Argentina's new president, Javier Milei, has introduced several key policies aimed at transforming the country's economy, politics, and institutions, with a strong emphasis on libertarian and market-oriented strategies.

Milei, who describes himself as an "anarcho-capitalist," has vowed to end decades of socialist mismanagement and implement radical reforms, including abolishing ministries and dollarizing the economy.

One of his first actions as president was to adjust the value of the Argentinian currency, terminate contracts of public employees with less than one year of service, and increase the prices of basic services and public transportation.

Milei has also promised to slash state spending and reduce the size of the government, with plans to abolish ten of the government's 18 ministries.

He has also stated his intention to do away with the central bank and dollarize the Argentinian economy, which would have significant implications for the country's monetary policy.

In a speech to the National Assembly, Milei vowed to continue to push for economic reform, whether or not he has the support of the National Assembly, stating that if the economic model is not transformed, "Argentina has no future".

Milei's approach to Congress is symbolic of a decades-old strategy known as "neoliberal parliamentarism," which involves deliberate efforts to reform or subvert legislative processes to implement market-oriented policies.

Despite facing significant opposition in Congress, where his governing coalition, Libertad Avanza, holds only a fraction of the seats, Milei has cultivated a strategy of "turbo-politics," bypassing legislative processes to implement his state reorganization plans.

Milei's economic reforms are aimed at addressing the country's deep-seated economic struggles, including high inflation and a large fiscal deficit.

His policies have been met with skepticism by some, who are waiting to see the true impact of his ambitious plans on the country's economy and society.

However, Milei's victory in the presidential election, with 56% of the vote in the head-to-head race, suggests that there is significant support for his market-oriented agenda.

Milei's election has also been seen as a significant shift away from the "Pink Tide" of left-wing governments in Latin America, and towards a more libertarian and free-market oriented approach.

The international community is also taking notice of Milei's policies, with some scholars arguing that his pro-market ideas could have significant implications for the country's relationships with other nations, including China.

Overall, Milei's policies represent a significant departure from the traditional socialist and populist approaches that have dominated Argentine politics in recent decades.

As the country's first libertarian president, Milei's success or failure will be closely watched, and could have significant implications for the future of libertarian and market-oriented policies in Latin America.

With his radical approach to economic and political reform, Milei is taking a significant risk, but one that could potentially pay off if he is able to successfully implement his policies and address the country's deep-seated economic struggles.

Only time will tell if Milei's policies will be successful in transforming Argentina's economy and society, but one thing is certain, his approach is a significant departure from the traditional approaches that have been tried in the past.

Milei's strategy of "turbo-politics" and "neoliberal parliamentarism" is a deliberate attempt to bypass traditional legislative processes and implement market-oriented policies, which could have significant implications for the country's governance and institutions.

The fact that Milei has already implemented several significant reforms, including adjusting the value of the currency and terminating contracts of public employees, suggests that he is serious about implementing his policies and transforming the country's economy.

In conclusion, Javier Milei's policies represent a significant shift towards a more libertarian and market-oriented approach in Argentina, with a focus on reducing the size of the government, slashing state spending, and implementing radical economic reforms.

While there are risks associated with his approach, Milei's success or failure will be closely watched, and could have significant implications for the future of libertarian and market-oriented policies in Latin America.

Argentina's new president, Javier Milei, has introduced several key policies aimed at transforming the country's economy, politics, and institutions, with a strong emphasis on libertarian and market-oriented strategies.

Title:

Content: Argentina sees the light with Maverick Javier Milei – Ivo Vegter

In a surprising turn, libertarian firebrand Javier Milei secured Argentina’s presidency after a second-round victory against his left-wing rival. Vowing to end decades of socialist mismanagement, Milei, an outspoken economist, faces challenges in implementing radical reforms, including abolishing ministries and dollarising the economy. While hailed as the world’s first libertarian president, Milei’s uphill battle involves legislative opposition and managing economic pain amid promises of a freer, market-oriented Argentina. Skepticism remains, awaiting the true impact of his ambitious plans in a nation grappling with deep-rooted economic struggles.

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Argentinians see the light

By Ivo Vegter*

It took a second round of voting, but the libertarian Javier Milei has defeated his Peronist rival to become president of Argentina.

A month ago, Javier Milei unexpectedly lost the first round of the Argentinian general election to his left-wing Peronist rival, Sergio Massa, after the latter had cynically promised zero taxes as a way to bribe voters.

In my column on the lessons South Africa could draw from that election, I said: ‘Let’s hope Argentinians see the light before Massa and Milei face off in the run-off election.’

Happily, they did see the light.

After decades of economic malaise under a government that for most of the last 30 years has been socialist, corrupt, wasteful and incompetent, leaving Argentina eighth from last in the Fraser Institute’s Economic Freedom of the World Report 2023, they elected Milei, a libertarian firebrand, in the biggest landslide since Juan Perón’s election in 1973.

Milei becomes the first libertarian president, not only of Argentina, but in the world. The closest precedent that comes to mind is that of Calvin Coolidge, the small-government conservative president during the Roaring Twenties in the US, but Milei is far more radical than that.

‘“oday the reconstruction of Argentina begins’, he said, after winning 56% of the vote in the head-to-head race. That was also his first lie as president-elect, since he doesn’t actually take office until 10 December, but we’ll let that slide.

Radical

To describe Milei as radical would be putting it mildly. He has described the country’s ruling elite as thieves and the government as ‘a criminal organisation’. He has promised to abolish ten of the government’s 18 ministries. He said he would do away with the central bank and dollarise the Argentinian economy.

‘The model of decadence has come to an end’, he told his supporters. ‘There’s no going back. We have monumental problems ahead. Inflation, lack of work, and poverty’.

Milei is an accomplished economist, and largely follows the Austrian School of individualist free-market economics. He has variously described himself as an anarcho-capitalist and a minarchist (an anarchist who accepts the legitimacy of a small government dedicated to protecting life, liberty and property).

He has been extraordinarily outspoken on the evils of socialism and statism, and how they turned Argentina from a once-wealthy world power into an over-indebted, poverty-stricken, underdeveloped basket case.

Mainstream media

The mainstream media, with its largely left-leaning bias, has compared Milei to former presidents Donald Trump of the US and Jair Bolsonaro of Brazil.

‘Argentina set for sharp right turn as Trump-like radical wins presidency’, trumpeted the Washington Post

‘Argentina Elects Javier Milei in Victory for Far Right’ was the headline in the New York Times, which added: ‘Argentina’s next president is a libertarian economist whose brash style and embrace of conspiracy theories has parallels with those of Donald J. Trump.’

The ‘embrace of conspiracy theories’ is a particularly vicious jab. Readers would have to follow a link to find an explanation, and it turns out that the Times only referred to Milei’s allegations of polling irregularities, which have not been tested.

It is entirely plausible that Argentina’s electoral system is less secure than that of the United States, and that the incumbents – who went as far as abolishing taxes in order to engineer a win – might have been involved in some electoral skulduggery.

