Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud, the crown prince of Saudi Arabia, introduced the 2030 vision, a strategic framework aimed at reducing the kingdom's dependence on oil and diversifying its economy.

"Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud, also known as MBS, is the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia who introduced the 2030 vision, aiming to enable the Kingdom to move forward towards a better future through sustainable economic growth and development capabilities."

Saudi Arabia's 2030 vision, led by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, aims to diversify the economy, reduce oil dependence, and improve the quality of life by building a secure and healthy society.

The comprehensive plan for Saudi Arabia's development under MBS is known as Vision 2030, aiming to reduce dependence on oil and diversify the economy.

Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud's 2030 vision focuses on economic development, modernization, and diversification, with the goal of building Saudi Arabia into a global economic hub.

Mohammed bin Salman launched Saudi Arabia's 2030 vision in 2016.

Mohammed bin Salman's plan for Saudi Arabia's development is Vision 2030, which aims to implement structural reforms in the financial and economic sectors and has achieved remarkable progress since its launch.

The main economic goal of MBS's 2030 vision is to diversify the economy and reduce dependence on crude oil revenue by developing public service sectors.

King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud is supporting MBS's vision for Saudi Arabia's future, as evident from their joint efforts in the Saudi Vision 2030.

Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud, also known as MBS, is the leader of the reform and development efforts in Saudi Arabia, introducing significant social and economic reforms since his appointment as crown prince in 2017.

The industrial sector is a key focus of MBS's economic reforms, aiming to diversify the industrial base and value chains.

Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud, the crown prince of Saudi Arabia, introduced the 2030 vision, a strategic framework aimed at reducing the kingdom's dependence on oil and diversifying its economy.

Title:

Content: Biden's visit: Who will lose and who will gain? - analysis

In general, the points of agreement between Washington and Riyadh transcend the contentious issues between the two countries.

PRIME MINISTER Yair Lapid leads the weekly cabinet meeting at the Prime Minister’s Office in Jerusalem, on Sunday. ‘There is a list of target countries. Saudi Arabia is first among them,’ says Lapid, referring to expanding the Abraham Accords.
(photo credit: MARC ISRAEL SELLEM)

Much has been written about what President Joe Biden seeks to gain from his July 15 visit to Saudi Arabia (KSA), yet very little attention has been paid to what the kingdom seeks to gain. And therein lies the problem: the failure to recognize that Arab-Western relations is no longer a one-way street. US Secretary of State Antony Blinken and British Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s earlier visits failed when they asked for Saudi help but offered nothing in return. If Biden does not learn from prior mistakes, he will return, as Blinken and Johnson did, empty-handed.

What Biden stands to lose

Simply stated, America needs the assistance of Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (AEU) at least as much as they need US support. With the midterm elections approaching, lowering inflation and gas prices are top priorities. His failure to bring both under control could mean a Republican-controlled Congress and the Democrats losing the White House, in 2024.

Biden recently began attacking American energy companies for not using their record profits to drill for more oil. Still, building more oil rigs will not be enough. The West needs Saudi Arabia and the UAE to increase their oil production by millions of barrels a day to help lower prices and reduce Europe’s dependence on Russian oil.

Both countries can also play a strategic role in alleviating conflicts involving America, Europe, Russia, and China. Both Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed wield influence with Russia through its membership in OPEC+ and with China through its Belt and Road Initiative, which requires that Beijing maintain excellent relations with its Middle East partners.

THEN-SAUDI CROWN PRINCE Abdullah (left) chats with his foreign minister, Prince Saud al-Faisal at the end session of an Arab summit held in Beirut, in 2002. The summit unanimously endorsed a Saudi-inspired plan for Middle East peace. (credit: MOHAMED AZAKIR/REUTERS)

Yet, without a serious American commitment to ensuring their security and interests, it will continue to be in the best interests of both Arab leaders to remain neutral.

What Saudi Arabia hopes to gain

Under the crown prince’s leadership, the kingdom launched Vision 2030, a strategic framework to reduce its dependence on oil, diversify its economy, and develop public service sectors, such as health, education, infrastructure, recreation and tourism. Just as the kingdom recognizes how important US support is to Vision 2030’s success, it is critical that the US recognizes the opportunities this initiative offers for a long and stable relationship with the kingdom.

Arab-Israeli conflict

This is undoubtedly the most prominent issue that will be discussed at the July meeting. Biden, who will fly directly from Israel to Saudi Arabia, is expected to deliver ideas or outright proposals on behalf of the Israelis for opening a negotiation route between Riyadh and Tel Aviv.

