Javier Milei’s policy agenda in Argentina is characterized by sweeping economic reforms, including privatizing state-owned enterprises, reducing subsidies, and proposing dollarization to stabilize the economy and combat hyperinflation.

His administration has aggressively tackled the fiscal deficit by implementing deep cuts to public spending, achieving the country’s first fiscal surplus since 2008, but these measures have strained provincial budgets and sparked protests.

Milei’s institutional reforms include abolishing ten ministries and consolidating others to streamline government operations, reflecting his libertarian vision of reducing state intervention.

He has leveraged emergency decrees and omnibus bills to bypass legislative scrutiny, repealing over 300 laws to expedite privatization and deregulation, raising concerns about democratic accountability.

Milei’s labor market reforms, such as deregulating labor laws and reducing worker protections, have sparked widespread protests and union strikes against perceived threats to job security.

His foreign policy emphasizes alignment with the United States and Israel while distancing Argentina from China and Brazil, signaling a shift towards Western alliances and free-market principles.

Milei’s controversial reforms have deepened political polarization, with supporters viewing them as necessary for economic revival and critics arguing they exacerbate inequality and undermine democratic norms.

The long-term implications of Milei’s agenda include risks to institutional stability, as his reliance on executive powers and radical reforms may weaken democratic processes and societal cohesion.

Javier Milei’s policy agenda in Argentina is characterized by sweeping economic reforms, including privatizing state-owned enterprises, reducing subsidies, and proposing dollarization to stabilize the economy and combat hyperinflation.

Title:

Content: Argentina’s Javier Milei’s “Instant Democracy” and Neoliberalism

Javier Milei, YouTube screen grab.

Self-described “anarcho-capitalist,” Javier Milei became the president of Argentina in December 2023 promising “drastic” measures to temper the inflation crisis that has gripped the country. In the weeks since his election, Milei has brought forward an ambitious neoliberal restructuring program encompassing almost every aspect of the government.

Milei’s agenda confronts considerable opposition in Congress, where his governing coalition, Libertad Avanza, holds only a fraction of the seats. To adjust to these circumstances, Milei has cultivated a strategy of “turbo-politics,” bypassing legislative processes that risk delaying the implementation of his state reorganization plans.

Milei’s approach to Congress is symbolic of a decades-old strategy I have elsewhere called “neoliberal parliamentarism.” This concept describes a pattern of deliberate efforts to reform or subvert legislative institutions as a means of facilitating neoliberal reforms that do not have sufficient popular support to be actualized through usual democratic channels. These changes, even when temporary, often leave long-term scars on institutions by weakening norms of institutional forbearance.

The Emergency Decree and the Omnibus Bill

Milei has followed this blueprint, insulating the core elements of his agenda from democratic influence. The dismantling of the Argentine state began in earnest in mid-December when the executive branch presented an 83 page Necessity and Urgency Decree (NDU) aimed at repealing over 300 various laws and regulations, facilitating the privatization of core public assets.

This “mega-decree,” Milei claimed, was necessary to “start to undo the huge number of regulations that have held back and prevented economic growth”. It includes sweeping economic deregulation, such as the elimination of regulations on Argentina’s supermarket laws, which required the guarantee of low prices on basic products. It also includes measures to eliminate rent controls. Suggested labour reforms to cut pregnancy leave and increase the job probation period were suspended by the courts in January 2024.

Less than a week after issuing the NDU, the executive branch sent a massive omnibus bill titled Foundations and Starting Points for the Freedom of the Argentine People to Congress for consideration. The bill bundles the major elements of Milei’s neoliberal restructuring initiatives under the heading of a single piece of legislation with 664 articles. It will enable the government to carry out, in a matter of weeks, what would normally take years to achieve if these reforms were considered independently and subjected to the usual legislative scrutiny.

Reforms from the 351 page bill include an extraordinary provision declaring a state of public emergency on matters related to the economy, fiscal balance, social security, defence, health, and administration.