Allegations of election fraud are very common on all sides of the political spectrum, and do not, in and of themselves, rise to the level of the debunked claims of Trump, and his attempt to derail the orderly election of his rival.

Authoritarians

More importantly, both Bolsonaro and Trump are alt-right populists. They are moral authoritarians – not liberals – and appeal to collectivist – not individualist – principles such as nationalism and protectionism. They have often, rightly, been described as fascist, which is just as antithetical to libertarians as is left-wing socialism.

That both former presidents expressed their support for Milei has a lot more to do with shared anti-socialist positions than any real congruence in their political philosophy.

Milei has himself rejected the right-wing label, and indeed, his classical liberalism (for which ‘libertarian’ in the American sense is a synonym) does not yield to a simplistic left-right analysis. Rather, it falls on the liberal end of an authoritarian-liberal scale, and on the progressive end of a conservative-progressive scale.

Sour-grape-ish

Milei does have some views that are questionable, or traditionally associated with the conservative right, such as his anti-abortion stance and his rejection of climate alarmism.

Neither define him, however, and both are issues on which libertarians can and do disagree.

By similar logic, Milei’s promise not to dismantle Argentina’s extensive social welfare programmes does not make him some sort of left-winger.

In focusing on incidental agreements between Milei and leaders like Trump and Bolsonaro, and ignoring the fundamental philosophical differences between the former’s individualist, free-market, small-government ideas and the authoritarianism, nationalism, populism and protectionism of the latter, the media does both Milei and their readers a great disservice.

That a politician does not perfectly reflect all one’s personal political or moral views is in any case far less of a concern when that very politician proposes as far as possible to keep government out of people’s personal affairs and to leave most of the world’s problems to the private sector.

‘When your response to everything that is wrong with the world is to say, “There ought to be a law,” you are saying that you hold freedom very cheap’, said Thomas Sowell.

Moreover, it seems extraordinarily petty and sour-grape-ish to complain about a few differences of opinion with a candidate who promises radical change in a country that is mired in economic crisis, thanks to the policies of its incumbent rulers.

Music to the ears

Sniping from the mainstream press aside, the rise of a truly libertarian president in one of the world’s most economically unfree countries should be music to a classical liberal’s ears.

Who doesn’t want to radically slash the size of government? Who doesn’t question the inflationary monetary policy of highly indebted countries? Who doesn’t want to see free enterprise flourish, and witness the departure of a government that strangles business with red tape and taxes, and tries to pick winners by throwing subsidies at favoured companies?

On the face of it, this should be an excellent experiment to show whether the libertarian prescriptions for government do, indeed, produce a better outcome than the socialist quagmire in which Argentina has been stuck for so long.

Pain and gain

Practically speaking, however, there are reasons to remain skeptical.

First, we’ve only seen Milei’s talk, and not his walk.

Second, making drastic changes in the structure of a country’s government and economy, as Milei proposes, will be painful.

It is arguable that the short-term pain is justified by the long-term gain, but electorates are rarely forgiving to those who inflict necessary pain. Witness Margaret Thatcher, who saved Britain from the socialist economic malaise of the 1970s, but remains hated to this day by those who bore the brunt of her reforms.

Dollarising an economy does not produce immediate results, for example. It can take years before the stabilising effect of dollarisation filters through to low inflation rates. It can, however, immediately harm people and even increase poverty levels, depending on the exchange rate at which existing deposits are converted.

Drastically reducing the size of government will also face much immediate opposition, especially from civil servants who stand to lose their jobs.

Privatising healthcare, education or other government functions is also fraught with transition difficulties. Much depends on exactly how such privatisation is carried out. It can fail, and even if the eventual outcome is a success, it could cause years of disruptions and dissatisfaction.

Then there are the entrenched patronage networks of the incumbent socialist government, who will be highly upset – and fight back vigorously – when the taps of corrupt fiscal spending get turned off.

Finally, few voters have the patience to wait five or ten years for radical free-market reforms to have a positive impact, and Argentina’s president only serves a four-year term before facing the electorate again.

Legislative opposition

A further obstacle to Milei’s reforms is that he will not be the philosopher-king of every libertarian’s dreams. He will not be a dictator.

He will simply be the head of the executive in a constitutional parliamentary democracy, with strictly circumscribed powers.

And the elections did not result in a similar landslide in the legislature.

Argentina has a 72-seat Senate, or upper house, and a 257-seat Chamber of Deputies, or lower house. Together, they make up the Argentinian National Congress.

In both houses, Milei’s libertarian coalition, Liberty Advances (La Libertad Avanza, or LLA) took more seats from the conservative coalition, Together for Change (Juntos por el Cambio, or JxC), than from the socialist Peronista coalition, Union for the Homeland (Unión por la Patria, or UxP).

In the Senate, this leaves the Peronistas as the largest coalition, with 32 seats. It would need 37 seats to command an outright majority. The conservative coalition, JxC, retains only 27 seats. As the third-largest party in the Senate, Milei’s LLA only has six seats, which even in coalition with the conservatives is not enough for an outright majority.

In the lower house, the picture is similar. UxP has 104 out of 257 seats, JxC has 93, and LLA has 38. The only difference is that here, a JxC and LLA coalition can command a simple majority.

This leaves Milei at the mercy first of the conservatives, who would welcome market-oriented reforms and a departure from socialism, but by their very nature would be reluctant to endorse Milei’s more radical, disruptive proposals. Once Milei has cleared that hurdle, he needs to gather a majority in the upper house, which will be even harder.

Argentina is also heavily indebted, including to the International Monetary Fund, and creditors are likely to have a say in how the country is run. Anything that scares them will raise the cost of credit, which Argentina can ill afford.

Wait and see

Once the initial euphoria of seeing a true libertarian in power has cleared, then, we are left with the sobering realisation that Milei may not be able to achieve anywhere near as much as he has promised.

Turning failing countries around is not for the faint-hearted, and it always comes with social upheaval and economic pain.

Even if Milei gets the good ship Argentina pointed in the right direction again, the prevailing winds and currents may still dash it – and its captain – upon the rocks.

Read also:

*Ivo Vegter is a freelance journalist, columnist and speaker who loves debunking myths and misconceptions, and addresses topics from the perspective of individual liberty and free markets.

This article was first published by Daily Friend and is republished with permission

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Milei, who describes himself as an "anarcho-capitalist," has vowed to end decades of socialist mismanagement and implement radical reforms, including abolishing ministries and dollarizing the economy.

One of his first actions as president was to adjust the value of the Argentinian currency, terminate contracts of public employees with less than one year of service, and increase the prices of basic services and public transportation.

Title:

Content: Streets of Argentina Ablaze with Dissent as Milei’s Controversial Reforms Ignite Outrage

In a stunning turn of events, Argentina has become a battleground for public discontent following President Javier Milei’s introduction of a series of controversial proposals. Thousands of Argentinians have taken to the streets, enraged by the president’s push for drastic cuts to public spending.

Milei’s latest measures, unveiled on Wednesday evening, aim to revolutionize Argentina’s struggling economy through a variety of initiatives. These include deregulating the government and opening up state-run industries for privatization in order to spur both exports and investment.

