**Summary: Evolution of India-Russia Relations under Modi and Putin, with Impact of China Rivalry**

- **Deep-rooted Partnership**: The India-Russia relationship remains deeply rooted, originating from the Cold War era, and persists as a cornerstone of India’s foreign policy under PM Modi and President Putin.

Both nations emphasize “strategic autonomy,” valuing an independent approach to major power relations without external vetoes over their respective foreign policies.

- **Economic and Energy Ties Strengthened**: Recent years have seen an uptick in trade, especially as India has emerged as a major buyer of Russian oil post-Ukraine conflict.

Modi and Putin have also pursued joint investment projects, notably in Russia’s Far East, expanding economic and energy collaboration despite Western pressures on Russia.

- **Security and Regional Cooperation**: India and Russia have agreed to boost security linkages spanning the Eurasian, Indian, and Pacific Oceans, including efforts to implement a ‘Greater Eurasian Space’.

Defense cooperation remains strong, with Russia as a primary arms supplier to India, although India is working to diversify suppliers and reduce overdependence.

- **Modi’s Diplomatic Balancing**: Modi’s willingness to engage with Russia, even amid US concerns, reflects India’s pursuit of multi-alignment — maintaining strategic ties with both Russia and Western powers.

Modi’s Russia visit, despite potential backlash from Washington, signals India’s assertion of independent foreign policy choices.

- **Impact of India-China Rivalry**:
    - The India-China rivalry, especially post-Ladakh border tensions in 2020, shapes India’s strategic calculations.

India seeks Russian partnership both as a counterweight to China and to avoid isolating itself regionally.

- Russia’s stance toward China—its own growing strategic partnership with Beijing—complicates the triangular dynamic.

However, Russia’s respect for India’s autonomy enables the relationship to continue, even as Moscow voices skepticism about Indo-Pacific constructs like the Quad (which Moscow sees as anti-China and US-led bloc politics).

- The perceived China threat pushes India closer to the US and its allies for technology, trade, and defense capabilities, while also sustaining legacy ties with Russia.

India has declined to join China-centered platforms such as RCEP, underscoring the rivalry’s systemic impact.

- **Global and Regional Implications**: The India-Russia dynamic plays a key role in Eurasian security, energy flows, and the reconfiguration of global power alignments.

Both countries coordinate positions on international issues (e.g., Middle East conflicts, climate, and humanitarian crises) while managing differences, especially regarding China and global blocs.

- **Conclusion**: Under Modi and Putin, the relationship has evolved into a complex, pragmatic partnership.

Strategic autonomy, defense cooperation, and regional balancing vis-à-vis China and the West are its defining features.

The challenge ahead lies in maintaining this equilibrium as India’s rivalry with China deepens and US-Russia confrontation intensifies.

**India–Russia Relationship under Modi and Putin: Evolution, Regional Dynamics & Impact of China Rivalry**

**Continuity and Shifts in Strategic Partnership:**
Under Prime Minister Modi and President Putin, the India–Russia relationship has evolved but retained elements of pragmatic continuity.

Modi has been careful to preserve strong historical ties, especially arms supplies and energy, even as India has deepened relations with the US and its allies.

This "tightrope walk" is marked by India's efforts to balance key partners amidst global shifts and rising US–China competition.

**Defense and Energy Realignments:**
Russia once dominated India’s arms market, but its share has declined as India seeks to diversify suppliers (notably with the US, France, and Israel) to reduce over-dependence and ensure technology transfer.

Yet, defense deals, joint exercises, and co-production agreements (such as for the BrahMos missile) persist.

Energy ties have deepened due to Western sanctions on Russia; India has become a major purchaser of discounted Russian oil, even amid pressure from the US to limit these imports.

**Geopolitical Balancing and China Factor:**
India’s security rivalry with China has heightened New Delhi’s need for strategic autonomy.

India does not view China as an ally and is wary of growing Russia–China proximity, particularly since Russia's Ukraine invasion.

While historically, Russia provided balance against China, Moscow’s growing dependence on Beijing now worries New Delhi.

This has rendered Russia less useful as a China-counterweight for India.

India's nervousness about China consolidating regional influence (in South and Central Asia) is further complicated by Moscow’s economic and diplomatic pivot toward Beijing.

The complex triad means India must work harder to prevent a full Russia–China strategic embrace that could marginalize Indian interests.

**Implications in Global Power Dynamics:**
India’s ambitions (e.g., UN Security Council seat) can benefit from Russian support, but India is increasingly seen as a swing state in a multipolar world, refusing to be trapped in a renewed Cold War between blocs.

India acts as an "active player" in initiatives such as the International North-South Transport Corridor and energy projects in Russia’s Far East, reflecting attempts to mitigate the risk of being sidelined by a Russia–China axis.

**Conclusion:**
While India and Russia retain deep-rooted cooperation under Modi and Putin, the relationship is now more transactional and pragmatic, shaped by external pressures and India’s need to counterbalance China.

Mutual interests in defense, energy, and multipolarity remain, but persistent China–Russia bonhomie forces India to navigate its policy carefully, maintaining old partnerships while forging new ones to safeguard its security and regional influence.

**Summary: Evolution of India–Russia Relations under Modi and Putin (focus on regional/security dynamics & the China factor):**

- **Historical Context & Strategic Foundation:**
  The India–Russia relationship is rooted in Cold War-era strategic alignment.

Defense cooperation remains central; over 60% of India’s armaments are Russian in origin.

Russia provided nuclear technology when other nations wouldn’t, establishing long-term trust.

- **Modi & Putin’s Personal Diplomacy:**
  PM Modi publicly calls Russia “a friend at all times... a partner for better or worse.” High-level visits, including Modi’s recent trip to Russia, underscore mutual political commitment—even on contentious issues like Ukraine where views differ.

- **Continued Security & Defense Ties:**
  Russia delivers crucial military technology (missiles/spare parts) vital for India amid ongoing border tensions with Pakistan and China.

Despite diversification, India heavily relies on Russian military supplies, constraining India’s options in international crises.