The emergency declaration delegates more than 1,000 extraordinary powers from the legislative to the executive until December 31, 2025, with the possibility of a two-year extension. This provision would enable Milei to make major reforms without having to consult Congress, thus eliminating a major hurdle to the implementation of neoliberal reforms.

Authors of the bill are attempting to facilitate the privatization of 41 state-owned companies across various sectors including energy, aviation, port administration, and agriculture. They also enable the reorganization of public administration, including embedding regulatory cuts from the NDU into law.

Additionally, the omnibus legislation proposes substantial reforms to environmental protection laws. These changes include the weakening of the Glacier Protection Law, allowing the mining of sensitive “periglacial” areas. The bill is presently being rushed through the legislative process by way of Extraordinary sessions of Congress, leading to marathon sittings during Argentina’s usual summer recess period.

“It’s impossible for people to have an idea of the enormous number of proposals Milei has sent,” said Ricardo Gil Laverda, a constitutional lawyer and former Argentine Justice Minister. “They cover dozens and dozens and dozens of laws, often on deep topics.”

To influence negotiations, Milei has threatened to put forward a non-binding referendum if the opposition parties do not agree to the main terms of his restructuring plan. Milei has also threatened to take away social welfare rights from protesters who block streets.

Despite these efforts, however, the reality of Milei’s lack of Congressional support has led him to compromise on some elements of his agenda as it makes its way through the legislative process. Although the structure of the bill remains, opposition politicians have made more than 100 changes to it, including curtailing the scope of the President’s emergency powers to one year rather than two, and retaining YPF, the national oil and gas company, in public hands, despite allowing most other state-owned companies to remain subject to privatization.

Neoliberalism and the Decline of the Legislature

Argentina is not unique. This most recent example of legislative subversion is a familiar tactic used to accommodate neoliberal restructuring, that has been utilized repeatedly by neoliberal reformers in recent decades, including the IMF-sanctioned omnibus bill rammed through Greece’s parliament in 2014.

This approach to the legislature is the consequence of the political limitations of neoliberal policy, which is opposed by considerable segments of society. A blueprint for this strategy is spelled out by former New Zealand Minister of Finance Roger Douglas in his 1993 book, Unfinished Business. The book recalls lessons from his experience implementing a neoliberal agenda dubbed ‘Rogernomics’ in the 1980s against the headwinds of widespread social and political opposition.

Douglas claimed it is “uncertainty, not speed, that endangers the success of structural reform programmes.” Neoliberal reforms should not be passed incrementally, but as a rupture, moving in “quantum leaps” to overcome popular opposition.

Democratic processes are typically slow and deliberate, designed to enable the legislative body to scrutinize the executive, foster compromise, and encourage debate. It was necessary, therefore, to streamline the democratic process to ensure that politicians could neither interfere with, nor demand meaningful changes to, neoliberal reorganization efforts.

Neoliberal governments should confront the legislature, not as an essential element of the process of democracy, but an instrument used by politicians and vested interests to interfere with the operations of the marketplace. “Speed is essential. It is almost impossible to go too fast,” Douglas said. “Once the programme begins to be implemented, don’t stop until you have completed it.”

This tactic did not occur in a vacuum, but emerged intrinsically from the content of a neoliberal theoretical framework that views democratic institutions as an additional layer of state administration to be overcome. Neoliberal thought is deeply skeptical in the capabilities of reason to infer or predict causality. Given the limitations of the mind, society should be governed, not by conscious modelling and careful planning, but according to spontaneous or “invisible hand” forms of social organization, which are the outcome of independent, unplanned individual decisions.

This position is most clearly expressed by Friedrich Hayek, who claimed that parliamentary sovereignty was in fact the “root of the evil” in modern society, since it facilitated the growth of the state. Legislatures constituted one limb of what Milton Friedman called the “iron triangle” of politicians, bureaucrats, as well as corporate and individual special interests that were perpetually reliant upon the government for rents, and therefore had an interest in obstructing market reforms.

