relations with India, so it is crucial to continue the dialogue with Russia at the highest level.
(CNBC / Wall Street Journal / Voice of America)
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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Russia has at times supported India on Kashmir and border tensions and has promoted normalization in India‑China relations, underscoring Moscow’s balancing role in the triangle.

Title:

Content: India’s Long Infatuation with Russia Must End

Seven months after China and Russia announced their "no limits" partnership, the two countries seem closer than ever. In the face of growing Chinese belligerence, this augurs ill for India, which should urgently reconsider its long-standing diplomatic and strategic dependence on a weakening Russia.

NEW DELHI – During a parliamentary debate in April, I expressed my concerns about India’s relationship with Russia. My words were met with grim-faced silence. But the events of the last five months have only strengthened my case.

The debate was on the Ukraine war. While deploring India’s reluctance to call a Russian shovel a spade, I acknowledged that India has historically depended on the Kremlin for defense supplies and spare parts, and appreciated Russia’s long-standing support on vital issues like Kashmir and border tensions with China and Pakistan. But the Ukraine war and Western sanctions had weakened Russia considerably, I noted. The ban on semiconductor chips, for example, had significantly eroded its ability to produce advanced electronics and defense goods that form the basis of India’s dependence.

Worse still, I argued, the war had highlighted and reinforced Russia’s reliance on China as its principal global partner – a relationship that would intensify as Russia grew weaker. India could then scarcely depend on the Kremlin to counter Chinese aggression, exemplified by the People’s Liberation Army’s territorial encroachments and killing of 20 Indian soldiers in June 2020.

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Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

However, the Ukraine conflict has narrowed India’s geopolitical options, with Russia no longer reliably available as a balancer, while questions persist about Russia’s eroding defense production capacity and its ability to underwrite India’s deterrence against China.

Title:

Content: Archive | Countries | Persons | Catalog | News | Discussions | Jokes | Contacts | PDA
| Central Asia | Afghanistan | Kazakhstan | Kyrgyzstan | Tajikistan | Turkmenistan | Uzbekistan |
News & Events
|
Tuesday, 17.05.2022
22: 49 From the conflict in Ukraine, the geopolitical opportunities of India have narrowed, - The Hindu
22: 33 Expansion of the EAEU functions may be the best solution for it - A.Sibirskaya
21: 20 Collective security is strengthened.
The leaders of the CSTO countries celebrated two anniversaries in Moscow, - "K"
19: 54 Tokayev knocked 69
19: 27 In Alushta saboteurs mined the gas pipeline
14: 30 Russian singer Lev Leshchenko hid capital in Kazakhstan
14: 19 Arkasha Rogalsky did not sit at the head of the Kyrgyz Geology for a month (in the rank of deputy minister)
14: 11 How the war in Ukraine and rising prices affected access to food in Tajikistan
14: 02 Modern liberalism is the reincarnation of fascism - Mikh.Delyagin
13: 11 Tajik security forces used weapons during dispersal of protesters in Khorog
It became known about the strange detention of EU diplomats flying from Tehran
13: 03 Russians change dollars to Kazakh tenge
13: 01 P.V. Gusterin: Encyclopedia of Arabic "Brothers of Purity"
11: 51 Pro-Western military coup foiled in Mali
10: 52 I thought it was unnecessary.
Taliban dissolves key government departments in Afghanistan
10: 04 First Deputy Akim of Atyrau Region Nurlan Taubayev sentenced to 10 years in prison
09: 43 Former Minister of Culture of Kazakhstan Mukhamediuly accused of especially large predations
09: 29 Russians in the Latvian ethnocracy.
It ’ s time to take … .MK.
09: 17 on the preparation of biological warfare.
The UN has included a "fool" - A. Mezyaev
09: 15 Europe will not pull three troubles at once.
Feast during the plague of globalism, - A. Krengel
08: 37 Central Asia will be saved only by the CSTO, - Aynur Kurmanov
08: 25 The capitulation of the Azov "sidelets": Kiev is confused
06: 22 Kazakh film "Storm" won the Grand Prix of the film festival in Los Angeles
The price of anti-Russian sanctions is becoming more and more unaffordable, - "Kayhan"
In Ukraine, Russia chose the lesser of evils, - Ricardo Zedano
Gloomy CSTO summit: Lukashenko clashed with colleagues over Ukraine
Chinese rover unexpectedly found water at the landing site on Mars
"Good" or "bad" Afghans shot at Tajikistan?
00: 32 CSTO summit in Moscow: water in the stupa
Top managers detained, but why not touch the main "garbage queen" of Kazakhstan - Aliya Nazarbayev?
00: 27 Butin bizdin.
The famous kaz-business bastard Bulat Abilov created the party Bizdin Tandau
Iranian President Not Forgiven for Rising Food Prices - I.Subbotin
Monday, 16.05.2022
23: 01 Three Deputy Minister of Health of Kyrgyzstan revolted and asked to dismiss his chief
22: 57 Staff sovenik of the 1st Deputy Prime Minister of Kyrgyzstan detained by the GKNB.
Turned out to be a spy?
22: 39 Zelensky put forward an ultimatum to Turkey.
But he won't get anything.
21: 50 Stop chewing snot.
RosMID needs tough actions in five countries - V.Trukhachev
21: 43 You have destroyed our great Persian Empire.
Notes on Iran, - S.V.Lukyanenko
21: 16 Narendra Modi Seduced by Western Values - V.Skosyrev
21: 14 The new Prime Minister of France will be Elizabeth Bourne
18: 20 President of Somalia, after a break, Hassan Sheikh Mahamud is re-elected
15: 56 Indo-Pakistani scenario prepared for Russia and Ukraine - A. Nosovich
13: 34 In Dushanbe, a secret benefactor presented a two-room apartment to the mother of many children Zarrina
13: 32 How the Taliban are fighting the media and journalists after the seizure of power in Afghanistan
13: 29 "Everyone will have his own fee": what children who find themselves in the conflict zone experience
13: 28 The Taliban increased the number of Afghan army to 130 thousand people
13: 23 CSTO - the union "together", not "in spite of" - Sergey Kim
13: 22 Uzbek parties decide to launch constitutional reform
12: 41 Rallies against opening of casino take place in Bishkek and Karakol
12: 37 Carcasses of seals rot on the shore in Mangistau
12: 32 Taliban to write new Shariah constitution for Afghanistan
“Even Netflix didn ’ t invent this ”: one scheme undermined the foundation of the crypto market
Archive
© CentrAsiaTop
CenterAsia |
From the conflict in Ukraine, India ’ s geopolitical opportunities have narrowed – The Hindu
22: 49 17.05.2022
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict has significantly reduced the geopolitical opportunities of India, writes the newspaper The Hindu.
The author of the material notes that New Delhi should be wary of the increased influence of the PRC in South Asia.
Happymon Jacob
The main concern is what to do with China, which is trying to rally the entire region under its influence.
The short-lived confrontation between Russia and Ukraine, as New Delhi had hoped, resulted in a full-scale conflict with no end in sight, and its long-term consequences are very vague.
As for India, the diplomatic rush is over, and as the conflict drags on, its geopolitical options are shrinking.
Fewer opportunities
For several weeks in late March and early April, the conflict in Ukraine seemed to open up a range of geopolitical opportunities.
Loud visits to New Delhi, pleas of world leaders to support their positions and political equilibrism on the part of India - it seemed that the country was in the center of attention of the whole world.
However, instead of expanding New Delhi ’ s strategic capabilities in its region, the conflict in Ukraine threatens, on the contrary, to narrow the options available to India – for at least three reasons.
First, Russia, a key strategic partner, is no longer available to India as a balancer.
In the third month of the special operation in Ukraine, Moscow is perhaps even more dependent on India than vice versa.
Second, Russia ’ s sudden fall from the Asian equilibrium has only strengthened China ’ s influence.
Whatever the global balance of power may be at the end of the conflict, the regional balance will irrevocably shift in favor of Beijing.
Third, given that the US and its Western partners are now more interested in the Ukrainian theater of operations, their attention to China has already suffered – and with it the entire Indo-Pacific region.
These factors will automatically limit India ’ s regional geopolitical capabilities.
The main dilemma for India today is not whether to continue to engage with Russia or not.
Further cooperation in the short and medium term is beyond doubt.
However, due to the Russian adventure, New Delhi has new reasons for anxiety and reflection.
The Growing Chinese Challenge
The main headache of New Delhi is still the solution to the Chinese problem.