Israel wants more Arab countries to join the Abraham Accords club, whose members already include the UAE, Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco. “There is a list of target countries. Saudi Arabia is first among them,” then-Israeli Foreign Minister Yair Lapid, who now also serves as prime minister to Israel’s interim government, recently declared.The kingdom supports the agreement to normalize diplomatic relations with Israel but made it clear it would not do so unless there was serious progress in the Israeli-Palestinian peace process. It wants an equitable two state solution that establishes a Palestinian state with 1967’s internationally recognized borders, encompassing the West Bank, Gaza and east Jerusalem, as well as Israel’s withdrawal from the Syrian Golan Heights.

Though a Saudi-Israeli agreement based on these conditions is unlikely, preliminary mediation efforts could lead to the first steps between Riyadh and Tel Aviv towards an economic partnership, unrestricted Israeli passage through the kingdom’s airspace, as well as direct flights for Muslim pilgrims from Israel and the territories into Mecca, and a US-led regional military alliance to curb Iranian aggression.

Iran

On this last point, the subject of a Middle Eastern NATO will also be discussed, especially since bipartisan legislation introduced in Congress, on June 9, supports the integration of air defense capabilities among the US, Israel, Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries, Iraq, Jordan, and Egypt, to counter ballistic missile and other airborne threats from Iran and its network of regional proxies.

Building a new system of containment and deterrence against Iran will create a new approach to dealing with organizations such as Hamas; a renewed spirit of cooperation in cultural, commercial, and other fields that would help raise the region’s standards of living and thus disincentivize disenfranchised youths from joining extremist organizations; and a fruitful environment for diplomatic talks between Israel and the Palestinian Authority that has the strong support of all the Gulf states, including Egypt, Jordan, Turkey, and Morocco.

Yemen

Since the Houthis, funded and trained by Iran, seized Yemen’s capital city and large areas of the country in 2014, the nation has been plunged into what the United Nations describes as “the largest humanitarian crisis in the world.” In 2015, Saudi Arabia led a military operation to defeat the Houthis, with help from president Barack Obama, who expedited the sale of US weapons to the kingdom and shared intelligence information. Even then, the US attitude toward the kingdom was dismissive and condescending.

For example, two months before Biden appointed him US special envoy for Iran, in 2021, Robert Malley co-authored an article that summarized the Obama administration’s attitude toward the US-Saudi alliance with this quote from a unnamed senior Obama official: “We knew we might be getting into a car with a drunk driver.”Having labeled America’s most powerful ally in the Middle East a pariah, Biden vowed to end US support for the kingdom, including arms sales, within weeks of being sworn in as president, even though, as he pointed out, “Saudi Arabia faces missile attacks, UAV strikes and other threats from Iranian-supplied forces in multiple countries.”

After Biden removed their designation as a terrorist group, the emboldened Houthis rejected a UN-backed truce proposal that the kingdom had accepted and instead increased the boldness of their attacks on both countries.Determined to move the peace process forward, Salman convinced Yemeni President Abed Rabbo Mansour Hadi to resign in April and be replaced with a council of eight representatives of different Yemeni groups. Later that month, the council signed off on a UN truce agreement with the Houthis. Having (presumably) learned a valuable lesson, Biden praised KSA’s “courageous leadership.”

Syria

Not for the sake of politics or the regime, but for the sake of the Syrian people who are dying from lack of clean water, medicine, food, and electricity, the international community led by the United States must establish relations with President Bashar al-Assad to address this humanitarian crisis.

Moreover, US support for Syria’s return to the Arab fold is a necessary prelude to bringing peace to the region for there can be no lasting peace without Syria. The Syrian leadership gives priority to its Arab relations – especially the Gulf states, Jordan, and Egypt – over any other alliance, including Russia and Iran. Therefore, the West should support the efforts of Arab leaders to restore communication channels with Damascus, and trust the KSA, UAE, Jordan, and Egypt to start the negotiations. After all, everything has been tried except direct negotiation – and Damascus is ready today more than ever before.

Common Ground

In general, the points of agreement between Washington and Riyadh transcend the contentious issues between the two countries. Both agree on the necessity of building peace in the Middle East, a two-state solution to the Palestinian cause and ending Tehran’s development of nuclear weapons, as well as its financing and arming extremist militias intent on overthrowing Arab countries and destroying the Israel.

The US and Saudi Arabia need one another’s support equally. If approached respectfully, the Biden visit can lead to the establishment of a new basis for Arab action in helping resolving the complex, multifaceted issues in the Middle East and international affairs. If so, history will record that the US’s renewed its partnership with Saudi Arabia, helped the world avoid the scourge of a new world war and saved millions of lives.

The writer, a Jordanian entrepreneur and chairman of Strategiecs Think Tank in Jordan, is a weekly columnist for two major Arab newspapers.

What are some of the key goals of Vision 2030 for society and economy?

What are the main goals of the 2016- launched Vision 2030?