‘Instant Democracy’ and the Rise of ‘Neoliberal Populism’

What should we make of Milei’s approach to Congress, then? Is it reflective of a new pattern in neoliberal governance, or merely the extension of an old one? The answer is both. While Milei’s approach clearly shares categorial similarities with the neoliberal legislative blueprint built for speed, his blending of these ideas with a coarse, populist rhetoric grounded in anti-statism, signifies an intensification of these patterns.

Milei’s populist neoliberal worldview contributes to a rising trend among far-right governments around the world to use this rhetoric to rationalize the subversion of democracy. This kind of “neoliberal populism” conflates democratic institutions with political actors, claiming that they are instruments of obstruction for self-serving politicians and bureaucrats.

This is a view Milei has proudly declared. “For me, the state is an enemy, as are the politicians who live off it,” he said. “We will put an end to the parasitic, stupid, useless political caste that is sinking this country.”

Grounded in the same logic as neoliberalism’s conventional demand for freedom from the state, democratic institutions increasingly appear as impediments to the logic of the marketplace. The elimination of cumbersome legislative processes, then, removes the obstacles that restrain market forces, generating popular economic independence, and restoring common-sense. This inverts the logic of democracy, making it appear as though executive rule is necessary to protect the interests of “the People” from Friedman’s “iron triangle.”

The anti-parliamentarism at the core of the neoliberal theoretical outlook has increasingly transformed into a populist program that mobilizes a general dissatisfaction with politicians against democratic institutions as such. Neoliberal politicians, such as Milei, use this reasoning to manufacture the conditions for the ongoing use of emergency powers and the concentration of authority in the executive branch.

The global elite, sensing “the smell of a big privatization wave coming,” are said to be “infatuated” with his take-no-prisoners approach to Congress. Thus, although not a new phenomenon, Milei’s brand of “instant democracy,” which conceives of speed and flexibility as the essence of legislative governance, has the support of both the financial elite as well as a growing populist dimension, giving it the hallmarks of a burgeoning political movement of the most regressive kind.

As the institutional forbearance that restrained most neoliberal governments to stay within the confines of liberal democratic constitutional structures continues to give way to a logic that sees the legislature as subordinate to the market, it is likely that we will continue to see the erosion of democratic standards.

Tom McDowell is a Lecturer in the Department of Politics and Public Administration at Toronto Metropolitan University. He is the author of Neoliberal Parliamentarism: The Decline of Parliament at the Ontario Legislature (University of Toronto Press, 2021).

What economic issue did Milei want to address?

His administration has aggressively tackled the fiscal deficit by implementing deep cuts to public spending, achieving the country’s first fiscal surplus since 2008, but these measures have strained provincial budgets and sparked protests.

Title:

Content: Argentine government announces first quarterly surplus since 2008

Javier Milei celebrated the accomplishment, which achieved via a substantial reduction in government spending, including reductions in public works and redistribution to regional governments.

The Argentine government, led by President Javier Milei, announced Monday that it closed the first quarter with a fiscal surplus for the first time since 2008.

Milei broke the news on national television with marked joy. This fiscal surplus of 0.2% of GDP occurs after the first three months under the Libertarian president and his "chainsaw" method against public spending. Since coming to power, as he promised during the campaign, Milei has carried out a policy of heavy cuts to state infrastructure.

“This economic miracle of achieving a quarterly financial surplus after almost 20 years, having inherited the situation that we did, responds to what those who want the failure of this government usually say, to an enormous extent to what we called a 'chainsaw' during the campaign, and not as some say to the liquefaction of public funds, a method that has historically been used in our country," celebrated Milei from the Casa Rosada in Buenos Aires, the president's official residence. “The fiscal surplus is the cornerstone from which we will build Argentina's new era of prosperity,” he added, standing alongside several members of his government.

The fiscal surplus of 0.2% for Argentina represents about $300,000. The accomplishment comes after cuts of almost 75% of state transfers to regional governments in Argentina, as well as halting 90% of public works, and the popular policy of reducing the number of public ministries from 18, as under the previous government, to only nine. Argentine bonds increased in value shortly after the president's announcement.