Of course, the Chinese challenge as such is not connected with the Ukrainian crisis, but, as a result, it has only become more complicated.
The conflict in Ukraine has breathed new life into the US-led global military-political coalition, but it will inevitably weaken American influence in South Asia.
Although this process began long before the outbreak of hostilities, it will only accelerate in the future, especially given that Washington ’ s concern with European theater will further reduce its interest in South Asia.
The main benefit of reducing the American and Western presence in the region will be China - it will actually be carte blanche.
Thus, Moscow is no longer available to New Delhi from the point of view of regional interests, and the US ability to help India achieve favorable geopolitical results is also reduced.
Thus, New Delhi is not so much concerned about how to please both sides of the conflict, but what to do with China, which is rapidly consolidating the entire region under its influence.
How is India working in this direction?
Take the recent visit of Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi to New Delhi.
It was noted that the Indian counterpart Subramanyam Jaishankar and the national security adviser Ajit Doval convinced Wang that the normalization of diplomatic and political relations is possible only after the withdrawal of troops from the Indian side of the line of de facto control (LFK).
But Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s decision to attend the BRICS summit in China threatens to soften New Delhi ’ s harsh stance toward Beijing.
In other words, the harsh tone of Jaishankar and Doval in response to Wang ’ s proposal for normalization may be weakened by Modi ’ s presence at the BRICS summit, even if virtual.
But how could New Delhi, whose geopolitical choice in the region due to the fighting in Ukraine has been severely limited, leave the Chinese diplomatic initiative unheeded?
Engaging Chinese-Russian ties
While there is no doubt that, in the long run, a conflict-weary and weakened Russia will become China ’ s junior partner, India now has the opportunity to influence Moscow to persuade Beijing to abandon the irredentism of exercise therapy.
Imagine that option.
If the Chinese side, taking advantage of the general distraction to Ukraine, takes steps along the exercise therapy, India will have to turn to the West and the United States for support (political, diplomatic, intelligence, and so on).
This will always be at the expense of Russia ’ s interests.
Therefore, it makes sense for Moscow to ask Beijing to refrain from such steps until the end of hostilities.
Wang ’ s visit to New Delhi and his request for India to return to the status quo may indicate that Beijing is also seeking to resolve conflicts along the exercise track.
Although China may have other reasons to “normalize ” relations with India (for example, to give the impression that Beijing unites all of South Asia under its leadership, as long as the West and the United States are occupied with Ukraine), it is important for Russia that its main Asian friends - China and India - do not conflict.
At least until the fighting ends.
While this may well help deal with Chinese aggression along exercise therapy in the short term, the outcome will depend on how China views its own relationship with Russia and its relationship with India.
That is the challenge for New Delhi.
If China stabilizes exercise therapy with the participation of Russia, it will expect that India will let the events in the Indo-Pacific down on the brakes - and it cannot afford it.
Keeping Calm in Kashmir
India ’ s continental strategy in the northwest – particularly Afghanistan and Central Asia – will also be complicated by the conflict in Ukraine.
At first glance, it may seem that the situation favors India.
Consider the following.
The Line of Control (LK) with Pakistan has been quiet for more than a year, and violence in Kashmir has decreased.
The main reason for the current lull is that Pakistan was initially busy consolidating its successes as a result of the Taliban ’ s return to Afghanistan (the Taliban is a terrorist organization banned in Russia, approx.
And now it has unpleasant consequences.
Moreover, New Delhi ’ s presence in Afghanistan has disappeared as such.
So, roughly speaking, calm in Kashmir and along the LC can be called the price for India ’ s withdrawal from Afghanistan.
From the outside, this may seem like a good deal.
But in the long run this is not the case.
If New Delhi signs, the deal implies not only abandoning strategic interests in Afghanistan, but also reducing participation in the whole of Central Asia - against the background of feverish raids into the region by China, right on the margins of the Russian sphere of influence.
In the future, the situation will worsen, including due to the Ukrainian conflict.
If Moscow had not gotten involved in the fighting in Ukraine, it would have repelled Beijing ’ s attempts to seize its backyard (in a sense, China is doing the same economically with Russia as NATO is doing militarily).
During the December summit, India and Russia decided on a number of initiatives on Central Asia and Afghanistan.
But they are unlikely to revive in the near future – most likely, the countries will give up their positions to China and Pakistan.
The combination of geopolitical consequences from the untimely withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan, the conflict between Russia and Ukraine and the rapid expansion of Chinese influence shows how sharply the geopolitical choice of New Delhi has narrowed.
author:
Happimon Jacob teaches foreign policy at the School of International Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi
Source - inosmi.ru
Permanent address of the article - https: / / centrasia.org / newsA.php? st = 1652816940
News of Kazakhstan
- Working schedule of the head of state
- To convey the essence of the amendments to the Constitution in simple language urged the Speaker of the Senate
- The Prime Ministers of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan discussed the expansion of trade and economic cooperation
- Demographic situation for January-March 2022
- Collective security grows stronger
- How the southern capital survived under seven previous mayors.
Part Three
- Personnel reshuffles
- The Bulat Utemuratov Foundation will begin construction of a new passenger terminal of the airport in Kyzylorda
- What tax violations are revealed in the market "Altyn Orda"
- Warehouse of counterfeit auto parts liquidated in Almaty
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© CentrAsiaTop