To lessen reliance on oil.
To diversify Saudi Arabia's economy

What has MBS done since becoming Crown Prince in Saudi Arabia?

"Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud, also known as MBS, is the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia who introduced the 2030 vision, aiming to enable the Kingdom to move forward towards a better future through sustainable economic growth and development capabilities."

Title:

Content: RIYADH — Saudi Crown Prince and Prime Minister Mohammed bin Salman highlighted the remarkable achievements made by Saudi Arabia ever since the launch of its Vision 2030 and the government’s relentless efforts to implement structural reforms in the financial and economic sectors. The Crown Prince, who is also chairman of the Council of Economic and Development Affairs, said this in a statement issued on the occasion of the approval of the state’s general budget for the fiscal year 2024 by the Council of Ministers on Wednesday.

Prince Mohammed bin Salman underscored that the Kingdom is witnessing sustainable economic growth in light of the great development capabilities and opportunities that the Kingdom enjoys within the framework of the Vision 2030 to enable it to move forward towards a better future worthy of its status in accordance with the directives of Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman. “This produced a clear and prominent impact on the growth of the gross domestic product (GDP) of non-oil sectors.”

The Crown Prince affirmed the commitment made by the government in the budget for the fiscal year 2024 so as to enhance economic growth through the expansion of government spending. “The budget figures announced by King Salman come supportive and enabling many programs and initiatives. These include investments to strengthen infrastructure, raise the quality of services provided to citizens, expatriates and visitors, in addition to developing promising economic sectors, enhancing investment attraction, stimulating industries, and raising the proportion of local content and non-oil Saudi exports,” he said while praising the effective and important role of the Public Investment Fund (PIF) and the National Development Fund.

The Crown Prince emphasized that work would continue to develop the Kingdom’s public financial performance, by increasing financial capacity and building government reserves, in a way that enhances the capacity of the Kingdom’s economy, maintains sustainable levels of public debt, and enables it to confront any developments or crises that may arise in the future. “The increase in spending is mainly due to the government’s keenness to continue developing the level of public services provided to citizens, expatriates and visitors, as well as to implement many projects and expand spending on sectoral and regional development strategies that would achieve positive structural changes, leading to expanding and diversifying the economic base,” he said.

The Crown Prince stressed the government’s keenness on developing and strengthening partnership with the private sector so as to enable and motivate it to play its major role in achieving economic diversification, as far as to enable the labor market to absorb more of the Saudi workforce, create job opportunities in the labor market and reduce unemployment rates among Saudis. “The total number of Saudis in the labor market this year jumped to 2.3 million, in addition to improving the investment environment to be an attractive environment that contributes to raising the proportion of domestic and foreign investment, developing non-oil exports and improving the non-oil trade balance of payments,” he said.

The Crown Prince emphasized that the journey of economic diversification continues through supporting promising sectors, as the Kingdom works to raise tourism targets to 150 million visitors internally and externally by 2030 in addition to building an effective sports sector through the “Investment and Privatization Project for Sports Clubs,” in order to achieve the goals of the Vision 2030 in the sports sector, as these sectors are witnessing rapid growth and providing diverse opportunities.

Prince Mohammed bin Salman reiterated the Kingdom’s determination to develop its industrial sector, as it is one of the most important vital sectors in the Saudi economy, by diversifying the industrial base and value chains through the “National Strategy for Industry'', which focuses on 12 sub-sectors to diversify the industrial economy and raise the industrial domestic product by around three times compared to the year 2020, reaching SR895 billion in 2030 to be a major contributor to the development of non-oil exports. This is in integration with the important role of the PIF as it is the investment arm that contributes and complements the efforts undertaken by the government in diversifying the economy, and the pivotal role of the National Development Fund and its affiliated funds in providing concessional financing to the private sector, he pointed out.

Speaking about the pivotal and leadership role of the Kingdom, the Crown Prince stressed the Kingdom’s role regionally and internationally, and its endeavor to ensure that the countries of the world enjoy security and stability, as they are the main factors for development and prosperity, and its keenness to develop and stabilize supply and value chains in a way that serves the development and economic prosperity of all countries of the world.

The Crown Prince stressed the Kingdom’s determination to continue the development momentum during the coming year and in the medium and long term with boosting the attractiveness of the Kingdom’s economy as a base for local and foreign investments besides diversifying the economy through the development of all economic sectors.

© Copyright 2022 The Saudi Gazette. All Rights Reserved. Provided by SyndiGate Media Inc. (Syndigate.info).

What are some of the key goals of Vision 2030 for society and economy?

What are the main goals of the 2016- launched Vision 2030?

To lessen reliance on oil.
To diversify Saudi Arabia's economy

What has MBS done since becoming Crown Prince in Saudi Arabia?