For Milei, the reduction of public spending and of the large deficit was an obligatory step in his objective of restructuring the Argentine state. The president assured that public deficits cause inflation, his arch nemesis, which in 2023 in Argentina was the highest in the Americas, reaching 211.4% at the end of Alberto Fernández's presidency.

What issue did Milei want to address without printing money?

Milei’s institutional reforms include abolishing ten ministries and consolidating others to streamline government operations, reflecting his libertarian vision of reducing state intervention.

Title:

Content: December 16, 2023

As Argentina’s new president, it took only one day for Javier Meili to get rid of the Culture Ministry. Miley was inaugurated on December 10, and the next day, the liberal economist and former television commentator delivered on her campaign promise with characteristic bravery. Also on the chopping block – or, rather, in the path of her chainsaw, which Miley wielded throughout her campaign to symbolize her intention to cut government spending – was the Ministry of Women, Gender and Diversity.

Many other ministries were reduced in size and transformed into new entities. The Ministry of Social Development, the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Labour, Employment and Social Security will be divided into a newly formed Ministry of Human Capital headed by former TV producer Sandra Pettovello. Meanwhile, the ministries of public works, transport, energy, mining and communications will be merged into a new infrastructure ministry. (It appears that the Ministry of Culture and the Ministry of Women, Gender and Diversity will be dissolved entirely.)

Coming out on top after a runoff election against Argentina’s former economy minister Sergio Massa, Miley is keen to show her supporters she is serious about austerity measures. The self-described “anarcho-capitalist” cut widespread subsidies for gas and electricity and canceled public projects, considering these actions necessary to bring Argentina’s economy under control. Additionally, Miley announced a plan to devalue the Argentine peso against the dollar to half its current value in an effort to prevent hyperinflation, a move lauded by the International Monetary Fund, which has held Argentina’s debt to the tune of $40 billion. More is due. Prices in Argentina have more than doubled in the past year, and 40% of the population lives below the poverty line.

Although Miley’s actions are presented as economic policy, they are also a means of exerting control. A fan of Donald Trump and Jair Bolsonaro (former presidents of the US and Brazil, respectively), Miley has a history of blustering, ignoring reporters, and promoting far-right views on issues such as abortion, immigration, climate change, and gun ownership. He also regularly attacks his political rivals, labeling socialists “trash” and “human excrement”. (Bolsonaro also fired his country’s cultural ministry when he took office, and Trump congratulated Miley on her victory, saying he would “make Argentina great again”.)

Miley has referred to his country’s Ministry of Education as “the Ministry of Education”, and his disparaging view of the arts and humanities extends back to history – to the public accounts of those executed and disappeared by Argentina’s 1970s military junta. Casting doubt on the numbers and mocking human rights activists. Miley’s vice president, Victoria Villarruel, a regular supporter of the junta, in September called for a tribute to the “victims” of leftist groups of the 1970s and the dismantling of the ESMA Museum and Memory Site in Buenos Aires. , a former junta prison and torture center, has recently been named a UNESCO World Heritage Site.

Source: www.theartnewspaper.com

He has leveraged emergency decrees and omnibus bills to bypass legislative scrutiny, repealing over 300 laws to expedite privatization and deregulation, raising concerns about democratic accountability.

Milei’s labor market reforms, such as deregulating labor laws and reducing worker protections, have sparked widespread protests and union strikes against perceived threats to job security.