However, the people’s outrage has manifested in widespread protests, often met with a heavy police presence. Gathering in front of the Argentine Congress, hundreds of demonstrators made their opposition to Milei’s proposals known.

Undeterred by the dissent, Milei appeared on national television to defend his agenda and offer reassurances of a prosperous future. He asserted, “Our objective is to rebuild our nation, restore individual freedom and autonomy, and dismantle the myriad of regulations that have impeded our economic growth for far too long.”

Acknowledging the mounting protests, Milei’s security minister, Patricia Bullrich, announced new measures aimed at maintaining public order. These measures grant federal forces the power to disperse protesters blocking streets without requiring a judicial order, and authorize the police to use video or digital evidence to identify and hold accountable those obstructing public thoroughfares. Moreover, the legislation empowers the state to apportion the costs of mobilizing security forces to the protesters themselves.

Milei’s presidential victory was built upon a campaign centered around reducing public spending. Since assuming office, he has already made significant changes to the country’s financial landscape. The value of the Argentinian currency has been adjusted, contracts of public employees with less than one year of service have been terminated, and the prices of basic services and public transportation have seen notable increases.

FAQ:

Q: What are President Milei’s proposals?

A: President Milei’s proposals include deregulating the government and allowing the privatization of state-run industries to boost exports and investment.

Q: Why are Argentinians protesting?

A: Thousands of Argentinians are protesting against Milei’s proposals due to their belief that the drastic cuts to public spending will adversely impact their lives.

Q: How is the government responding to the protests?

A: In response to the protests, the government has announced new measures to maintain public order, empowering federal forces to disperse protesters without a judicial order and enabling the identification of those obstructing public thoroughfares through video or digital means.

Q: What changes has Milei already implemented?

A: Since taking office, Milei has adjusted the value of the Argentinian currency, terminated contracts of public employees with less than one year of service, and increased the prices of basic services and public transportation.

(Sources: Information gathered from local news outlets)

How will Milei's reforms impact workers?

Milei has also promised to slash state spending and reduce the size of the government, with plans to abolish ten of the government's 18 ministries.

He has also stated his intention to do away with the central bank and dollarize the Argentinian economy, which would have significant implications for the country's monetary policy.

closing the central bank
dollarizing the Argentinian currency

In a speech to the National Assembly, Milei vowed to continue to push for economic reform, whether or not he has the support of the National Assembly, stating that if the economic model is not transformed, "Argentina has no future".

Title:

Content: Argentine President Pledges Economic Reform in a Passionate Speech to Congress | Deutsche Welle Introduces Germany | DW | 02.03.2024
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The political climate of the times
Argentine President vows to push for economic reform
In a speech to the National Assembly on Friday, Argentina's new president, Miguel Millay, vowed to continue to push for economic reform, whether or not he has the support of the National Assembly.
He said that if the economic model is not transformed, "Argentina has no future."
Milley told lawmakers he would continue to push through reforms with or without congressional support.
Argentina ’ s new liberal president, Javier Milei, delivered a passionate speech to Congress on Friday (March 1).
He said he "will continue to push" for economic reform.
The Argentine leader, who describes himself as an "anarcho-capitalist," promised to slash state spending and reduce the government's fiscal deficit.
“We ’ re going to completely change this country. ”
Millet told lawmakers that he would continue to push ahead with reforms, whether or not he had the support of Congress.
He said "we will not back down, we will continue to move forward...
Whether it is through laws, presidential decrees or amending regulations, "he added," We will change this country forever...
with or without the support of political leaders, with or without all the legal resources of the executive branch ".
"I ask for patience and trust... It will take a while for us to see the results of the economic restructuring and the reforms that are being implemented," he added.
If the economic model does not change, "Argentina has no future"
Millay said he would introduce a bill that would penalize anyone — including the president — who financed the deficit by issuing additional money.
When he takes office, Mile will devalue the peso by about half.
"If we don't fundamentally change the economic model, then Argentina has no future," he said.
How will Argentina choose between China and the EU?
Milley's speech was repeatedly interrupted by cheers from supporters, who told Congress they would face "another animal" if they opposed his reform efforts.
Miley's Shock Therapy
After taking office in December last year, Millet issued decrees repealing or amending hundreds of laws aimed at curtailing the power of trade unions and deregulating state interference in the economy.
However, his claims met with resistance, and the court issued a ruling halting these measures.
Miller proposed a comprehensive reform plan, seeking to privatize state-owned entities and weaken labor protection.
The bill was voted down by lawmakers last month.
It includes the power to delegate to the executive branch for one year and the power to pass laws by decree on the basis of "economic emergencies".
Millet ’ s shock economic measures boosted the market, but sparked nationwide protests and strong opposition from labor unions.
Trade unions say the reforms will hurt the poor.
Despite his harsh words to lawmakers, the Argentine president struck a more conciliatory tone in his interactions with governors, proposing a 10-point “social contract ” agreed by May 25 that includes a“ rediscussion ” of the current tax distribution between the federal government and provincial governors.
Mire and the provincial governors have also been at loggerheads over the issue of funding cuts.
This week, when the governor threatened to cut off energy supplies to the rest of Argentina due to a funding dispute, the dispute heated up.
(Reuters, Associated Press, Agence France-Presse)
© 2024 Deutsche Welle Copyright Notice: All content in this article is protected by copyright law and may not be used without special permission from Deutsche Welle.
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Milei's approach to Congress is symbolic of a decades-old strategy known as "neoliberal parliamentarism," which involves deliberate efforts to reform or subvert legislative processes to implement market-oriented policies.

Title:

Content: Argentina’s Javier Milei’s “Instant Democracy” and Neoliberalism

Javier Milei, YouTube screen grab.

Self-described “anarcho-capitalist,” Javier Milei became the president of Argentina in December 2023 promising “drastic” measures to temper the inflation crisis that has gripped the country. In the weeks since his election, Milei has brought forward an ambitious neoliberal restructuring program encompassing almost every aspect of the government.

Milei’s agenda confronts considerable opposition in Congress, where his governing coalition, Libertad Avanza, holds only a fraction of the seats. To adjust to these circumstances, Milei has cultivated a strategy of “turbo-politics,” bypassing legislative processes that risk delaying the implementation of his state reorganization plans.

Milei’s approach to Congress is symbolic of a decades-old strategy I have elsewhere called “neoliberal parliamentarism.” This concept describes a pattern of deliberate efforts to reform or subvert legislative institutions as a means of facilitating neoliberal reforms that do not have sufficient popular support to be actualized through usual democratic channels. These changes, even when temporary, often leave long-term scars on institutions by weakening norms of institutional forbearance.

The Emergency Decree and the Omnibus Bill

Milei has followed this blueprint, insulating the core elements of his agenda from democratic influence. The dismantling of the Argentine state began in earnest in mid-December when the executive branch presented an 83 page Necessity and Urgency Decree (NDU) aimed at repealing over 300 various laws and regulations, facilitating the privatization of core public assets.