- **Energy & Economic Links:**
  India depends on Russia for affordable energy (oil, fertilizers), while Russia relies on Indian trade to help offset Western sanctions.

However, trade imbalances persist, periodically straining relations.

- **Ukraine Crisis & India’s Strategic Autonomy:**
  Despite Western pressure, India refused to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, partly due to strategic calculations—deep defense ties and potential Russian support if Sino-Indian tensions escalate.

- **Changing Geopolitical Terrain—Rise of China:**
  Russia, increasingly isolated from the West, has drawn closer to China (and even Pakistan), raising Indian concerns.

India’s rivalry with China (notably over their border crisis) has made Russia’s China tilt problematic for New Delhi, but India prioritizes keeping Russia ‘neutral’ in any Sino-Indian confrontation.

- **Multipolarity & “Balancing”:**
  Both countries espouse multipolar worldviews, seeking strategic autonomy.

India, under Modi, actively builds partnerships in the Middle East and globally (G20, Middle East Quartet), but maintains foundational ties to Moscow as a hedge in its China strategy.

- **Regional Security Implications:**
  Indian strategists worry about Russia’s warming to China and arms trade with Pakistan, but value Moscow’s potential as a mediator or bulwark against unified Chinese opposition in multilateral forums.

- **Global Power Dynamics:**
  As Russia pivots south/east due to Western tensions, India seeks to leverage these shifts for its own advantage—refusing “bloc” politics, keeping diplomatic channels to all major poles open, and carving its route within the shifting global order.

**In sum:**
Under Modi and Putin, the India–Russia relationship endures as a pragmatic partnership defined by defense needs, energy ties, and mutual hedging amidst shifting alliances and rising China-U.S. rivalry.

India’s China concerns reinforce the logic of maintaining strong ties with Russia—even as Moscow’s China entente complicates the equation.

Here are summarized nuggets highlighting how the India-Russia relationship has evolved under Prime Minister Modi and President Putin, especially in the context of India's rivalry with China and the shifting global order:

**1.

Enduring Military Ties:**
- India and Russia maintain strong military and defense cooperation; over half of India’s military equipment is sourced from Russia.

Joint military exercises continue, reflecting ongoing strategic trust and interdependence.

Strategic Balancing Amidst US-China Rivalry:**
- As US-China tensions define many global issues, India has sought to maintain autonomy in its foreign policy, carefully balancing ties with Russia without alienating the US and its partners.

Evolving Multipolarity and India's Role:**
- India, under Modi, asserts itself as a proponent of a “multipolar world,” aiming to reshape the US-led global order.

**Summary: Evolution of India-Russia Relations under Modi and Putin, with Impact of China Rivalry**

- **Deep-rooted Partnership**: The India-Russia relationship remains deeply rooted, originating from the Cold War era, and persists as a cornerstone of India’s foreign policy under PM Modi and President Putin.

Title:

Content: Homepage

Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad

  • In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia.
  • The move signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow, and shows the world India is pursuing its own agenda.
  • Modi is aiming to correct the trade imbalance and address China's Indo-Pacific activities.
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In a move likely to anger the US, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is visiting Russia on Monday for his first bilateral trip after winning a historic third term in office.

Modi's two-day visit to Russia — where he is scheduled to meet with President Vladimir Putin — is significant in that it signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow. It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

Vinay Kwatra, India's foreign secretary, told reporters in New Delhi that issues between Russia and India have "piled up" and "need to be addressed," per Bloomberg.

Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine. India is a major buyer of Russian oil. Russia is also India's biggest arms supplier.

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Kwatra underscored that the two countries' trade relationship has remained "resilient."

Still, Modi's trip will "rankle many Western observers," Ved Shinde, a researcher and contributor to Australia's Lowy Institute think tank, wrote in a note on Wednesday.

"Since the Ukraine war began, India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in the heart of Europe," Shinde added.

Modi's visit to Russia will make the US look bad

Just like Putin's visit to supply-chain hot spot Vietnam, India's engagement with Russia isn't a good look for the US, as it comes while Washington is isolating Putin's regime.

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The US has raised "some concerns" about India's relationship with Russia with New Delhi, Kurt Campbell, the US Deputy Secretary of State, said last month.

However, Washington acknowledges that India's ties with Russia are different from its ties with the US.

"We have many areas of alignment, but it is not surprising that there would be areas where we've had perhaps different perspectives, views, historical ties," Campbell said about America's relationship with India.

India, for its part, is looking to balance its relationship with the world's key powerbrokers — the US, Russia, and China.

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"There are different degrees in India's multi-alignment. Make no mistake — the United States and its allies are more consequential for India's future than its relationship with Russia," wrote Shinde.

India needs to leverage its historical ties with Russia to secure its economy and security, so Modi isn't just in Russia for a goodwill trip.

Reducing the trade imbalance

A key agenda item for the visit is to reduce a huge bilateral trade imbalance, said Kwatra.

India imports about $60 billion of goods a year from Russia, but Russia buys less than 10% of this amount from India, per Bloomberg.

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Modi may also touch on China's activities in the Indo-Pacific region, said Kwatra.

India is trying to manage its relationship with China, which has been testy since a border dispute in 2020. Modi skipped the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kazakhstan last week.

There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

At the summit last week, Putin said Russia's relationship with China is in the "best period in history."

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Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

"The reason for the time-tested stability in India-Russia ties is to maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland. That is, to balance China," wrote Shinde.

"Or to put it another way, don't go around making new adversaries when there are already two open fronts — China and Pakistan," Shinde added.

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What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Both nations emphasize “strategic autonomy,” valuing an independent approach to major power relations without external vetoes over their respective foreign policies.

Title:

Content: 31 Dec, 2023 08:46

Deeper than diplomacy: There is a reason why New Delhi and Moscow rely on each other

Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy is the core strength of bilateral ties, as the Indian foreign minister’s latest visit proves

Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar’s five-day official visit to Russia was timely and significant for more than one reason.

India and Russia had held annual summits at the leadership level since 2000. This sent an important message in terms of the value attached by the two countries to bilateral ties, but it also conveyed a broader geopolitical message to other international partners of the two countries.