Title:

Content: Global Economic News
Millie's attempts to liberalize Argentina's economy
366 rules changed, including privatization, housing and work
Demonstration in Argentina against the decree of President Javier Milli.
"E.B.A."
Last week, Argentina ’ s libertarian president, Javier Milley, issued a sweeping decree to change or abolish 366 economic rules in a country accustomed to heavy government intervention in the market.
The move is the first of its kind in Argentina ’ s history, as none of its democratically elected presidents has attempted such a massive dismantling of the system.
That ’ s exactly what Milley promised during his election campaign, waving a chainsaw to symbolize his attempt to cut public spending as Argentina struggles with three-figure inflation after decades of fiscal mismanagement.
However, according to Argentine law, Congress still has the power to flood Melli ’ s program.
Change of daily life
Ten days after taking office, and on the eve of the holidays, Milley presented his "necessary and urgent" decree to loosen some of the rules governing the country's economy, where annual inflation has reached 160 percent.
One big change will be the removal of all restrictions between tenant and landlord, such as laws on increasing rents.
In recent years, landlords have increasingly priced their properties in dollars to avoid falling into the rental income trap that has long been overtaken by rising inflation.
This was a nightmare for tenants in a country where access to the dollar was tightly controlled.
Melli ’ s plan also loosened labor laws, increasing the probation period for new employees from three to eight months.
Compensation for Groundless Dismissal Laws have been amended in the interest of companies, and plans are being made to renegotiate labor agreements in force since 1975.
He also lifted export restrictions and said the internet market would be liberalized.
Milley also abandoned rules preventing the privatization of government institutions, already setting his sights on the national airline and the oil company.
He also moved to limit the right to strike enshrined in the constitution.
Purpose of the decree
Milley, a figure whose rise to the country ’ s highest office surprised most observers, blames the interventionist and protectionist policies of previous governments for stifling the economy.
Before the decree was announced, the new government had already devalued the Argentine peso by more than 50 percent and announced massive cuts in generous government subsidies for fuel and transportation starting in January.
“The goal is to begin the process of rebuilding the country, restoring the freedom and independence of individuals and beginning to dismantle the vast amount of systems that have halted and hindered economic growth, ” Milley said.
One protester said: "There may be people with Stockholm syndrome.
They are fascinated by a model that impoverishes them. ”
The opposition, who was recently ousted from the government, criticized Milley for the decree, seeing it as a way to overcome his lack of a majority in Congress.
Miley Libertad Avanza, who is only two years old, has only 40 of the 257 seats in the House of Representatives and seven of the 72 seats in the Senate.
German Martinez, speaker of the parliament of the Peronist coalition, said: "Uniting for the homeland is not the right way.
They sent the reforms as bills.
“Don ’ t be afraid of democratic debate. ”
Constitutional lawyer Emiliano Vitaliani said the country's highest laws state that "in principle laws cannot be amended by decree and the president cannot replace Congress."
Political scientist Lara Guiboro said the resolution "crosses all boundaries and rules out many issues that need political agreements from Congress and the provinces."
Vitalini said the decree could be revoked if it was rejected by both houses of Congress.
Otherwise it will come into force on December 29.
Constitutional lawyer Alejandro Carrillo said in an article in the Lanacion newspaper that "the president has made a very big bet, and his success will depend on his ability to obtain legislative support that is not yet known."
It comes at a time when Argentina is stuck in the grip of an economic crisis with the highest inflation in 30 years.
Cecilia Rojas is searching every store in the vast city of Buenos Aires to find affordable gifts for her children for what is expected to be a bleak Christmas day this year as Argentina faces its worst economic crisis in decades.
Rojas, 47, said: “Before, I used to buy from a well-known toy chain, but now I ’ m looking at smaller stores nearby to find a better price.
Rojas, a psychologist, has two sons, one aged 17 and the other eight.
This year, they will each receive one gift, knowing that they have received many gifts in previous years. ”
Argentina ends the year with the highest inflation rate in the past 30 years, over 160 percent year-on-year.
The 50 percent devaluation of the peso, approved by the government of liberal President Javier Milley on Dec. 12 two days after taking office, has led to a new price spike in a country where more than 40 percent of the population is poor.
Games prices have risen by 110 to 230 percent this year, according to figures from the Argentine Chamber of Gaming Industry.
Thus, shoppers on Christmas Day should be patient and seasoned.
Ogostina Jago, a 23-year-old mother of four, said: "If you walk a little, you can find the same product in different stores at different prices."
"This year, we will buy him a gift thanks to the help we get from grandmothers and fortunately, there are many of them."
The country is also under the brunt of the radical measures of President Javier Mille ’ s new government, which has issued hundreds of decrees to revive the ailing economy.
Milley, who has pledged to cut government spending, also announced deep cuts in subsidies on fuel and the transport sector starting in January.
His government also scrapped a programme to control the prices of some goods introduced by the previous government to try to soften the impact of inflation.
Milley warned that the country was on the brink of hyperinflation and that things would get worse before they began to improve.
Alexandra Mazi, a 49-year-old schoolteacher who took part in a protest against the new measures, said: “They are starving people, using policies that have been applied in the past and have not worked, and all they are doing is impoverishing the working class. ”
Milley ’ s government has forced organizers of its first protest to pay tens of thousands of dollars to cover the cost of deploying security forces to protect it.
Euronews reported that thousands of people took part in a demonstration on Wednesday against Milley ’ s austerity measures and to commemorate the bloody 2001 protests that followed the country ’ s economic collapse.
Government spokesman Manuel Adorney said the cost of the massive deployment of police and riot police was 60 million pesos ($73,000 at the official exchange rate).
“The bill will be sent to social movements ” as they“ bear responsibility for the cost that should not be borne by citizens, ” he said.
Publish it.
More Economic News - Global