Saudi Arabia's 2030 vision, led by Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, aims to diversify the economy, reduce oil dependence, and improve the quality of life by building a secure and healthy society.

Title:

Content: Can China Deliver In Middle East? – Analysis

By

By Kabir Taneja*

As the foreign ministers of Saudi Arabia and Iran met in China to commence a thaw in relations, Beijing has positioned itself as an ‘alternate’ power, keeping a policy of cooperation, consultation, and non-interventionism at the forefront. With serious discussions over the conflict in Yemen now underway, can China deliver as a mediator and peacemaker in West Asia?

Beijing clearly puts a lot of weight behind the success of this initiative, as it leverages its rapidly growing relations with Tehran and Riyadh while marketing itself as a power standing for peace and stability. The fact that Wang Yi, former foreign minister and now Director of the Chinese Communist Party’s Foreign Affairs Commission, was present last month with lower-ranking representatives of Saudi Arabia and Iran to announce the resumption of diplomatic ties between the two, showcased the weight that China was willing to put behind this exercise. In a world where Beijing is increasingly seen as a disruptor, this offered a moment of statesmanship for President Xi Jinping in a geography where, until now, the West has been the traditionally dominant external influence.

However, a fundamental question remains: Can China truly deliver? It is one thing to strategically benefit from the work done by the Western and regional states when it comes to building dialogue in the region, but another to be a guarantor of that dialogue, and to intricately place oneself as a fulcrum of power both politically, and by association, militarily. For a long time, Beijing has maintained a similar policy towards West Asia as India, i.e., of not interfering in inter-regional politics. In fact, China has been a critic of American interventionism, not only from a tactical point of view such as the war in Iraq, but strategic as well, disagreeing with Washington’s designs of pushing and tugging on regional leaders for them to align with American strategic thinking. Today, Beijing markets its assistance in the region without such strings attached, with promises of vast economic cooperation without ethical or value-based demands that substitute economic or military assistance. This is an attractive proposition to many in the region.

The Saudis started to drift away from the United States (US) not long after heir-apparent Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (also known as MbS) stamped his authority over the House of Saud. The Crown Prince, only in his late 30s, has a massive agenda in mind. He aims to build the Kingdom into a global economic hub that is not exclusively reliant on oil. For this, MbS needs access to global markets, particularly Asian markets, and even more so, China’s US$18 trillion economy. Aramco, Saudi Arabia’s state-run oil company, posted a profit standing at US$ 161.1 billion for 2022. Some estimates suggest this is the highest profit posted by any corporate in modern history. This came on the back of Riyadh’s close cooperation with an embattled Moscow through the OPEC+ mechanism, much to the dismay of the White House.

MbS orchestrated the above by using the fault lines in Riyadh’s relations with Washington D.C., his own ruptures with the American Democrats, and the Ukraine crisis that has brought forward a great power competition. In the event of a fallout, both the Saudis and Iranians will lose face, but otherwise, lose little. Beijing, on the other hand, would lose much more—both a perception of its role in bringing ‘peace’ in a traditionally conflict-riddled region and a setback to Chinese power projection. China, at the end of the day, has brought the two parties to agree to open embassies, which were shut down in 2016 over Saudi Arabia’s decision to execute a prominent Shia cleric. A move towards this was already in play, with regional actors such as Iraq and Oman facilitating talks between the two parties.

The narrative of a diplomatic coup having been orchestrated did not come as a difficult one for China. In fact, Beijing only platformed an ongoing process while Saudi Arabia leveraged China’s good relations with Tehran to push a struggling Iran into agreeing towards potential normalcy, something the US could not have done. Reports also suggested that Iran’s Supreme Leader, Ayatollah Khamenei, was frustrated at the lack of progress over normalisation talks in the past two years, giving both Riyadh and Beijing a pressure point to work with. This also fed into a larger discontent in the Arab world over Washington’s nonchalance on the seriousness of a fast-developing threat from Iran while simultaneously isolating another regional power, Israel, which was hoping to rope in MbS into the Abraham Accords architecture.

Despite the diplomatic normalisation progressing positively up until now, fundamental issues that divide Saudi Arabia and Iran will remain. While theological and ideological rapprochement is unrealistic, geopolitical fissures such as the war in Yemen, the role of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) in supporting militias in places such as Syria and Lebanon, and peace and stability across the Strait of Hormuz remain up in the air for now. Ending the war in Yemen will be the litmus test. Ceasefire agreements of the past had failed to hold, and the regional countries brokering talks today also tried the same back then. The only new player on the chessboard is China.

Beijing’s victory here is that of offering a table to sit across with no strings attached. It looks at both the Arab states and Iran as big business opportunities; and as the US tightens the screws around the rise of China, the middle powers are hedging their bets to secure long-term interests. The question remains: Is China willing, and able, to play the role of the traditional superpower? Is it willing to be a political and military guarantor? We are set to get answers to these questions soon.