But this practice was broken largely because of Russia’s pre-occupation with the Ukraine conflict and its fallout. The last annual summit took place in 2021.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin could have held a summit on the margins of the BRICS summit in Johannesburg in South Africa or the G20 summit in New Delhi, but Putin did not attend either. While Jaishankar’s visit does not substitute for a summit meeting, it was intended to fill a political gap.

Jaishankar and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov have met six times during the year, and the Indian external affairs minister also met with Russian Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov during the year on the economic agenda. For Jaishankar to visit Russia before the end of the year, undeterred by the Russian winter and holiday season, reflects the importance both sides attach to the further expansion of ties.

Putin has on several occasions praised the Indian prime minister and positively noted the country’s economic progress. At the ‘Russia Calling’ Forum in early December this year, he said that despite pressure from others, he “cannot imagine that Modi could be frightened, intimidated or forced to take any actions, steps, decisions that would at variance with the national interest of India and the Indian people.” He noted that sometimes he is surprised at Modi’s tough stance on Indian national interests. He added that the policy pursued by Modi is the “main guarantor” of the developing bilateral ties.

This is high and unusual praise by Putin. It can be interpreted on several levels – particularly as an acknowledgement that India has resisted pressure from the US and others to condemn Russia over the Ukraine conflict, impose sanctions, and reduce defense ties with Russia. India has, on the contrary, bought discounted Russian oil to the point that Russia has become its biggest oil supplier. It has argued that ensuring this market flow of Russian oil has helped avoid a major spike in oil prices and checked global inflation. Indian-Russian trade has expanded, while the G7 has broken economic and trade ties with Russia.

India played a major role as G20 president in negotiating the part in the Leaders’ Declaration on the Ukraine conflict despite the hardening of the G7 position and that of Russia and China after the G20 summit in Bali. The final text does not mention Russia by name, while the G7 was satisfied that the general formulations in it could be sold as being directed at Russia’s military operation in Ukraine.

Not surprisingly, Putin complimented India for de-politicizing the G20. India chaired the SCO summit in July 2023 and participated in the BRICS summit in South Africa in August 2023. This countered G7 attempts to isolate Russia diplomatically. In fact, the New Delhi SCO Declaration spoke of more effective global institutions, a more representative, just, and multipolar world order based on international law and multilateralism, and criticized the unilateral application of economic sanctions – a clear critique of the Western-dominated global system.

It is against this backdrop that Putin received Jaishankar at the Kremlin, the first time that such a gesture has been made to him personally. The general unavailability of Putin to visiting foreign ministers is well-known.

Jaishankar delivered a personal message from Modi to Putin. During the meeting, Putin invited his “friend Modi” to visit Russia in 2024 and noted that Indian-Russian ties were on the whole developing well. He said that he had been briefing Modi on developments in Ukraine, remarking that he understands the Indian prime minister is willing to do his utmost to resolve the matter by peaceful means. He added that he would give additional information to Jaishankar on Ukraine.

India has continued to strengthen ties with the US, including in the defense domain. It is a member of the Quad and a strong supporter of the Indo-Pacific concept, both of which are intended to deter China’s regional ambitions. Russia has reservations about the Quad and the Indo-Pacific concept, which it sees as the US engaging in bloc politics in Asia.

Putin’s praise for Modi and India and the gesture of receiving Jaishankar takes into consideration these realities of India’s foreign policy which are meant to safeguard the larger national interests. At the core of this is Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy. Jaishankar’s high-profile visit and the vigorous language used to mark the importance of India’s traditional ties with Russia would have caught Washington’s attention.

Jaishankar noted that after talks with Lavrov, “what clearly came out was that India-Russia relations remain very steady, remain very strong, they are based on our strategic convergence, on our geopolitical interests, and because they are mutually beneficial.” The two leaders discussed political cooperation within international organizations such as BRICS, the SCO, etc.

Indian-Russian trade is at an all-time high, exceeding $50 billion last year, and should pass that figure this year. It includes energy, fertilizers, coking coal, and other items, for which long term arrangements were discussed. India intends to expand investments in Russia’s oil and gas sector.

On the nuclear side, two important amendments were agreed to which will take the Kudankulam nuclear power project forward. Mutual investments, progress on a bilateral investment treaty, and the resumption of negotiations between India and the Eurasian Economic Union for a free trade agreement will be resumed in the second half of January 2024.

Moscow and New Delhi will expand cooperation in the Russian Far East. India expects a large representation from this region at the Vibrant Gujarat Summit in January 2024.

Connectivity between India and Russia will be critical for expanding trade ties – connectivity from western India through the International North-South Transport Corridor, and connectivity from eastern India, from Chennai to Vladivostok, and the polar route. To promote tourism, India is open to increasing the number of flights from India every week.

The talks between Jaishankar and Lavrov were comprehensive. They discussed the global strategic situation, Ukraine, Gaza, the Indo-Pacific, ASEAN, Afghanistan, UN-related matters, the challenges facing the Global South, and the building of a multipolar order. China would undoubtedly have been discussed, but diplomatic discretion here would be normal.

In the joint press conference, Lavrov spoke of prospects for more defense cooperation, including joint production of modern weapons under New Delhi’s ‘Make in India’ program, and, importantly, expressed respect for India’s efforts to diversify its defense ties. He noted bilateral cooperation in rocket engine manufacturing and satellite navigation systems.

Jaishankar’s visit was productive in maintaining the momentum of Indian-Russian ties, which have been built over 60 years, a relationship that he believes is not just about politics, diplomacy, or economics, but is much deeper.

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- **Economic and Energy Ties Strengthened**: Recent years have seen an uptick in trade, especially as India has emerged as a major buyer of Russian oil post-Ukraine conflict.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Modi and Putin have also pursued joint investment projects, notably in Russia’s Far East, expanding economic and energy collaboration despite Western pressures on Russia.