How will Milei's reforms impact workers?

Who has opposed Milei's proposed layoff order?

His foreign policy emphasizes alignment with the United States and Israel while distancing Argentina from China and Brazil, signaling a shift towards Western alliances and free-market principles.

Title:

Content: Two events and an indication that took place last week suggest that there is a new rise of the extreme right in the world, from Europe and the United States to South America.
The three events are the electoral rise of the Dutch far-right Freedom Party, then the victory of the extremist Javier Milley in the presidency of Argentina, and the third indicator is the continued rise and lead of Donald Trump in the opinion polls.
The right-wing Freedom Party won 37 seats in the Dutch parliament, more than double its share, and will therefore have the upper hand in forming a government.
Geert Wilders, 60, founded his party in 2006 with the aim of defending Dutch, not European, culture and identity.
One of the party ’ s most important slogans is to fight against immigrants, especially Arabs, and it has called Moroccan immigrants “scum ” and organized competitions for cartoons offensive to the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), and vowed to ban the Koran, mosques and the hijab.
He pledged to stop the tsunami of asylum seekers, impose strict controls to “protect Dutch identity and values ” and deport Syrian migrants.
He is also skeptical of the European Union and considers Brussels and its excessive bureaucracy a threat to national sovereignty, calling for greater control over laws, borders and economic policies and pledging to hold a referendum on his country ’ s remaining in the bloc.
The Freedom Party says it is a great friend of the only democracy in the Middle East, Israel, and that relationship will be strengthened by moving the embassy to Jerusalem and closing the Dutch cultural center in Ramallah.
The second important event was the victory of Javier Milley as president of Argentina, whose basic policies are almost identical to those of the Freedom Party in the Netherlands and other far-right forces and parties in the world.
He said his first foreign visit would be to the United States and he would meet with a number of Jewish rabbis there, because he follows their teachings.
The second visit will be to Israel, pledging to move his country ’ s embassy to occupied Jerusalem, and his foreign policy will focus on cooperation with the “American-Israeli axis ” and will not negotiate with leftist regimes such as Brazil and China.
The first to congratulate him was also the right-wing former Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro.
Milley pledged to deal in the US dollar, abolish the central bank, abolish the health and education ministries, and privatize some major public companies.
But the irony is that the new president ’ s party, Freedom Advances, did not get any of the governors ’ posts, which are dominated by the Peronist movement, and he was also remarkable for saying that his country would not participate in the BRICS and did not intend to work with Russia, China and communist countries.
Millie also said he admired Trump and the latter said he would attend his inauguration.
The third indicator is that opinion polls indicate that Donald Trump is ahead of all potential challengers in the presidential election late next year.
A recent Harvard Center poll with The Hill found that Trump had 48 percent of respondents compared to 41 percent for current president Joe Biden, and even the uncertain 11 percent, when asked again, 53 percent said they would vote for Trump and 47 percent for Biden.
In November, a New York Times poll showed that Trump was five points ahead of Biden in Arizona, six in Georgia, five in Michigan, 10 in Nevada and four in Pennsylvania, while Biden was just two points ahead of Trump in Wisconsin.
From the previous events and indicators, it can be concluded in principle that with the sharp polarization in international relations, the severe economic crisis resulting from the Coronavirus epidemic, the Russian-Ukrainian war, inflation, recession and the Israeli attack on Gaza, the rise of far-right forces will continue in many countries of the world, especially Europe, especially the eastern side.
This means that in the next stage, the world will come to periods of intense polarization, conflicts and possibly wars.