This “mega-decree,” Milei claimed, was necessary to “start to undo the huge number of regulations that have held back and prevented economic growth”. It includes sweeping economic deregulation, such as the elimination of regulations on Argentina’s supermarket laws, which required the guarantee of low prices on basic products. It also includes measures to eliminate rent controls. Suggested labour reforms to cut pregnancy leave and increase the job probation period were suspended by the courts in January 2024.

Less than a week after issuing the NDU, the executive branch sent a massive omnibus bill titled Foundations and Starting Points for the Freedom of the Argentine People to Congress for consideration. The bill bundles the major elements of Milei’s neoliberal restructuring initiatives under the heading of a single piece of legislation with 664 articles. It will enable the government to carry out, in a matter of weeks, what would normally take years to achieve if these reforms were considered independently and subjected to the usual legislative scrutiny.

Reforms from the 351 page bill include an extraordinary provision declaring a state of public emergency on matters related to the economy, fiscal balance, social security, defence, health, and administration.

The emergency declaration delegates more than 1,000 extraordinary powers from the legislative to the executive until December 31, 2025, with the possibility of a two-year extension. This provision would enable Milei to make major reforms without having to consult Congress, thus eliminating a major hurdle to the implementation of neoliberal reforms.

Authors of the bill are attempting to facilitate the privatization of 41 state-owned companies across various sectors including energy, aviation, port administration, and agriculture. They also enable the reorganization of public administration, including embedding regulatory cuts from the NDU into law.

Additionally, the omnibus legislation proposes substantial reforms to environmental protection laws. These changes include the weakening of the Glacier Protection Law, allowing the mining of sensitive “periglacial” areas. The bill is presently being rushed through the legislative process by way of Extraordinary sessions of Congress, leading to marathon sittings during Argentina’s usual summer recess period.

“It’s impossible for people to have an idea of the enormous number of proposals Milei has sent,” said Ricardo Gil Laverda, a constitutional lawyer and former Argentine Justice Minister. “They cover dozens and dozens and dozens of laws, often on deep topics.”

To influence negotiations, Milei has threatened to put forward a non-binding referendum if the opposition parties do not agree to the main terms of his restructuring plan. Milei has also threatened to take away social welfare rights from protesters who block streets.

Despite these efforts, however, the reality of Milei’s lack of Congressional support has led him to compromise on some elements of his agenda as it makes its way through the legislative process. Although the structure of the bill remains, opposition politicians have made more than 100 changes to it, including curtailing the scope of the President’s emergency powers to one year rather than two, and retaining YPF, the national oil and gas company, in public hands, despite allowing most other state-owned companies to remain subject to privatization.

Neoliberalism and the Decline of the Legislature

Argentina is not unique. This most recent example of legislative subversion is a familiar tactic used to accommodate neoliberal restructuring, that has been utilized repeatedly by neoliberal reformers in recent decades, including the IMF-sanctioned omnibus bill rammed through Greece’s parliament in 2014.

This approach to the legislature is the consequence of the political limitations of neoliberal policy, which is opposed by considerable segments of society. A blueprint for this strategy is spelled out by former New Zealand Minister of Finance Roger Douglas in his 1993 book, Unfinished Business. The book recalls lessons from his experience implementing a neoliberal agenda dubbed ‘Rogernomics’ in the 1980s against the headwinds of widespread social and political opposition.

Douglas claimed it is “uncertainty, not speed, that endangers the success of structural reform programmes.” Neoliberal reforms should not be passed incrementally, but as a rupture, moving in “quantum leaps” to overcome popular opposition.

Democratic processes are typically slow and deliberate, designed to enable the legislative body to scrutinize the executive, foster compromise, and encourage debate. It was necessary, therefore, to streamline the democratic process to ensure that politicians could neither interfere with, nor demand meaningful changes to, neoliberal reorganization efforts.

Neoliberal governments should confront the legislature, not as an essential element of the process of democracy, but an instrument used by politicians and vested interests to interfere with the operations of the marketplace. “Speed is essential. It is almost impossible to go too fast,” Douglas said. “Once the programme begins to be implemented, don’t stop until you have completed it.”

This tactic did not occur in a vacuum, but emerged intrinsically from the content of a neoliberal theoretical framework that views democratic institutions as an additional layer of state administration to be overcome. Neoliberal thought is deeply skeptical in the capabilities of reason to infer or predict causality. Given the limitations of the mind, society should be governed, not by conscious modelling and careful planning, but according to spontaneous or “invisible hand” forms of social organization, which are the outcome of independent, unplanned individual decisions.

This position is most clearly expressed by Friedrich Hayek, who claimed that parliamentary sovereignty was in fact the “root of the evil” in modern society, since it facilitated the growth of the state. Legislatures constituted one limb of what Milton Friedman called the “iron triangle” of politicians, bureaucrats, as well as corporate and individual special interests that were perpetually reliant upon the government for rents, and therefore had an interest in obstructing market reforms.

‘Instant Democracy’ and the Rise of ‘Neoliberal Populism’

What should we make of Milei’s approach to Congress, then? Is it reflective of a new pattern in neoliberal governance, or merely the extension of an old one? The answer is both. While Milei’s approach clearly shares categorial similarities with the neoliberal legislative blueprint built for speed, his blending of these ideas with a coarse, populist rhetoric grounded in anti-statism, signifies an intensification of these patterns.

Milei’s populist neoliberal worldview contributes to a rising trend among far-right governments around the world to use this rhetoric to rationalize the subversion of democracy. This kind of “neoliberal populism” conflates democratic institutions with political actors, claiming that they are instruments of obstruction for self-serving politicians and bureaucrats.

This is a view Milei has proudly declared. “For me, the state is an enemy, as are the politicians who live off it,” he said. “We will put an end to the parasitic, stupid, useless political caste that is sinking this country.”

Grounded in the same logic as neoliberalism’s conventional demand for freedom from the state, democratic institutions increasingly appear as impediments to the logic of the marketplace. The elimination of cumbersome legislative processes, then, removes the obstacles that restrain market forces, generating popular economic independence, and restoring common-sense. This inverts the logic of democracy, making it appear as though executive rule is necessary to protect the interests of “the People” from Friedman’s “iron triangle.”

The anti-parliamentarism at the core of the neoliberal theoretical outlook has increasingly transformed into a populist program that mobilizes a general dissatisfaction with politicians against democratic institutions as such. Neoliberal politicians, such as Milei, use this reasoning to manufacture the conditions for the ongoing use of emergency powers and the concentration of authority in the executive branch.

The global elite, sensing “the smell of a big privatization wave coming,” are said to be “infatuated” with his take-no-prisoners approach to Congress. Thus, although not a new phenomenon, Milei’s brand of “instant democracy,” which conceives of speed and flexibility as the essence of legislative governance, has the support of both the financial elite as well as a growing populist dimension, giving it the hallmarks of a burgeoning political movement of the most regressive kind.

As the institutional forbearance that restrained most neoliberal governments to stay within the confines of liberal democratic constitutional structures continues to give way to a logic that sees the legislature as subordinate to the market, it is likely that we will continue to see the erosion of democratic standards.