*About the author: Kabir Taneja is a Fellow with Strategic Studies programme. His research focuses on India’s relations with West Asia, specifically looking at the domestic political dynamics, terrorism, non-state militant actors and the general security paradigm of the region.

Source: This article was published by Observer Research Foundation

Observer Research Foundation

ORF was established on 5 September 1990 as a private, not for profit, ’think tank’ to influence public policy formulation. The Foundation brought together, for the first time, leading Indian economists and policymakers to present An Agenda for Economic Reforms in India. The idea was to help develop a consensus in favour of economic reforms.

What are some of the key goals of Vision 2030 for society and economy?

What are the main goals of the 2016- launched Vision 2030?

To lessen reliance on oil.
To diversify Saudi Arabia's economy

What has MBS done since becoming Crown Prince in Saudi Arabia?

The comprehensive plan for Saudi Arabia's development under MBS is known as Vision 2030, aiming to reduce dependence on oil and diversify the economy.

What are some of the key goals of Vision 2030 for society and economy?

What are the main goals of the 2016- launched Vision 2030?

To lessen reliance on oil.
To diversify Saudi Arabia's economy

What has MBS done since becoming Crown Prince in Saudi Arabia?

Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud's 2030 vision focuses on economic development, modernization, and diversification, with the goal of building Saudi Arabia into a global economic hub.

What are some of the key goals of Vision 2030 for society and economy?

modernize infrastructure
Diversify the economy from oil

What are the main goals of the 2016- launched Vision 2030?

To lessen reliance on oil.
To diversify Saudi Arabia's economy

What has MBS done since becoming Crown Prince in Saudi Arabia?

Mohammed bin Salman launched Saudi Arabia's 2030 vision in 2016.

Title:

Content: Extensive reforms in the Kingdom in 2022
Financial: The reforms of the Crown Prince have great support from the youth
2020-12-28 at 08: 16
The Citizen - Translated by Hala Abdulrahman
The Financial Times pointed out that the Kingdom is carrying out extensive reforms under the auspices of Crown Prince and Prime Minister Prince Mohammed bin Salman, in rapid steps that enjoy great support from the Kingdom ’ s youth.
Extensive repairs
The newspaper reported that the year 2022 witnessed extensive changes in the Kingdom, based on the ambitious Vision 2030 launched by the Crown Prince, and the year 2022, when Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, launched an important series of reforms.
These reforms include renewing and diversifying the economy to make it less dependent on oil and more open to other sources such as tourism.
The Kingdom is trying to attract young talent and Western companies in the face of growing global and regional competition, in addition to providing a more modern lifestyle.
Support for youth and women
The newspaper praised the elements of the empowerment of Saudi women and their inclusion in many fields and participation in many activities, which enabled them to achieve achievements at the local and regional level, while the Saudis welcomed these steps and enjoyed great popularity and support.
Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has received widespread support from Saudi youth.
The words of support and motivation for young people are always present in most of the speeches of the Crown Prince, which was evident during the launch of the National Intellectual Property Strategy, which is one of the possibilities to achieve the objectives of the Kingdom ’ s Vision 2030, aimed at building an intellectual property system that supports the economy based on innovation and creativity.
The real power.
“We have minds and energies that are passionate about innovation and creativity, and by enabling it, the Kingdom will be a fertile environment for the knowledge economy through an integrated intellectual property system that supports the development of innovative technologies and industries and contributes to the growth of enterprises.
In 2016, His Highness the Crown Prince announced the future vision of Saudi Arabia 2030, and Prince Mohammed bin Salman stressed that youth are the real force to achieve the national vision, which he believes will be achieved only through the Saudi youth, which is one of the most prominent advantages in Saudi Arabia.
Since then, Vision 2030 has placed youth as a pillar and roadmap to empower them, get out of the oil mantle, invest, and diversify economic incomes.

What are the main goals of the 2016- launched Vision 2030?

To lessen reliance on oil.
To diversify Saudi Arabia's economy

What has MBS done since becoming Crown Prince in Saudi Arabia?

Mohammed bin Salman's plan for Saudi Arabia's development is Vision 2030, which aims to implement structural reforms in the financial and economic sectors and has achieved remarkable progress since its launch.

To drive development in  financial services

What are some of the key goals of Vision 2030 for society and economy?

What are the main goals of the 2016- launched Vision 2030?

To lessen reliance on oil.
To diversify Saudi Arabia's economy

What has MBS done since becoming Crown Prince in Saudi Arabia?

The main economic goal of MBS's 2030 vision is to diversify the economy and reduce dependence on crude oil revenue by developing public service sectors.

What are some of the key goals of Vision 2030 for society and economy?

What are the main goals of the 2016- launched Vision 2030?