Title:

Content: Opinion

Treading a fine line

Ajit Doval’s high-stake visits to Russia and the US are reflective of India’s consistent efforts to balance ties with the rival superpowers; writes Vinay Kumar

X

India’s security and strategic interests on important global platforms have been in focus over the last month as National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval made hectic trips to the US and Russia.

Doval headed to the United States in late January and held a meeting with his US counterpart, Jake Sullivan. Earlier this month, he paid a visit to Russia where he joined top security officials from China, Iran and a number of Central Asian states to participate in a multilateral meeting on Afghanistan.

NSA’s recent visits to the world’s most important political capitals underlined the importance that India attaches to striking a delicate balance in its relations with both the countries at a time when global security and geopolitical environment appear uncertain. His visits to Washington DC and Moscow show India’s priorities in forging vital initiatives.

In Washington, the two NSAs agreed upon a number of important arrangements under the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) which was launched in 2022 and has the potential to have a transformative impact on India’s partnership with the US in areas like military, science & technology and key high-tech fields.

Considering the fact that Russia and the US have been at loggerheads, more so in the wake of the Ukraine War which has completed one year, Doval’s trip assumes significance. The icing on the cake was that the NSA also had one-on-one meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a rare instance of President Putin meeting a top-ranking official from India. His meeting with Doval also pointed towards the continued importance which both sides accord to each other in taking forward their engagement. At a time when Russia continues to face confrontation with the West over the war in Ukraine, Doval’s meeting with President Putin carries a special context. India, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has lent its voice to the peace-making efforts in Ukraine, stressing that today’s era is not an era of war. In his telephonic conversation with President Putin last September, PM Modi voiced his concern, stressing upon the need to take the path of diplomacy and dialogue, a stance often reiterated at various global forums at the highest level.

While India, having to put up with the Chinese threat, has warmed up to the US, it has also taken pains to maintain its relationship with Russia; though Moscow, facing increased isolation in the global community over the war in Ukraine, does not appear to be too pleased with the initiatives surrounding the Indo-Pacific, with the active involvement of the US and further deepening of strategic defence and technological ties between New Delhi and Washington. India has also stressed upon furthering its cooperation with Russia in sectors such as trade, energy and defence.

With the US, under the iCET initiative, India is poised to forge closer cooperation in the areas of Artificial Intelligence (AI), 6G, quantum technologies etc. Other focus areas include defence innovation, technology cooperation and semiconductor supply chains. Doval stressed upon the need to pin down the deliverables in these key focus areas to ensure that no slip-ups or laxity creeps in. Co-production and technology development have left much to be desired, though India is now billed as a major defence partner of the US

The NSA’s discussions in Washington DC and Moscow also point towards India’s keen desire to safeguard its key interests, make advances in high-tech areas and, at the same time, be ready to hold on to its independent position and avoid landing in confrontationist stance, so far as the two rival powers are concerned, as new dynamics is emerging rather rapidly in the geopolitical arena.

Views expressed are personal

Next Story

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

- **Security and Regional Cooperation**: India and Russia have agreed to boost security linkages spanning the Eurasian, Indian, and Pacific Oceans, including efforts to implement a ‘Greater Eurasian Space’.

Title:

Content:
India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday. At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

The 22nd Russia-India Annual Summit will lead to a greater collaboration between the two countries in Russian Far East and the Eurasian space, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), according to experts.

The 81-paragraphbilateral Joint Statement underscored the "shared vision" to enhance transport and connectivity cooperation, as well as a "solid commitment" to enhance economic linkages in Russia's resource-rich Far East, Pravesh Kumar Gupta, an Associate Fellow at New Delhi-based think tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), told Sputnik India.

The 22nd Annual Summit, a "unique and pivotal event in the current global geopolitical context" according to Gupta, exposed the disappointment of Western countries.

"Amidst global turbulence, the summit served as a crucial platform for leaders to engage in constructive discussions and strategic dialogues, with the aim of bolstering cooperation in vital areas such as trade, energy, connectivity, defence, and technology. This event has been widely acknowledged as a significant milestone in the ongoing development of the close ties between India and Russia, a success that stood in stark contrast to the disappointment felt by the Western world," the Indian think-tanker asserted.

Lauding the Summit outcomes, Gupta remarked that the leaders would intensify effort to develop "promising production and marketing chains in Eurasia" and stick to the new plan for the Far East in providing enhanced cooperation in different sectors, including transport and connectivity.

Specifically both leaders shared a vision pointing to three projects – International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor as well as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), or the Polar Route.

"Most importantly, these connectivity projects are free from any political agenda, unlike the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as clearly mentioned in the joint statement. Their implementation will be based on the principles of transparency, broad participation, local priorities, financial sustainability, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations," the VIF pundit underlined.

Gupta expressed confidence that the proposal to establish a joint working group on developing the NSR would speed up the project, which promised "significant cost savings and reduced shipping times" for goods traveling between Europe and Asia.

"The route's increased accessibility due to melting Arctic ice has sparked increased interest in its potential for commercial shipping and trade, offering a bright future for global trade," Gupta stated.

In the context of the INSTC, the expert underscored that it could turn out to be the most "cost-effective and favourable" connectivity project to increase Indian exports to Eurasia and vice-versa. He explained that the 7,200-kilometre-long multimodal corridor was in line with Moscow's geo-economic focus on Asia-Pacific following the Ukraine conflict.

Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'

In terms of bolstering cooperation in Asia-Pacific, or near India's own neighbourhood, Modi and Putin shared approaches on building a "new architecture" of a 'Greater Eurasian space'.

Although, initially Russia was focused primarily on the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, the Ukrainian conflict completely changed the situation, Alexey Kupriyanov, an expert in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) at Moscow-based think tank IMEMO RAS told Sputnik India.

At the same time, the think-tanker highlighted that a growing trade turnover between Russia and India was pushing Moscow to return to the Indian Ocean Region, primarily to ensure the protecting of Russian vessels in areas not covered by Indian Navy's operations, which include the Red Sea and the Mediterranean region.

"In the long term, this means that Russian ships will soon operate more intensively in the Indian Ocean and expand their presence," Kupriyanov stressed.