Tom McDowell is a Lecturer in the Department of Politics and Public Administration at Toronto Metropolitan University. He is the author of Neoliberal Parliamentarism: The Decline of Parliament at the Ontario Legislature (University of Toronto Press, 2021).

Despite facing significant opposition in Congress, where his governing coalition, Libertad Avanza, holds only a fraction of the seats, Milei has cultivated a strategy of "turbo-politics," bypassing legislative processes to implement his state reorganization plans.

Who has opposed Milei's proposed layoff order?

Milei's economic reforms are aimed at addressing the country's deep-seated economic struggles, including high inflation and a large fiscal deficit.

What economic issue did Milei want to address?

What issue did Milei want to address without printing money?

His policies have been met with skepticism by some, who are waiting to see the true impact of his ambitious plans on the country's economy and society.

However, Milei's victory in the presidential election, with 56% of the vote in the head-to-head race, suggests that there is significant support for his market-oriented agenda.

Milei's election has also been seen as a significant shift away from the "Pink Tide" of left-wing governments in Latin America, and towards a more libertarian and free-market oriented approach.

Title:

Content: Argentina’s Javier Milei Attempts To Turn Back the ‘Pink Tide’

Election Sunday could elevate a radical libertarian, free marketeer, and advocate of sound money to the presidency of the country whose name means money.

It’s too soon to say whether tomorrow the arch-libertarian Javier Milei will be able to convert his place from leading contender to become Argentina’s president-elect. There might have to be a runoff. It’s not too soon, though, to savor the prospect of a free marketeer and sound money advocate acceding to the Pink House. Particularly in the land that spawned Perónism and whose name — Argentina —  means money.

The anarcho-capitalist is campaigning with a chainsaw, vowing to upend Argentina’s establishment, which he describes as a “political caste” of “useless parasites.” It’s “no time for nice words and good manners,” he avers, noting that, as the Wall Street Journal reports, “the caste is trembling.” The anger, if strident, is understandable, with Perónism, a leftist hybrid of nationalism and statism, having ravaged the once-thriving Argentine economy.

Poverty stands at 40 percent in a country that once vied with America as a contender for economic superpower status. Inflation is running at a catastrophic 138 percent, devastating Argentines’ buying power and driving a black market in dollars. No wonder Mr. Milei wants to ditch the country’s debased peso, which he calls “a currency emitted by Argentine politicians” that isn’t even “worth excrement,” because the pesos can’t be used as fertilizer.

The real path toward restoring sound money in Argentina would be to restore a peso convertible into gold or silver, as opposed to merely adopting a fiat dollar. Yet Mr. Milei’s proposed “dollarization” — making the greenback Argentina’s sole legal tender — is something of a step in the right direction. It would mark a sea change for a country that has been notorious for its lax monetary and fiscal policies after it abandoned its gold standard.

That was in 1929. Since then, Argentina’s currency has fallen in tandem with the country’s economic prospects. As the 20th century began, both America and Argentina “were young, dynamic nations with fertile farmlands and confident exporters,” journalist and historian Alan Beattie has observed, and “Argentina was among the 10 richest economies in the world.” Emigrants fleeing Europe were often torn, he noted: “Buenos Aires or New York?”

Argentina’s prospects dimmed during the Great Depression. Instead of following America’s path by embracing global trade, Argentina fell prey to the siren song of Perónism. This regime of corporate cronyism and big government, as economist Lawrence Reed explains, “expanded the power of labor unions, spent lavishly on welfare schemes and waged class warfare against the rich,” and drove Argentina’s economy into the ditch.

One of the most insidious aspects of Perónism is how it inverted the formula of “negative rights.” These are enshrined in America’s Constitution to protect against the predations of the government, as seen in, say, the First Amendment, which opens by saying “Congress shall make no law . . .” By contrast, Eva Perón justified the socialist takeover of the economy and a bloated welfare state by saying “Where there’s a need, there’s a right.”

Mr. Milei is, in the Financial Times’ telling, running on a platform that is as far from Perónism as it gets, calling for “unfettered free markets,” free trade, and “giving primacy to private property and individual freedom.” The fact that he has named his dogs after economists like Milton Friedman, Robert Lucas, and Murray Rothbard suggests he has an awareness that political liberty is not possible without economic liberty.

Whether or not Mr. Milei wins the presidency in Sunday’s first round of voting, as he suggests is a possibility, or at all, his candidacy is a bright spot on a continent that has lately drifted toward the shoals of neo-Marxism. Observers call it a “pink tide.” The Argentines have the opportunity at the ballot box to buck this leftward trend, choosing sound money and individual liberty and putting their country on the path to prosperity it left decades ago.

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The international community is also taking notice of Milei's policies, with some scholars arguing that his pro-market ideas could have significant implications for the country's relationships with other nations, including China.

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Argentina's new president deserves international attention
Related LINKS http: / / www.CRNTT.com 2023-12-13 00: 57: 45
Argentina's new president, Mille.
HONG KONG, Dec. 13 (Xinhua) -- Michael N. Peterson, a scholar at George Mason University in the United States, posted on Eurasia Review on December 9 that Millet is very friendly to the market and claims to alienate China. Relation.
No matter how the actual situation develops, Argentina, as an important part of the “Belt and Road ” and“ BRICS ” countries, its new president ’ s domestic and foreign policies do deserve the attention of the international community.
Here is the original compilation:
Argentina has just elected its new president, Javier Milei, an energetic, disheveled economist who has come up with pro-market ideas to reform the country ’ s economy.
After decades of Belondism rule, Argentina is now home to the first liberal head of state in modern history, a feat that many in the media seem to have missed.
Even before the official results were announced, voters felt that the general trend was turning in favor of the liberal candidate. With his signature style, Millet won 21 of the 24 provinces, attracting more than 14 million votes, the most votes for a single candidate in Argentina ’ s history.
As we all know, Argentina was one of the richest economies in the world at the beginning of the 20th century.
Before the country embarked on a socialist path, Argentina embraced free markets and limited government.
In his speeches, Millet often praised Juan Bautista Alberdi, who helped design Argentina ’ s 1853 constitution and created the initial conditions for the country ’ s economic prosperity for the next 80 years.
An admirer of Thomas Jefferson, Alberti echoed the very similar libertarian themes that Millais was trying to revive.
But for some reason, many see Millet ’ s victory as yet another triumph of the populist wave, a view that mixes Millet ’ s eccentric style with a genuine populist agenda.
While Trump and other populist leaders have called for a protectionist program to protect their workers from foreign competition, Millet advocates the opposite.
In fact, Millet ’ s victory speech directly invited the international community to join Argentina ’ s free-market revolution.
Even Elon Musk acknowledged the importance of Millet's victory, writing that "Argentina's prosperity lies ahead".
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Overall, Milei's policies represent a significant departure from the traditional socialist and populist approaches that have dominated Argentine politics in recent decades.

As the country's first libertarian president, Milei's success or failure will be closely watched, and could have significant implications for the future of libertarian and market-oriented policies in Latin America.