To lessen reliance on oil.
To diversify Saudi Arabia's economy

What has MBS done since becoming Crown Prince in Saudi Arabia?

King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud is supporting MBS's vision for Saudi Arabia's future, as evident from their joint efforts in the Saudi Vision 2030.

Title:

Content: "Al-Shamlan": The Saudi people are pleased with the founding day because they know that it represents the direct connection between history and reality
He told Sabq that the wise leadership has the stories of history, the lights of achievement and the masterpieces of foresight and remembrance
Journalist Mohammed bin Abdullah Al-Shamlan said that the people of Saudi Arabia are pleased with the anniversary of the founding day, because they know that it represents the direct living connection between history and reality, and because it is the fulfillment of the principles and values   lived by and for them Imam Mohammed bin Saud, the founder of the first Saudi state.
He is also pleased to know that the initiative of the celebration emanates from the loyalty of the loyal son King Salman bin Abdulaziz to the founders, who saved the work, and tortured the jihad and sacrifices in the service of their religion and homeland.
Journalist Mohammed bin Abdullah Al-Shamlan
He added that the Saudi people are also pleased because they realize that it is an initiative that translates into a real historical fact, which is that the greatest thing left by Imam Mohammed bin Saud after the principles and ideals are great men, who carried the honesty with honor, and continued to march with determination.
The position of the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud Al-Kabeer, today at the head of these men, is a guardian of the entity, a leader of the nation and a guardian of its interests.
Establishment step
Al-Shamlan pointed out in his speech to Al-Sabq that it is not strange for the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud to issue his noble order to celebrate the Day of Establishment, because he speaks of the history of a great founder, God willing to break the dispersion system, adopting the slogan of unity as a work not a word, and cooperation not deception.
He pointed out that Imam Muhammad ibn Saud ibn Muqrin - may Allah reward him and include him with his pardon and forgiveness - was putting at the forefront of his concerns to eliminate the political chaos that was in the Arabian Peninsula, as each town and region was in a relatively independent government, in a way that did not meet the minimum requirements for the establishment of any civilization or prosperity or culture.
He pointed out that those countries and regions were always fighting and wars between them, and the division and dispersion was its slogan, as some forces had influence on them; so he went to his Lord ask him for his help, and then he set off with men who share his faith and ambition, so he began his city "Diriyah", and united Shatriha, and made it under one rule, after the rule was divided between two centers, and achieved full political independence from any power external.
He added that the record of history recorded his keenness to settle in his region, and that the city overlooking the valley of Hanifa witnessed great stability and prosperity in various fields, and the imams of his sons when they thought good of them, so they carried the burden of responsibility, and maintained the fidelity of faith in God, and fidelity to his religion.
In Diriyah..
History and Future
Al-Shamlan said that Diriyah, the capital of the first Saudi state, has a place with King Salman, like no other place in the world, and the heart can only love him.
Captivate him with his culture, his race, his experience and his passion.
For King Salman and for the Saudis, it is like incense that spreads to penetrate around, and like the delicious aroma of coffee that we cannot resist, it never leaves the heart.
He added that "Diriyah, this wonderful place, the history, civilization and the allaq, the eternal song of all children and grandchildren, every stone in it speaks tales of heroism and glories, if you climb the highest high in the neighborhood of Tarif, you see a scene that you rarely find in the world, as this place sleeps in the bosom of a vibrant history, since before you in 1446 CE until now, where the place sparkles. All his streets, his alleys, his houses...
You see its ancient landmarks, such as: Al-Bujairi historical area, Samhan area, Gosaiba neighborhood, Samhan neighborhood..
You see the depth of history, and you hear the sound of swords and horse hooves, and it opens the place to Imam Muhammad bin Saud and Imam Muhammad bin Abdul Wahab; to be Diriyah present of the glory of the first Saudi state, and its capital.
You listen to the scriptures and you listen to the scriptures.
The writer considered what came six years ago, specifically in 2017, from the order of the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman to establish the Diriyah Gate Development Authority, linking the past with the present, and a practical lesson in love of the homeland and history.
The development and construction movement in Diriyah is now restless, and few projects await it from a developmental renaissance, outlined by King Salman, who has taken it upon himself to transform the place lying in the arms of history into a green paradise, highlighting it as a center for community and cultural activities, as well as enhancing its position as a leading international tourist destination to be one of the most important tourist gatherings in the world by offering art, music, fashion and entertainment to guests of all ages.
The battle of the future
The Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud and His Highness the Crown Prince His Royal Highness Prince Mohammed bin Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud have put prominent glimpses in the Saudi Vision 2030, following the approach of the founders to create the future for future generations through comprehensive change. It aims to achieve major transformations in the field of government work in our beloved country, its economy, trade and all sectors, expand its achievements map, raise its position at the international level in the field of economy and development, highlight the value and impact of its global partnerships, its strategic location, in addition to empowering women and youth, and improve the quality of life for all.
Praying...
February's joy.
At the end of his speech, Al-Shamlan called on God to preserve the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques King Salman bin Abdulaziz Al-Saud, and to preserve his Crown Prince as a support and support, and to have mercy on Imam Mohammed bin Saud, which promoted the teachings of Islam as a method of governance, and the strength of the state. Promising stability and good living, and generations in every field have not found a solid basis for reform, construction and reconstruction.
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Mohammed bin Salman Al Saud, also known as MBS, is the leader of the reform and development efforts in Saudi Arabia, introducing significant social and economic reforms since his appointment as crown prince in 2017.