How has Russia/ India arms trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Despite these constraints, the partnership continues to adapt through localization of defense production, expanded energy trade, and Eurasian connectivity, consistent with both countries’ emphasis on a polycentric international order.

Title:

Content: 30 Oct, 2023 18:06

Andrey Sushentsov: Here’s the main problem in Russia-India relations, and it might surprise you

There are no problems that directly concern both states and that means that they often aren't at the forefront of each other's thoughts

Moscow and New Delhi have no major issues of mutual concern and this is a challenge because the absence of contentious divisions suggests a degree of mutual detachment.

Russian-Indian strategic cooperation has been developing successfully for many decades. The USSR was one of the key countries that provided assistance and support to the young Indian Republic during its formation. Over the years of bilateral relations, Moscow has made significant efforts to develop the country’s economy, industry, and education, and has actively developed military-technical cooperation programs. The first Indian cosmonaut was sent into orbit aboard a Soviet spacecraft. To this day, Russia and India enjoy the fruits of their longstanding cooperation in various fields, including international and political cooperation.

The Russian-Indian partnership is based on mutual respect for the civilizational identity of both. We recognize the uniqueness of the civilizational choices of our peoples and understand the value of the special path that our countries have chosen. This attitude is a diminishing value in modern global politics, which seeks to standardize and unify all approaches to the interaction of states, presenting them as identical billiard balls.

Moscow and New Delhi support the strengthening of national sovereignty and non-interference in each other’s affairs. Russia and India also respect each other’s interests in international relations, recognize their legitimacy, and share an emphasis on equality in relations with each other and with other countries.

This is particularly important in an environment where international relations are beginning to be defined by a narrow circle of states that feel entitled to dictate their will.

Finally, Moscow and New Delhi share a common interest in the formation of a polycentric system of international relations, in which cooperation is based on reliance on several major regional centers of power. In this context, Russia supports India’s bid for permanent membership in the UN Security Council and is actively working with New Delhi through BRICS to explore ways of strengthening this organization.

Russia and India have no major issues of mutual concern. This is a challenge, because the absence of contentious divisions also indicates a degree of mutual detachment. From the experience of Russia’s complex relations with major players in its neighborhood – Turkey, Iran, and China – we can see that bilateral interaction has been developed and strengthened by overcoming major disagreements of various kinds: Economic, territorial, political, and strategic. The process of overcoming these problems has led to the establishment of strong bilateral relations between Moscow and Istanbul, Tehran, and Beijing, which are resistant to external impulses. At present, Russia and India do not have any major differences to overcome, but this may remain a circumstance that leaves the two countries in a situation of mutual detachment. If the two sides can find the strength to recognize this state of affairs as a problem in itself, this will be the first step towards overcoming it. It is time to see in each other an opportunity to address the challenges facing our societies and elites at the international level.

Russia and India mutually reinforce each other in their dialogue on multilateral platforms. Our common interest in the formation of polycentricity, the preservation of strategic autonomy and subjectivity in an increasingly dense international environment, added to our intention not to give in to the pressure of external forces that call for foreign policy strategy to be channeled in a direction favorable to them, should unite our countries.

In order to explore the potential of bilateral relations between Moscow and New Delhi, it is necessary to give this area of foreign policy a high priority by establishing national offices for India in Russia and Russia in India at the deputy prime minister level of the federal government. This organizational step would not only indicate the strategic nature of bilateral relations, but would also formulate a targeted task at the state level to vigorously search for ways and means of strengthening interaction that can take our cooperation in the 21st century to a truly strategic level.