With his radical approach to economic and political reform, Milei is taking a significant risk, but one that could potentially pay off if he is able to successfully implement his policies and address the country's deep-seated economic struggles.

Only time will tell if Milei's policies will be successful in transforming Argentina's economy and society, but one thing is certain, his approach is a significant departure from the traditional approaches that have been tried in the past.

Milei's strategy of "turbo-politics" and "neoliberal parliamentarism" is a deliberate attempt to bypass traditional legislative processes and implement market-oriented policies, which could have significant implications for the country's governance and institutions.

The fact that Milei has already implemented several significant reforms, including adjusting the value of the currency and terminating contracts of public employees, suggests that he is serious about implementing his policies and transforming the country's economy.

How will Milei's reforms impact workers?

In conclusion, Javier Milei's policies represent a significant shift towards a more libertarian and market-oriented approach in Argentina, with a focus on reducing the size of the government, slashing state spending, and implementing radical economic reforms.

suspended 366 decrees to ease economic controls and reduce spending.

While there are risks associated with his approach, Milei's success or failure will be closely watched, and could have significant implications for the future of libertarian and market-oriented policies in Latin America.


Jane Goodall's continuing impact on global issues, particularly on conservation, is evident through her recent endeavors and programs.

Her work with the Tang Prize Foundation and Jane Goodall International has led to the establishment of the first experimental primary school in Asia focusing on conservation and sustainability issues in Taiwan, called the Jane Goodall Sustainability Academy.

The Asia Conservation Project, which includes the establishment of this school, aims to support conservation and education efforts in Taiwan, Malaysia, and India.

Additionally, her program "Roots & Shoots" empowers young people to create change within their communities, with a presence in 68 countries.

Goodall's recent publications, such as "The Book of Hope: A Survival Guide for Trying Times", also demonstrate her ongoing commitment to conservation and environmental issues.

The Jane Goodall Institute, founded in 1977, continues to be a global conservation nonprofit, with programs like Roots & Shoots educating young people on environmental, conservation, and humanitarian issues.

Goodall's legacy endures through her activism, and her hope in the world's ability to make change despite environmental challenges remains a driving force behind her work.

The establishment of the Jane Goodall Primary School in Taiwan, with a $10 million research grant from the Tang Prize, further solidifies her impact on conservation efforts.

Overall, Jane Goodall's continuing impact on global conservation issues is a testament to her dedication and perseverance, inspiring young people and driving change through her programs and initiatives.

Jane Goodall's continuing impact on global issues, particularly on conservation, is evident through her recent endeavors and programs.

Her work with the Tang Prize Foundation and Jane Goodall International has led to the establishment of the first experimental primary school in Asia focusing on conservation and sustainability issues in Taiwan, called the Jane Goodall Sustainability Academy.

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Content: • En
Asia ’ s first “Jane Goodall Primary School ” to open in Taiwan
Dr. Jane Goodall (Source Taiwan English News)
The Tang Prize Foundation and Jane Goodall International signed a cooperation agreement today (11) to support conservation and education efforts in three countries: Taiwan, Malaysia and India. The first experimental primary school in Asia focusing on conservation and sustainability issues will be opened in Taiwan. Jane Goodall Institute of Taiwan.
2020 Tang Prize Sustainable Development Laureate Dr. Jane Goodall, who was selected as a Tang Prize Laureate last year, began to use the $10 million research grant from the prize to launch sustainable conservation efforts this year. One of the projects is called Conservation Asia, which runs from August 2021 to December 2025.
The Tang Prize Education Foundation hopes to spread the power and spirit of the Tang Prize to promote sustainable development through this collaboration with the Genghuad International Association, and to carry on the Genghuad philosophy: “Human disrespect for nature has caused climate change and biodiversity crisis, and human beings should take responsibility for protecting ecosystems. ”
The main purpose of the Asia Conservation Project is to support conservation and education efforts in Taiwan, Malaysia and India, starting with the establishment of the first experimental primary school in Asia focusing on conservation and sustainability issues in Taiwan, called the Jane Goodall Sustainability Academy.
The second is Project Monyet, which raises awareness about the conservation of primates on the Malaysian peninsula through activities such as workshops and collaborates with scientists to document wildlife species.
Finally, there is the Hope Project in India, which builds a connection between young people and nature through activities such as workshops and nurtures their understanding, awareness and action of nature.
In addition, Conservation Asia will host a Youth Forum each year to help teams work together and share the fruits of their work, produce and deliver impactful and diverse teaching resources and materials to rebuild the lost connection between humanity and nature.
We believe that bringing children closer to nature from a young age will help foster children ’ s ecological literacy and caring for the planet. In addition to establishing a solid foundation in the local area, we are also committed to creating and sharing influential and diverse teaching materials to increase citizen engagement and raise public awareness of the importance of wildlife. Create a vibrant sharing platform through events such as summits, workshops, and more.
She went on to share that Taiwan ’ s first Zhengude Elementary School will guide students to understand the mysteries of nature ’ s operation, allowing children to explore in the learning environment, and cultivate three core principles of knowledge (understanding), compassion (care) and mobility.
Chen Zhenchuan, CEO of the Tang Prize Education Foundation, said that according to United Nations statistics, by 2050, more than two-thirds of the world ’ s population and about 6.4 billion people will live in cities, that is, under the rapid development of science and technology and urbanization, human intensive activities will accelerate the destruction of the earth ’ s ecology and environment and resource depletion, resulting in more green land being turned into an artificial environment. Severe disasters continue to occur, including typhoons and floods, major earthquakes, forest fires, infectious diseases, etc.
Therefore, it is more necessary to solve the problem of habitat fragmentation and maintain biodiversity through environmental and ecological protection education, so as to realize the vision of human beings and nature living side by side.
△ Photo provided by Tang Prize Education Foundation
△ The Tang Prize Education Foundation and Jane Goodall International concluded the signing ceremony of the Agreement on Conservation in Asia today. (Photo courtesy of Tang Prize Education Foundation)

Dr. Goodall believed what steps would slow population growth?

The Asia Conservation Project, which includes the establishment of this school, aims to support conservation and education efforts in Taiwan, Malaysia, and India.

Dr. Goodall believed what steps would slow population growth?

Additionally, her program "Roots & Shoots" empowers young people to create change within their communities, with a presence in 68 countries.

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The work of legendary ethnobiologist, conservationist and activist Jane Goodall has already inspired people to care for endangered species and the environment for decades — but the doctor’s latest endeavor continues her work in motivating the next generation.

Apple TV+’s mission-driven children’s series “Jane” harnesses the power of TV, with Emmy-winning creator J.J. Johnson (“Endlings,” “Ghostwriter”) using Goodall’s teachings to motivate kids to take a stand for endangered species and care for the environment. “Jane,” from the Jane Goodall Institute and Johnson’s company Sinking Ship Entertainment, premiered on April 14, with 10 episodes now available on Apple TV+.