It would bolster India's security efforts and help it manage the power competition between China and the US, even as Indian Navy has intensified inter-operability with western maritime forces in recent years, the expert asserted.

"Since India's focus is primarily on the eastern part of the region, Russian ships in the western part could help fill the vacuum of security there. This will reduce the need for East African countries to seek help from China and the US to combat pirates, smugglers and drug traffickers," Kupriyanov concluded.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Defense cooperation remains strong, with Russia as a primary arms supplier to India, although India is working to diversify suppliers and reduce overdependence.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

- **Modi’s Diplomatic Balancing**: Modi’s willingness to engage with Russia, even amid US concerns, reflects India’s pursuit of multi-alignment — maintaining strategic ties with both Russia and Western powers.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Modi’s Russia visit, despite potential backlash from Washington, signals India’s assertion of independent foreign policy choices.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

- **Impact of India-China Rivalry**:
    - The India-China rivalry, especially post-Ladakh border tensions in 2020, shapes India’s strategic calculations.

Title:

Content: ISSN 2330-717X

India Rethinks Ties With China – Analysis

By

By B R Deepak*

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The rise of China triggered a regional power shift that has been felt across East Asia and into the Himalayas. As China changes the status quo of the Indo-Pacific, it talks of promoting a multipolar world. But in practice it has a problem with multipolar Asia and is unwilling to accommodate India’s interests. In response to this, India is aligning itself more closely with the United States and its allies.

When evaluating India’s policy choices in East Asia, history cannot be overlooked. India–China rapprochement in the late 1970s, amid the Cold War and the rise of globalisation, saw the two countries grow closer. Their budding relationship found common ground in being at the same stage of development.

It was through this parity that a series of confidence-building measures (CBMs) were signed, enabling India and China to normalise and diversify their relationship into other areas. They became part of various multilateral mechanisms such as the Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, East Asia Summit and the BRICS grouping (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa).

Trade flourished and Chinese investment in India’s telecom, electronics, solar and, most notably, digital sectors increased by leaps and bounds. While India had a twinge of envy for China’s rise, it saw opportunities for win–win cooperation. Yet over the past two decades, India has become increasingly wary of the dangers of widening economic, military and technological asymmetries between the two countries.

The power shift in Asia has resulted in Chinese behavioural changes. With its growing regional power, China has felt less compulsion to abide by the CBMs. It has started flexing its muscles along the disputed border regions between India and China, resulting in bloodshed and prolonged standoffs.

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Until very recently, India acted like a ‘swing state’ between major powers in the region and avoided taking sides. This can be gleaned from India’s initial lukewarm reception to the idea of the Quad. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s keynote address at the 2018 Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore wished for India and China to ‘work together in trust and confidence, sensitive to each other’s interests’.

Many believe it was the 2017 border standoff in Doklam that pushed India to rethink its involvement in the Quad. If that is the case, the 2020 border clash in Galwan likely played a decisive role in India’s move to incorporate the Quad and the Indo-Pacific Strategy into its military and foreign policy.

It is unsurprising that Chinese scholars now see India’s ‘Act East Policy’ and other sub-regional and multilateral mechanisms as subservient to the Indo-Pacific strategy. These multilaterals include the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation, the Security and Growth for All in the Region vision and the Indian Ocean Rim Association — many of which are designed to counterbalance China’s growing influence.

Whether or not these mechanisms serve the goals of the Indo-Pacific strategy, India has indeed shifted its gaze away from China and towards Southeast Asia to initiate connectivity projects. One of them — the India–Myanmar–Thailand Trilateral Highway — has been extended to run through Cambodia and Vietnam and is expected to be completed by 2023

India supports the idea of ‘ASEAN centrality’ and envisages a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific region built on a rules-based international order. This obvious rebalancing has enhanced India’s security cooperation with the United States and other regional middle powers. The institutionalisation of the India–US 2+2 dialogue, the Quad, the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework and the US–India Malabar exercises point to this growing cooperation.

The growing India–US partnership has riled China. Some Chinese scholars have claimed that India refuses to support the ‘One China Policy’ over the Kashmir issue, which is home to a long-standing territorial dispute between India and China. But the late Indian minister of external affairs Sushma Swaraj has also called upon China to respect its own ‘One India Policy’.

Compared to China, India is relatively weak in economic and political power. In 2021, China–ASEAN trade accounted for US$878.2 billion, outstripping India–ASEAN trade, which stood at US$78 billion. But East Asian countries have always been positively inclined towards India’s engagement in the region, though most do not support India’s self-proclaimed role as a ‘net security provider’ — a role that they believe should be reserved for the United States.

China believes that India’s Act East Policy ‘will allow India to intervene’ and ‘warm up’ to other countries on issues surrounding the South China Sea. This may become a drag on China–ASEAN relations in future. But China will not cede the space it once did before its rise.

Similar anxieties have been expressed by India over China’s attempts to increase its footprints in the Indian Ocean. The docking of the Yuan Wang 5 — a Chinese ‘spy ship’ — at Hambantota, Sri Lanka, was particularly concerning for India.

In the face of a prolonged standoff on the India–China border and the growing US–China rivalry, India finds itself leaning more towards the United States and its allies. India sees this as best for its economic and technological advancement and for the realisation of its larger global aspirations.

*About the author: B R Deepak is Professor of Chinese and China Studies at the Centre of Chinese and Southeast Asian Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

Source: This article was published by East Asia Forum

East Asia Forum

East Asia Forum is a platform for analysis and research on politics, economics, business, law, security, international relations and society relevant to public policy, centred on the Asia Pacific region. It consists of an online publication and a quarterly magazine, East Asia Forum Quarterly, which aim to provide clear and original analysis from the leading minds in the region and beyond.

India seeks Russian partnership both as a counterweight to China and to avoid isolating itself regionally.

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

- Russia’s stance toward China—its own growing strategic partnership with Beijing—complicates the triangular dynamic.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

However, Russia’s respect for India’s autonomy enables the relationship to continue, even as Moscow voices skepticism about Indo-Pacific constructs like the Quad (which Moscow sees as anti-China and US-led bloc politics).