This article was first published by Valdai Discussion Club, translated and edited by the RT team

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Why India is walking the tightrope between the US and Russia
12: 56 7 / 6 / 2024
Why India is walking the tightrope between the US and Russia
05.07.2024
After the Cold War, which began in the 1950s, split the world into two camps, the newly independent India became the founder of the Non-Aligned Movement, a group of countries that did not side with either Washington or Moscow.
Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India retained some elements of this policy unchanged, while abandoning others.
In particular, Modi has strengthened ties with the United States, in which he sees a partner in the confrontation with a more assertive China.
At the same time, he continued to develop his country ’ s long-standing ties with Russia.
As a sign of Russia ’ s important role for India, Modi will meet with President Vladimir Putin on July 8 during his first foreign visit to a fellow leader after being elected for a third term.
But these relations are becoming increasingly complex as Russia strengthens ties with China, seeking its broader support.
China and India are not allies.
1.
Is India an ally of the United States?
India and the United States have been strategic partners for at least two decades, which means they can build relationships and cooperate militarily, but are not official treaty bound allies.
Although they have much in common – both countries are large and diverse democracies – New Delhi pursues its own interests in ways that sometimes conflict with US interests.
For example, India has refused to condemn Russia in the conflict with Ukraine, while an alleged plot of assassins in the United States has triggered a criminal investigation in which senior Indian officials are implicated, according to prosecutors.
The basis of relations remains the transformation of China into an assertive regional power.
China and India are long-time rivals with a bitter border dispute, and the US is seeking to draw India as a counterweight to Beijing ’ s rise.
India is part of the Quartet, a regional security dialogue with the United States, Japan and Australia.
A group of senior U.S. officials recently visited India to discuss cooperation in technology, security and foreign investment.
2.
What is India ’ s relationship with Russia?
Although India openly declared its non-alignment during the Cold War, it maintained warm relations with Moscow and was wary of the United States, which was closer to India ’ s main rival, Pakistan.
India and Russia maintain strong ties to this day.
The basis of this relationship is India ’ s status as a reliable buyer of Russian arms and crude oil.
Today, Russia remains India ’ s largest arms supplier, although, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, shipments have declined from about two-thirds of India ’ s arms imports more than a decade ago to just over one-third today as India seeks to diversify its sources of arms supplies.
Russia also remains India ’ s largest oil supplier, although sanctions imposed on Russian oil exports have affected Russian oil imports to India.
India also stands out among the leading democracies for its unwillingness to criticize Russia and abstained from voting at the United Nations, which condemned Russia for the conflict in Ukraine.
3.
What is India ’ s relationship with China?
Relations have been tense for years.
The source of tension was a territorial dispute along their common border that lasted decades and over which the two countries fought a war in 1962.
The dispute flared up again in 2020, culminating in a series of deadly skirmishes and prompting New Delhi to ban Chinese smartphone apps and limit Chinese investment in India.
Recently, there have been rumors of a relaxation of tension.
In May, Beijing appointed its first ambassador to India in 18 months.
After his arrival, he expressed a desire to improve relations between the two countries.
China also congratulated Modi on winning the election in June, and a Chinese official said the countries were on a "healthy and stable path."
The two countries agreed on further negotiations to resolve the border dispute.
4.
How are relations between Russia and China changing?
Russia and China have been rivals since the Sino-Soviet split during the Cold War (a rivalry that also brought Russia and India closer together).
But relations have noticeably warmed as both countries united in their opposition to the US-led international order.
The Russian president made his first foreign trip to Beijing after he was re-elected for a third presidential term in March.
At the July summit on security in Kazakhstan, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin said that relations between them are “the best in history, ” and both sides vowed to jointly defend“ calm and stability in the region. ”
China has become another major buyer of Russian oil, gas and coal, helping Russia counter Western sanctions.
5.
How does the United States view relations between India and Russia?
Washington still views India as a bulwark preventing China from spreading its influence in the Indo-Pacific region.
While he has occasionally criticized India for alleged human rights abuses and the treatment of minorities, India ’ s ties with Moscow have come at minimal political cost.
Following a recent visit by senior US officials, Deputy Secretary of State Kurt Campbell said the US side had raised the issue of India ’ s ties with Russia, as well as accusations of India ’ s involvement in a plot to murder for hire.
But he also said that the United States is confident in its relations with India and wants to expand cooperation between the two countries.
According to some analysts, the US sees India as an important ally in its quest to contain China, so it does not want to risk antagonizing officials in New Delhi.
Prepared by ProFinance.Ru based on Bloomberg materials.
Source - ProFinance.Ru
Permanent address of the article - https: / / centrasia.org / newsA.php? st = 1720259760
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