“Jane” features eager 9-year-old environmentalist Jane Garcia (Ava Louise Murchison) — who is inspired to help save the planet, following in the footsteps of her role model, Goodall — along with her friends David (Mason Blomberg) and a chimpanzee named Greybeard. Each episode focuses on a different endangered species, such as Apis mellifera (Western honey bee) and Panthera tigris (tiger). Blending live action and CGI — and featuring an epic theme song “One Step Closer” written by Diane Warren, and sung by Leona Lewis — the show depicts the friends taking a stand for the species and the environment, and getting into occasional trouble along the way. The episodes all end with the friends video-chatting with real-life animal experts, particularly highlighting women and people of color.

While Goodall’s years of dedication to great apes research and advocacy have made her a household name in the 21st century, she began her work at age 26 in 1960 studying chimpanzees. She founded the Jane Goodall Institute in 1977, which fosters research, advocacy as well as community-led conservation, and it empowers children — particularly through its youth program Roots and Shoots, which was founded in 1991.

A United Nations Messenger of Peace and a Dame Commander of the British Empire (DBE), Goodall’s research on chimpanzees in Gombe, Tanzania helped change scientists’ understanding of humans’ relationship to animals. The research continues in Tanzania through the Jane Goodall Institute Gombe Stream Research Center, and it is the world’s longest-running chimpanzee study.

Also a prolific author, Goodall has adult and children’s literary works such as “The Book of Hope,” “In the Shadow of Man” and “Rickie and Henri: A True Story.”

Goodall is no stranger to the screen, however, as the subject of dozens of films including “Chimps, So Like Us,” “Miss Goodall and the Wild Chimpanzees” and “Jane Goodall: The Hope” — as well as Brett Morgen’s 2017 Emmy-nominated documentary, also called “Jane.” While Goodall did not create this “Jane” for Apple TV+, her life’s work and teachings inspire the show’s protagonist who idolizes her, and if Goodall had not approved the show’s concept when it was in development, it would not have moved forward.

Goodall, who turned 89 earlier this month, spoke with Variety over Zoom about how she hopes “Jane” inspires the youngest generation, and what she hopes to accomplish next in her career.

How do you hope viewers, especially children, react when they see “Jane”?

I hope that it will encourage them to actually think more about endangered species — to think about the fact that if we’re not careful, many of these species will disappear. I hope it also will encourage young people to join our Roots and Shoots program, which is in 68 countries. It’s about young people choosing projects to help — animals, people and the environment — deciding what they want to do, working out what they can do, rolling up their sleeves and taking action.

So if this Jane Garcia encourages real-life activities, it’ll be great. I hope it will encourage young people to join in the effort to make this a better world, to choose projects that will help to save the environment before it’s too late.

Talk about environmental issues often creates anxiety in children and young adults, but it is still obviously important to learn about — how do you, through this show or beyond, hope to inspire the next generation without causing anxiety?

That’s my entire program Roots and Shoots, it’s all about taking action. If young people get together and work on projects, which is the same sort of thing with Sinking Ship Entertainment, then it’s all about positive change. We need to know that many species are close to extinction, but that we have to stop that from happening. And therefore we have to work together to find out ways of saving the animals that are moving toward extinction. We need to know about the doom and gloom — I talk about it all the time. But at the same time, it’s desperately important to give people hope, especially young people, because, yes, we can make a difference.

So “Jane” shows young people how they can get together and solve the “doom and gloom” effectively?

Yeah, hopefully. The goal is to try and get young people involved and taking action, and stepping on beyond that to do more. It’s young people getting really worried, but then working together with older people who are also wanting to try to save the species. So it’s a complete mixture.

How do we inspire the next generation to create change, without placing blame on children for a situation they didn’t create?

There are major problems and, yes, all sorts of things have led to unfortunate decreases in numbers of endangered species. But the whole emphasis is on working together to create change. Let’s get young people involved, talk about what can be done to make a difference and then, as I say, roll up their sleeves and work out what they can do. And taking action is going to be different with different species. And, basically, I hope that this program will have enough fun in it, as well as understanding the problem, that young people will be pushing toward saving a lot of these animals. Many animals on the very brink of extinction have been given another chance.

What’s an example of a species that was pushed toward extinction, but human intervention reversed the course?

My favorite one is that little black robin that was reduced to just two individuals, one male and one female. That was it. And through some very clever work, there are now about 500 of them. They’re all genetically identical, of course, but they’re being spread into four different islands. So, hopefully, there will be some genetic change so they’re not all identical, since that’s not very healthy. There are many, many stories like that.

What message do you have for people who feel hopeless, or that they alone cannot make a difference?

People have to realize that every single one of us can make a difference. We could just say, “Oh well, I know that animals are becoming extinct. There’s nothing I can do about it.” That’s really going to be the end of us. But if you decide, “I will try and make a difference, I will do something every single day,” then we can make a difference. We can choose what we can do: Some of us can help animals, some of us can help planting trees, some of us can help whatever it is that we care about. And if we all choose projects to make the world better, then it’s going to make a major difference. We don’t all give up and say, “Well, it’s just me, there’s nothing I can do.” If we give up, then the future is not very good, is it? We all have to do our bit to try and persuade other people. We’re in the middle of a pretty bad, dark space. So for young people to join in and feel, “Gosh, if I do this, I will be making the world a better place,” that’s really important.

You’ve done so much in your life and in your career — what else do you look forward to accomplishing?

I want our Roots and Shoots program to be in every school in every country. But I always say, “If you try and aim for the stars, you might reach the moon. If you aim for the moon, you might reach the head of Mount Everest,” for example. So that’s the same for the stars — and at least we can reach the moon and help to protect the various animals and plants that are facing tremendous danger. The young and old alike in different countries need to really, really work hard to save these creatures. We’ve got to do it now.

This interview has been edited and condensed.

Dr. Goodall believed what steps would slow population growth?

Goodall's recent publications, such as "The Book of Hope: A Survival Guide for Trying Times", also demonstrate her ongoing commitment to conservation and environmental issues.

Title:

Content: Jane Goodall wants University of Wisconsin-Madison students to walk away with one message Sunday: Do not give up hope.

It’s a strategy the world-renowned ethologist and conservationist has found effective in spurring action, even as headlines catastrophizing climate change inundate people with a sense of doom.

“I don't agree with scientists who say the tipping point has already reached the point of no return with climate change and loss of biodiversity,” Goodall told the Cap Times. “We still have a window of time. But if we lose hope, fall into apathy and don't take action, then we're doomed.”

Goodall is best known for her groundbreaking work in the early ‘60s as a primatologist. At 26, she began studying chimpanzees in Tanzania, becoming the first to observe that the animals make and use tools. Now part of the world’s longest-running study of wild chimpanzees, her findings have forever changed scientific understanding of primates and humans’ relationship to them.

Goodall’s legacy also endures through her activism. In 1977, she founded the Jane Goodall Institute, a global conservation nonprofit. One of the organization’s programs, Roots & Shoots, educates young people in over 60 countries to work on environmental, conservation and humanitarian issues.

In 2021, Goodall additionally published “The Book of Hope: A Survival Guide for Trying Times,” which details her hope in the world’s ability to make change despite its environmental challenges.