- The perceived China threat pushes India closer to the US and its allies for technology, trade, and defense capabilities, while also sustaining legacy ties with Russia.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India has declined to join China-centered platforms such as RCEP, underscoring the rivalry’s systemic impact.

Title:

Content:
In the shifting sands of geopolitics, several changes in the past few weeks would make agile diplomacy the key instrument of foreign affairs for any country. First up is the difficult, India-US-Russia tightrope trick. Russia last week announced their new foreign policy, which emphasises the deepening of ties with strategic allies India and China. The Russian NSA and his Indian counterpart also got into a huddle on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, NSA-level meeting, to discuss expanding the bilateral defence partnership. It now emerges that the two sides could have discussed expanding the partnership for joint research and manufacturing of next-generation supersonic BrahMos missile systems.

Russia seems to have greater technological know-how for the development of this high-speed (at least five times faster than the speed of sound with higher degrees of manoeuvrability) missiles, ahead of both China and US. Meanwhile, India is all set to enhance its naval capabilities including its ability for defending its sea frontiers, from the recent acquisition of superior technology helicopters, missiles and torpedoes capable of taking down submarines, from the US. The initial reluctance from the US to have India as a strategic defence partner in the Indo-Pacific region now seems to have given way to a pragmatic approach, keeping in mind India’s strategic defence needs, and its centrality to the Indo-Pacific.

The Indo-Pacific region, at one point in time, relegated to appendix sections of Washington’s foreign policy books, has found complete bipartisan support from opposite ends of the political spectrum in US politics. The imminent threat is the rising heft of China in the region, which has assumed the role of being the biggest bully, having clawed into some of the most influential national economies in the region. Most of the influence China wields in the Indo-Pacific rides on its opaque infrastructure funding policies, which have forced many of these growth-hungry economies to fall into a fatal debt trap. These economic blunders in turn give China the upper hand to start influencing the nation’s domestic politics, which goes well with the dragon’s expansionist agenda.

However, the US has taken note and brokered a peace truce between Japan and South Korea, the two technology-aided Asian giants. These two countries, even though not too warm to each other due to historical reasons, are joined in the common threat of an aggressive China in their backyard. The US knows that any future dominance in the global world order would be defined by technological advancements, and the ability to integrate technology into their defence equipment. Every breakthrough, every new use case and standard set, for emerging technology such as Artificial Intelligence would be critical for the race to the top.

It has already operationalised the US-India initiative on Critical and Emerging technologies, to expand the existing defence industrial partnership and strategic technology partnership to a wider set of stakeholders. Meanwhile, discussions regarding supply chain resilience, expansion and cooperation, on new technology form the pillars for all QUAD discussions, which has the US, India, Japan and Australia, as its members. The US is also aggressively pushing countries in South and South-Southeast Asia into a like-minded bloc of partners through the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework initiative, where India is also a founding member. China meanwhile has also managed to stitch together one of the largest free trade agreements in the world, through the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, giving it market access to most of the economies in the region. India chose to sit out of RCEP, citing the unfair advantage accrued to China.

Against this backdrop, the guns are still blazing in eastern provinces of Ukraine. Many expect China and India to play the silent backroom boys role to broker peace between Ukraine and Russia. It is going to be volatile situations ahead for every country.

- **Global and Regional Implications**: The India-Russia dynamic plays a key role in Eurasian security, energy flows, and the reconfiguration of global power alignments.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Both countries coordinate positions on international issues (e.g., Middle East conflicts, climate, and humanitarian crises) while managing differences, especially regarding China and global blocs.

Title:

Content: India, Russia express deep concern on situation in Middle East

Moscow: India and Russia have expressed “deep concern” on the situation in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Gaza and called for immediate and unconditional release of all hostages.

The joint Statement following the 22nd India-Russia Annual Summit said the two sides called for the effective implementation of the relevant United Nations General Assembly resolutions and United Nations Security Council resolution 2720 and for immediate safe and unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance in the Gaza Strip.

In the joint statement, India and Russia said, “The Sides expressed deep concern on the situation in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Gaza. In this regard, they called for the effective implementation of the relevant UNGA resolutions and UNSC resolution 2720 and for immediate safe and unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance at scale directly to the Palestinian civilian population throughout the Gaza Strip.”

“They also called for the effective implementation of the UNSC resolution 2728 for a lasting and sustainable ceasefire. They equally called for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages as well as humanitarian access to address their medical and other humanitarian needs,” it added.

The two nations affirmed their support for Palestine’s full membership in the United Nations and reiterated their commitment to the principle of the two-state solution.

The joint statement reads, “They reaffirmed their support for Palestine’s full membership in the United Nations and reiterated their unwavering commitment to the principle of the two-state solution according to internationally accepted basis.”

The conflict in Gaza escalated after the October 7 attack by Hamas, where about 2,500 terrorists breached the border into Israel from the Gaza Strip, leading to casualties and the seizure of hostages.

Israel has since, characterised its Gaza offensive as targeting Hamas’ infrastructure with the goal to eliminate the entire terror group while making efforts to minimize civilian casualties.

The statement was issued after Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin held talks in Moscow.

India and Russia agreed to strengthen joint efforts to build an architecture of equal and indivisible regional security and to intensify consultations on complementarities between integration and development initiatives in Greater Eurasian space and the regions of the Indian and Pacific oceans.

The joint statement further said, “The Sides underlined the importance of strengthening cooperation within various regional fora, aimed at deepening regional peace and security, including East Asia Summit, ASEAN Regional Forum on Security (ARF), ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting Plus (ADMM-Plus).”

The two nations noted the importance of expanding efforts to combat climate change and achieving the goals of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement.

The joint statement reads, “The Sides noted the importance of expanding efforts to combat climate change and achieving the goals of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement.”

“In this regard, the Sides agreed to develop cooperation in the field of preventing climate change and adapting to it, including the exchange of experience on the organization and operation of greenhouse gas emission quota systems, the implementation of joint Russian-Indian investment projects in the field of low-carbon development, as well as sustainable and “green” financing,” it added.