Title:

Content: Magazine

Washington and the world

Opinion | Biden’s Saudi Arabia Opportunity

The president’s first trip to the Middle East offers a chance to make meaningful gains.

The U.S.-Saudi relationship has lately endured some of the worst tensions in its history. But President Joe Biden’s first visit to the Middle East next month, with stops in Israel and Saudi Arabia, offers a surprising opportunity — if both sides will take it.

A wide range of issues have stoked disagreement and mistrust between the longtime partners: Iran nuclear talks, the war in Yemen, the Saudi posture on U.S. rivals Russia and China, human rights (including the murder of Jamal Khashoggi), social reform in the Kingdom, oil production and prices, and the U.S. commitment to the Middle East.

That’s a lot to tackle in one presidential visit of perhaps 24 to 48 hours. As senior officials from both countries travel between Washington and Riyadh to lay the groundwork, they should be realistic about what is achievable. One principle that should guide preparations: Not all bilateral differences can be resolved at once. However tempting a grand bargain may be, the relationship is more likely to be repaired step-by-step.

What is most critical to address first? Each side has core strategic interests for which they need to see the other side demonstrate concern. Cementing a set of understandings around these issues would make a visit valuable, even while other disagreements remain.

For Saudi Arabia, the core strategic interest is ensuring its defense against the threat posed by the regime in Iran and its proxies, particularly the Houthis in Yemen, who, with Iranian backing, training and arms, have launched dozens of rockets against Saudi civilian targets. Closely related is the Saudis’ desire for confidence that the United States is committed to stopping Iran’s development of nuclear weapons and that Washington retains a strategic commitment to the Middle East and to its regional partners, even as it addresses other strategic priorities in the Indo-Pacific and Europe.

Here, Biden’s experience cultivating the close U.S.-Israel alliance, while also navigating real differences, is relevant. His career-long bond with Israelis is evidence that as long as one demonstrates clear understanding and empathy for a partner’s major security fears, it is possible to have very tough discussions on a range of topics and work through areas of disagreement.

Biden and Saudi leaders may not agree on returning to the Iran nuclear deal, for example; neither do Biden and Israeli Prime Minister Naftali Bennett (nor do the authors of this article, for that matter). One side sees the agreement as the least bad available alternative to buy the most time delaying Iran’s nuclear program, while the other side argues it only delays the inevitability of an even worse Iranian nuclear breakout and fuels Iran’s other regional aggressions through major sanctions relief.

The bridge to overcome this disagreement is to achieve understandings on what follows the nuclear talks, whether they collapse or result in a renewed nuclear deal. In either case, Iran’s implacable hostility can be expected to fuel escalation. Recognizing the severe threat Iran and its proxies will continue to pose to U.S. forces and partners necessitates clear U.S. commitments, underscored by its ongoing presence in the region: to assist in development of integrated regional air defenses; to sanction and designate Iranian entities engaged in terror and its ballistic missile and drone programs (even while the nuclear agreement lifts terrorism sanctions on Iran’s central bank and oil and tanker companies); to facilitate interdictions of weapons shipments to proxies; to rally international condemnation of the regime’s interference in its neighbors’ affairs and abuse of its own people; and to prepare military deterrence and defense options, alone or with others, to ensure Iran never acquires a nuclear weapon. That should include a clear and credible threat by Biden to use military force to stop an Iranian nuclear weapon. And the Saudis, who were shaken by the lack of any U.S. response to the Iranian attack on its major oil facility at Abqaiq in 2019 under the Trump administration, must have confidence that they will not be left alone in the event of similar attacks in the future. These commitments, which apply both to a renewed Iran nuclear deal and its sunsets and to a no-deal scenario, and which do not rule out maintaining deescalation channels to Iran, should also elicit a Saudi commitment to take no steps toward developing its own uranium enrichment capability.