Goodall will speak Sunday at 7 p.m. in UW-Madison’s Memorial Union for the Wisconsin Union’s Distinguished Lecture Series. Tickets for the event sold out among students within 90 minutes, but the public can still register to watch the online livestream.

In a virtual interview with the Cap Times, Goodall spoke from the Edgewater Hotel about climate deniers, how she remains optimistic and what the audience can expect from her on Sunday.

Will you have time to explore Madison this weekend, or will you mostly be working?

It’s all working. Not mostly — all. But the hotel has a lovely view overlooking the lake with all the ice. My life turns out to be work, meeting lovely people and just having an occasional moment to walk in a bit of nature.

What can people expect to learn from you on Sunday?

I hope they take away the message that every single one of them makes a difference every single day of their lives, and they can choose what sort of difference they make. I think that’s the most important message that anybody can have — that they, as an individual, matter and have a role to play.

Your platform revolves around this message of hope. What might be the harm in catastrophizing?

It makes people lose hope. If you’re told that nothing you can do will avert the planet heating up to a point where life is no longer possible and that we’re destroying the ecosystems on which we depend, then why bother doing anything?

The important thing is to realize we still have time, but we have to take action. We have to each do our bit. It may seem small, but billions of small, ethical actions make change.

Much of your work focuses on involving young people within conservation efforts. What inspires you about the attitudes of younger generations toward animals and the environment?

They are much more aware, which isn’t surprising. When I was young, "environmentalism" wasn’t even a word.

Young people are surrounded by doom and gloom. The radio’s full of it, the internet's full of it, the television's full of it, the press is full of it, and so they're much more aware. Fortunately, there are enough people saying it's not too late, and that inspires them and galvanizes them into action.

Do you think those attitudes are much different from older generations?

They are different because older generations either didn't understand what was happening because of ignorance, or they don't want to understand because they want to carry on with business as usual. They want to go on making money in the short term at the expense of future generations.

Sometimes I don’t think they’re thinking like that. I don't think they're deliberately understanding that they're harming the future for their children and grandchildren. But they're simply not thinking in the way that we should be thinking today.

Is it still worth trying to change their minds?

Yes, yes, yes, yes, yes! How to change the minds of the older people? Through storytelling, not through pointing fingers, not through making people angry, not by telling them they're bad, but by reaching into the heart. I’ll give you one example.

This CEO of a huge international corporation told me he was working to get his company ethical for three reasons. One, because we're using our nature's finite natural resources faster than nature can replenish them. Second, consumer pressure — people are beginning to demand ethically produced products.

But what really tipped the balance, he said, was his little girl of 8. She came back from school one day and said, “Daddy, they're telling me that what you're doing is hurting the planet. That's not true, is it, Daddy? Because it's my planet.” That reached his heart. That's the way you change people.

When did you realize this approach of storytelling could persuade people?

I think it was probably part of my nature. I'm not confrontational. I'm fighting for change, yes, but not by confronting. People must change from within. I don't believe you can change them by hammering them with facts that they don't want to listen to.

When I first went to the medical research labs where the scientists kept chimps in 5-foot by 5-foot cages, it was one of the worst experiences of my life. I came out shaken, trying not to cry. I was taken into a room with the top people from the National Institute of Health in the department of animal experimentation. I realized they were waiting for me to speak.

I said, “I imagine all of you are caring and compassionate people, and maybe feel just as I did about what's going on in there.” When you think of it, that was very clever. They couldn’t admit they weren’t caring and compassionate, could they?

Instead of telling them they were bad people, I showed them pictures of the chimpanzees in the wild, making their nests, playing, lying around. In their minds, they could contrast it with the cages where these very social beings were kept for 30 to 40 years. I know it did get into some of their hearts because they told me so. It made some labs completely change the way that they operated.

When you meet somebody, or a group of people, you may not realize that you've made a difference — but you may have planted seeds that will grow and cause change in some of the hearts.

What mistakes did you make early on in your career that emerging activists and young people can learn from?

I was saved from making mistakes in the early days. Before I went to Africa to study chimps, I was working at London Zoo. The chimps were in terrible conditions. So when I got back from my first stint in Africa, the zoo arranged a press conference. I thought now I could really tell the world how bad the chimps were treated!

I happened to be having dinner that night with a very powerful man that I met in Tanzania, and I told him about my plan with great excitement. There was dead silence. He said, “Do you realize that the head of the London Zoo is Solly Zuckerman, Winston Churchill's wartime adviser? A very, very powerful man. Do you think he's going to take it lying down when you criticize his zoo?”

He said, “Just tell me three things that are the most important to change.” I told him, and within two weeks, they were all done. There was no confrontation. That was a lesson that came just in time for me not to make that mistake.

So it’s about activists getting rid of their own personal egos.

Exactly. What people want is to have their name out there and to say, “I did it. I changed this.” It’s learning to not want to be recognized for change. The main thing is to make the change. Not “me” making the change.

This powerful man obviously didn't want me to say that the chimps were being treated badly. He immediately agreed, but didn’t want it out in the press. Give Solly Zuckerman the credit. That’s fine — as long as it changes.

This is a lesson I talk about with our youth. I tell them not to be confrontational. Your goal: Is it to glorify yourself? To be the champion? Or do you really want change?

What do people still not understand about your work and its relevance today?

Climate change deniers, people who don’t want to make a difference, probably don’t understand. What they really think is hard to tell. But are there really people who deny that climate change is happening? Probably not. When they admit it’s real, they say it’s natural and that it’s not manmade. Do they really believe that? I can’t believe they do — but that’s what they say. They don’t want to lose face, and making people lose face isn’t a good way to make change.

What makes you think they don’t really believe what they’re saying?

Well, I can't think of anybody with any ounce of intelligence could believe it. That's why.

How often do you come across those kinds of people?

Not very often. They tend to avoid me.

Kayla Huynh joined the Cap Times in 2021 and covers higher education. She graduated from Northwestern University with a master's degree in journalism after attending UW-Madison.

Support Kayla's work and local journalism by becoming a Cap Times member.

To comment on this story, submit a letter to the editor.

Through what means does Dr. Goodall offer inspiring messages?

The Jane Goodall Institute, founded in 1977, continues to be a global conservation nonprofit, with programs like Roots & Shoots educating young people on environmental, conservation, and humanitarian issues.

Dr. Goodall believed what steps would slow population growth?

What would letting children get close to nature help cultivate?

Goodall's legacy endures through her activism, and her hope in the world's ability to make change despite environmental challenges remains a driving force behind her work.

At the Proctor & Gamble 2022 summit on regional sustainability, what did Dr. Jane Goodall emphasize?

What does Dr. Goodall hope the Jane Goodall Barbie doll will encourage?

The establishment of the Jane Goodall Primary School in Taiwan, with a $10 million research grant from the Tang Prize, further solidifies her impact on conservation efforts.

Dr. Goodall believed what steps would slow population growth?

Overall, Jane Goodall's continuing impact on global conservation issues is a testament to her dedication and perseverance, inspiring young people and driving change through her programs and initiatives.