The two nations agreed to continue interaction within G20, BRICS, and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) on key issues like increasing the sustainability and developing resiliency of international supply chains, compliance with free and fair trade rules and climate change, according to the joint statement.

India and Russia welcomed the launch of the BRICS Contact Group on Climate Change and Sustainable Development within the framework of the Environment Working Group under the Russian Chairship in BRICS in 2024.

During his visit to Russia, PM Modi held talks with Russian President Putin. The two leaders also visited the Rosatom Pavilion at the VDNKh Exhibition Centre in Moscow.

PM Modi was ceremoniously presented with the Order of St Andrew the Apostle the First-Called, Russia’s highest civilian honour, by Putin.

Notably, the award was bestowed on PM Modi in 2019, but he received it physically on Tuesday. The Prime Minister was presented with this award for his distinguished contribution to the development of a privileged strategic partnership between Russia and India and friendly ties between the two countries.

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What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

- **Conclusion**: Under Modi and Putin, the relationship has evolved into a complex, pragmatic partnership.

Strategic autonomy, defense cooperation, and regional balancing vis-à-vis China and the West are its defining features.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The challenge ahead lies in maintaining this equilibrium as India’s rivalry with China deepens and US-Russia confrontation intensifies.

**India–Russia Relationship under Modi and Putin: Evolution, Regional Dynamics & Impact of China Rivalry**

**Continuity and Shifts in Strategic Partnership:**
Under Prime Minister Modi and President Putin, the India–Russia relationship has evolved but retained elements of pragmatic continuity.

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Why India is walking the tightrope between the US and Russia
12: 56 7 / 6 / 2024
Why India is walking the tightrope between the US and Russia
05.07.2024
After the Cold War, which began in the 1950s, split the world into two camps, the newly independent India became the founder of the Non-Aligned Movement, a group of countries that did not side with either Washington or Moscow.
Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India retained some elements of this policy unchanged, while abandoning others.
In particular, Modi has strengthened ties with the United States, in which he sees a partner in the confrontation with a more assertive China.
At the same time, he continued to develop his country ’ s long-standing ties with Russia.
As a sign of Russia ’ s important role for India, Modi will meet with President Vladimir Putin on July 8 during his first foreign visit to a fellow leader after being elected for a third term.
But these relations are becoming increasingly complex as Russia strengthens ties with China, seeking its broader support.
China and India are not allies.
1.
Is India an ally of the United States?
India and the United States have been strategic partners for at least two decades, which means they can build relationships and cooperate militarily, but are not official treaty bound allies.
Although they have much in common – both countries are large and diverse democracies – New Delhi pursues its own interests in ways that sometimes conflict with US interests.
For example, India has refused to condemn Russia in the conflict with Ukraine, while an alleged plot of assassins in the United States has triggered a criminal investigation in which senior Indian officials are implicated, according to prosecutors.
The basis of relations remains the transformation of China into an assertive regional power.
China and India are long-time rivals with a bitter border dispute, and the US is seeking to draw India as a counterweight to Beijing ’ s rise.
India is part of the Quartet, a regional security dialogue with the United States, Japan and Australia.
A group of senior U.S. officials recently visited India to discuss cooperation in technology, security and foreign investment.
2.
What is India ’ s relationship with Russia?
Although India openly declared its non-alignment during the Cold War, it maintained warm relations with Moscow and was wary of the United States, which was closer to India ’ s main rival, Pakistan.
India and Russia maintain strong ties to this day.
The basis of this relationship is India ’ s status as a reliable buyer of Russian arms and crude oil.
Today, Russia remains India ’ s largest arms supplier, although, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, shipments have declined from about two-thirds of India ’ s arms imports more than a decade ago to just over one-third today as India seeks to diversify its sources of arms supplies.
Russia also remains India ’ s largest oil supplier, although sanctions imposed on Russian oil exports have affected Russian oil imports to India.
India also stands out among the leading democracies for its unwillingness to criticize Russia and abstained from voting at the United Nations, which condemned Russia for the conflict in Ukraine.
3.
What is India ’ s relationship with China?
Relations have been tense for years.
The source of tension was a territorial dispute along their common border that lasted decades and over which the two countries fought a war in 1962.
The dispute flared up again in 2020, culminating in a series of deadly skirmishes and prompting New Delhi to ban Chinese smartphone apps and limit Chinese investment in India.
Recently, there have been rumors of a relaxation of tension.
In May, Beijing appointed its first ambassador to India in 18 months.
After his arrival, he expressed a desire to improve relations between the two countries.
China also congratulated Modi on winning the election in June, and a Chinese official said the countries were on a "healthy and stable path."
The two countries agreed on further negotiations to resolve the border dispute.
4.
How are relations between Russia and China changing?
Russia and China have been rivals since the Sino-Soviet split during the Cold War (a rivalry that also brought Russia and India closer together).
But relations have noticeably warmed as both countries united in their opposition to the US-led international order.
The Russian president made his first foreign trip to Beijing after he was re-elected for a third presidential term in March.
At the July summit on security in Kazakhstan, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin said that relations between them are “the best in history, ” and both sides vowed to jointly defend“ calm and stability in the region. ”
China has become another major buyer of Russian oil, gas and coal, helping Russia counter Western sanctions.
5.
How does the United States view relations between India and Russia?
Washington still views India as a bulwark preventing China from spreading its influence in the Indo-Pacific region.
While he has occasionally criticized India for alleged human rights abuses and the treatment of minorities, India ’ s ties with Moscow have come at minimal political cost.
Following a recent visit by senior US officials, Deputy Secretary of State Kurt Campbell said the US side had raised the issue of India ’ s ties with Russia, as well as accusations of India ’ s involvement in a plot to murder for hire.
But he also said that the United States is confident in its relations with India and wants to expand cooperation between the two countries.
According to some analysts, the US sees India as an important ally in its quest to contain China, so it does not want to risk antagonizing officials in New Delhi.
Prepared by ProFinance.Ru based on Bloomberg materials.
Source - ProFinance.Ru
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Modi has been careful to preserve strong historical ties, especially arms supplies and energy, even as India has deepened relations with the US and its allies.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

energy
security & military
weapons supply

This "tightrope walk" is marked by India's efforts to balance key partners amidst global shifts and rising US–China competition.