What are some of the "liberal democracies" that the Milei administration prioritizes partnerships?

Milei’s controversial reforms have deepened political polarization, with supporters viewing them as necessary for economic revival and critics arguing they exacerbate inequality and undermine democratic norms.

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Argentina’s Javier Milei Is Looking To Bluff His Political Rivals

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And just like that, Argentina’s ultra-libertarian president, Javier Milei, sent the whole socio-political-economic ecosystem into disarray

Praised for his moderation and pragmatism during the first few weeks of his presidency, the self-proclaimed anarcho-capitalist has now put in place a series of controversial measures which have divided public opinion, generating a new iteration of Argentina’s infamous “grieta,” our very own version of the polarization that has now become the norm across the so-called ‘Western World.’ But, it’s no longer about the antagonism between Kirchnerites and their opponents, mainly represented by Mauricio Macri and the Juntos por el Cambio coalition, but about those blindly in favor of the wild-haired economist and those denouncing his every move as a diabolic, anti-democratic part of a ferocious plan to tear down the tenets of Argentine society.

Both sides seem to agree that he is executing a carefully crafted plan that will either elevate Argentina back to the lost status of “global power” of the late 19th century or ravage the nation in order put it on the chopping-block and conduct a fire sale to hand over the crown jewels to global financial elites. Those with access to the Casa Rosada tell a different story though, one of amateurism and incomplete staffing that would suggest the La Libertad Avanza coalition is acting more out of necessity than Machiavellian genius.

Milei finally broke out of his honeymoon period with those who didn’t vote for him after launching a massive package of reforms through a “decreto de necesidad y urgencia,” an emergency decree (DNU) which has become the standard practice for presidents seeking to bypass Congress and is generally used for less ambitious projects. The DNU is truly massive, with 366 articles including the repeal of multiple laws which call into question the constitutionality of the measure, even if governing via DNU is already contrary to the spirit of the Constitution and something that has happened in each of the last several administrations. It was quickly followed by the Omnibus law, equally as massive in its scope and ambition, and its capacitiy to divide the political field.

Put together by liberal economist Federico Sturzenegger, who ran the Central Bank under Macri and helds no role in the Milei-Villaruel administration until after the project was presented, the “mega-decree” was announced by national (and obligatory) broadcast several weeks in a dramatic scene that had Milei as the protagonist in the foreground and his whole team standing behind, statue-like, as the president read sternly.

Earlier that day they had scored a political victory with Security Minister Patricia Bullrich’s “anti-picket” protocol making its debut, effectively diluting the first public protest against the government. Some reports indicated there was more security than 'piquetero' protesters. Weeks later, the General Confederation of Labor united the pan-Peronist opposition in a massive march that managed to remain cordial, respecting Bullrich's protocol by trying to show political muscle in the streets.