For Biden, the core strategic interest that must be addressed is ensuring that Saudi Arabia continues to orient its policies toward the United States, rather than hedge its bets by leaning toward Russia and China. There are many aspects to such commitments, from avoiding acquisitions of major Chinese and Russian military systems to standing with the United States in condemning outrages like Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and China’s persecution of Muslim Uyghurs. In the context of the war in Ukraine, it also requires Saudi Arabia to agree to increase oil production to bring down prices, so sanctions on Russia have deeper bite and European energy supply needs can be met by non-Russian sources. Abandoning the oil production quotas the Kingdom and Russia established in the OPEC+ agreement will be a clear sign that the Saudis are prepared to give as well as receive, and understand that to be treated as partners, they must act like partners.

That is the essence of the bargain for both sides: the restoration of a partnership. It has always been somewhat transactional — a steady and cheap supply of oil in exchange for security — but its critical elements remain relevant even in the face of serious, perhaps unbridgeable, differences between the countries’ leaders. Saudi Arabia has no serious alternative to the United States as a guarantor of its security against the very real threats it faces. Facilitation of Saudi Arabia’s own defense capabilities, and assurances of U.S. intentions, are fundamental to the Kingdom’s success. Meanwhile, today’s oil price spike underscores the critical role that Riyadh has often played during past geopolitical crises in stabilizing oil markets. And in an era of global superpower competition, keeping key Middle Eastern nations aligned with the United States is imperative.

These are the central requirements that would make a visit to Saudi Arabia worthwhile. And yet it would leave important issues unresolved, from U.S. concerns over Saudi human rights violations to Saudi complaints that its dramatic social reforms underway have not been recognized. Biden should acknowledge these profound changes, perhaps by meeting dynamic female social and business entrepreneurs only recently allowed by Saudi leaders to pursue their ambitions, which they attribute to decisions of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman (MBS). Biden can give credit where due and encourage a positive trend. But the Saudis should go further: They need to release key human rights activists from prison, especially those who pushed for the very social reforms MBS has now embraced, and commit not to imprison them in the future. They should also allow Raif Badawi and Loujain al-Hathloul, recently released from prison for advocating these social reforms, to secure a clemency from travel bans that would allow them to leave the Kingdom and, in Badawi’s case, reunite with his family in Canada.

The Khashoggi murder will continue to hang heavily over this relationship, as it should. In a clear, direct, private conversation between Biden and MBS, it must be made clear that it is a stain that will remain; that there is genuine remorse; that the Khashoggi family’s needs will be met; that no such crimes will be committed again; and that a pragmatic partnership on broader interests must proceed on this basis.

Beyond the confines of this visit, it’s in the broader interests of both countries for Saudi Arabia to eventually join the Abraham Accords. This is a priority that Biden should advance, and a stabilized bilateral relationship should enable him to do so in the remaining years of his first term. Growing Israeli-Saudi military and intelligence cooperation suggests the promise of greater commercial, technology and people-to-people cooperation, and eventual full diplomatic relations. Cementing a coalition of moderate states in the region, advancing Saudi modernization, development and economic diversification goals, and — handled sensitively — offering the Palestinians a path to participate in normalization that improves, rather than impedes, prospects for an Israeli-Palestinian peace agreement are all mutual goals that normalization can advance. Biden’s trip may include a signal of what is possible, with a limited step like the resolution of the status of Saudi islands in the Red Sea while ensuring freedom of navigation for Israeli ships, or the expansion of Israeli civilian overflights of Saudi territory. Extending the current U.N.-negotiated truce in Yemen will also help sustain a stabilization of U.S.-Saudi ties, while leaving open the path toward a more permanent settlement.

The mutual interests served by stabilizing this partnership should lead Biden and the Saudi leadership to embrace a framework to recognize and advance their respective core strategic interests. This approach will serve one other critical cause: helping ensure that the U.S.-Saudi partnership is not subject to drastic swings with every change of U.S. administration. Biden is a known skeptic of the Saudis, views he held long before he called them a “pariah” during the 2020 election campaign. Precisely for this reason, in striking such a deal he is well-positioned to strengthen bipartisan support in Congress and among the American people for the principle that this complicated, yet vital, relationship is worth preserving. That is an interest that surely Biden, the Saudis and most Americans can agree on.

What are some of the key goals of Vision 2030 for society and economy?

allow recreational activities; Saudi women benefit from relaxed restrictions

What are the main goals of the 2016- launched Vision 2030?

What has MBS done since becoming Crown Prince in Saudi Arabia?

The industrial sector is a key focus of MBS's economic reforms, aiming to diversify the industrial base and value chains.

To reduce Saudi Arabia's oil dependence
To drive development in manufacturing

What are some of the key goals of Vision 2030 for society and economy?

What are the main goals of the 2016- launched Vision 2030?

To lessen reliance on oil.
To diversify Saudi Arabia's economy

What has MBS done since becoming Crown Prince in Saudi Arabia?