The reform package conformed by DNU and Omnibus bill immediately generated the reaction of Milei's political opponents, along with a substantial portion of the population who took to the streets for a traditional “cacerolazo,” a protests with pots and pans reminiscent of the worst days of the 2001 crisis. There are no coincidences. Congressional leaders from the pan-Peronist Unión por la Patria coalition spoke with union strongmen from the General Confederation of Labor (CGT) umbrella union group. Members of the Unión Cívica Radical (UCR) warned of unconstitutionality and specialist lawyers indicated Milei was trampling all over the Constitution by failing to respect the separation of powers. Buenos Aires Province governor Axel Kicillof, probably the leading member of the Peronist opposition, and his government decided to ignore Bullrich’s “anti-picket” protocol claiming it violated the constitutional right to protest. A few weeks before, Economy Minister Luis ‘Toto’ Caputo unveiled the government’s initial economic plan, generating a similar reaction in the political field which didn’t seem to make its way to the general population. The situation is beginning to change and as the actual implications of the Milei administration’s actions make an impact, social and political actors will begin to respond.

There should be few doubts that one of the strongest points of La Libertad Avanza’s electoral strategy had to do with communications, particularly on social media. These early moves suggest they will try and double down, betting on the use of their skills to try and compensate for the lack of political support, despite a strong victory over both Sergio Massa and the Peronists, and Bullrich and Juntos por el Cambio. Toto Caputo, however, is known to be particularly uncomfortable with the media. His pre-recorded message several weeks ago announcing tough economic measures — many of which contradicted Milei’s campaign promises, particularly tax hikes — was delayed several times reportedly due to the need for multiple takes and Milei’s direct involvement (or maybe indirectly through sister Karina). The second measure he announced, for example, was a year-long reduction of government advertising to zero – a direct strike to the beleaguered media industry and a measure that has practically zero impact on the deficit but high popular approval. The over-dramatization of the security operation to contain a moderate-to-small protest early into the presidency, together with pictures of Milei and Bullrich supervising from police headquarters, allowed them to take advantage of the far-left Partido Obrero to score an easy win and show his electorate that they can control the streets. Yet, controlling a couple of thousand protesters is one thing. The CGT protest that brought together the political and social power of the unions remained under control, and that's a win for the government, but it was a political protest. If the middle class begins to lose its temper, and expectations, Milei could face a much more difficult scenario.

The “basis for the reconstruction of the Argentine economy” reform package could be another attempt to win the communications game and take the spotlight to appear active in the eyes of the public opinion. With absolute minorities in both chambers of Congress and several controversial reforms included in a massive package passed by Milei’s mega-DNU, it's difficult to imagine that it will quickly pass in the Chamber of Deputies, despite an early win at the commission level with the help of the former Juntos por el Cambio coalition. Furthermore, several interest groups are putting together legal arguments to dispute the issue in court, especially the labor reform which has been stayed. It could quickly make its way to a Supreme Court that has already proven eager to interject politically.

Ultimately, most, if not all, of the regulations, laws, and measures included in the decree will have to make their way through Congress and will therefore be subject to negotiations and amendments. Yet, Milei has shown initiative and wants to maintain, or extend, the popular support which took him to victory in the run-off and has already generated a circumstantial majority in the Senate to defeat the Peronist caucus and at the commissions to get the Omnibus bill past the first obstacle.

There are risks that the ultra-libertarian could prove authoritarian and anti-democratic. He’s shown some of that in the past, particularly by claiming he would govern by plebiscite if he didn’t have the support of Congress (something Hugo Chávez did to amend the Venezuelan constitution) and by picking a dictatorship denialist as his running-mate. Many of his detractors have pointed to signs that suggest Argentina could descend into a state of totalitarianism, and this emergency decree fuels their suspicion.

It’s not clear whether the conditions for such a situation are in place. For now, he seems to be bluffing his political opponents. We’ll see if someone calls his hand.

This piece was originally published in the Buenos Aires Times, Argentina's only English-language newspaper.

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The long-term implications of Milei’s agenda include risks to institutional stability, as his reliance on executive powers and radical reforms may weaken democratic processes and societal cohesion.