**Defense and Energy Realignments:**
Russia once dominated India’s arms market, but its share has declined as India seeks to diversify suppliers (notably with the US, France, and Israel) to reduce over-dependence and ensure technology transfer.

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Content: 2 July 2024, Tuesday, 16: 46
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Bloomberg: India will prevent Putin from getting closer to China
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has launched the plan.
Russia ’ s active rapprochement with China worries India, which is countering its growing influence in the region.
Concerned about the expansion of the “limitless partnership ”, Prime Minister Narendra Modi next week will go to Moscow for talks with Vladimir Putin, writes Bloomberg.
It will be his first visit to Russia since the start of Putin ’ s war in Ukraine and his first trip abroad since Modi took office as prime minister for the third time.
While Moscow will try to present the meeting as proof that Russia has not been isolated since Western sanctions were imposed, Modi ’ s trip is more motivated by a desire to reaffirm the status quo in bilateral relations and limit China ’ s influence, experts and experts close to the Indian government say.
India is wary of Moscow ’ s growing dependence on Beijing, says Swasti Rao, a research fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defense Studies and Analysis at the Indian Ministry of Defense:
The deepening of strategic interaction between Russia and China makes New Delhi uncomfortable, as it is like a best friend sleeping with the enemy.
Given our concerns, it makes sense for the prime minister to go there and talk to Putin at the highest level.
Like China, India has taken advantage of the difficult situation that Russia has found itself in because of the sanctions.
It has more than 20 times increased purchases of Russian oil compared to 2021, saving 13 billion thanks to discounts on it, according to the April report of the rating agency ICRA.
It continues to purchase services and components from Russia to service previously purchased weapons, although major deals do not seem to be going any more.
In 2019-2023, according to the Stockholm Peace Research Institute, India for the first time since the early 1960s purchased less than half of the weapons from Russia / the USSR: the share of imports was only 36% compared to 76% in 2009-2013.
Russia has lost the Indian arms market, which has dominated for more than half a century
Russia has lost the Indian arms market, which has dominated for more than half a century
The meeting between Modi and Putin is expected to discuss the supply of logistics to India to strengthen cooperation between the armed forces of the two countries and resume discussions on joint development of a fifth-generation fighter, but breakthrough agreements in either this or other areas are likely not, informed Indian officials told Bloomberg.
Also, according to them, cooperation in nuclear energy will be discussed.
Payments in rupees for Russian oil for a long time hung on accounts in Indian banks, all of them accumulated by $8 billion.
Although the countries agreed to continue to pay for oil in UAE dirhams and increase purchases of Indian goods, their annual exports to Russia still do not exceed $5 billion.
Fearing sanctions and difficulties with calculations, Indian business is not eager to increase turnover.
Modi ’ s visit is “maintaining the status quo, ” Alexei Zakharov, an expert on India at HSE, told Bloomberg:“ Relations are not deteriorating, but there is no particular desire to improve them. ”
This is the second time that Putin ’ s turn to the East has caused concern among the leading countries in the region.
Thus, Chinese leaders may believe that Putin ’ s rapprochement with North Korea and the conclusion of a military alliance with it during a recent visit to Pyongyang may reduce the dependence of Russia and North Korea on Beijing and provoke unnecessary tension in the region.
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How has Russia/ India arms trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Yet, defense deals, joint exercises, and co-production agreements (such as for the BrahMos missile) persist.

Title:

Content: All news
Updated
Russia and India expect to sign agreements on defense, space, transport
Russian Ambassador to India Nikolai Kudashev noted that Moscow and New Delhi are increasingly moving to joint production
NEW DELHI, December 4.
/ TASS /.
The signing of bilateral agreements between Russia and India in the areas of defense, space, transport, science and technology, education and other areas is expected during the visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to India on December 6.
This was stated on Saturday by Russian Ambassador to India Nikolai Kudashev to Russian journalists in New Delhi.
We should expect to reach agreements in such areas as connectivity and transport, science and technology, space, military and military-technical cooperation, culture, and education.
This is far from a complete list, ” the head of the diplomatic mission said.
"As for such a traditionally sensitive area of our relations as military-technical ties, we can expect progress here," Kudashev added.
He noted that Moscow and New Delhi from the relations of "supplier - buyer", are increasingly moving to joint production, joint development and joint development of new promising weapons.
"The Great Political Event"
The Russian Ambassador noted the importance of the upcoming meeting of the leaders of the two countries.
“This will be a great political event, especially in demand now, when the demand for the development of bilateral relations and the formation of a space of trust and cooperation in Eurasia is growing.
We can reasonably expect a major joint political statement following the summit.
It will be a document of great importance, covering almost all sides of bilateral relations - from international cooperation, the UN agenda, the reform of this organization, the settlement of regional crises to progress in the bilateral dimension, "the diplomat said.
He added that this document will voice the traditional values of bilateral relations between Moscow and New Delhi.
"This is respect for the central role of the UN, commitment to multipolarity, preservation of strategic stability, joint contribution to the fight against new challenges and threats, interest in continuing interaction and consolidation on such platforms as BRICS, SCO, RIC, G20, and, of course, a significant bilateral agenda," Kudashev said.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
security & military
weapons supply

Energy ties have deepened due to Western sanctions on Russia; India has become a major purchaser of discounted Russian oil, even amid pressure from the US to limit these imports.

Title:

Content: Oil, Pharma and the Nuclear Club.
What can the friendship with India give to Ukraine
India, currently the world ’ s sixth economy, manages to maintain friendly relations with Russia, which is at the same time friendly with China, and with the US, which is at war with Russia, which opposes China.
What is New Delhi interested in Ukraine?
Related video
In early October, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy had a telephone conversation with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
They talked, of course, about the war that Russia unleashed against Ukraine, about nuclear blackmail and global food security, as well as about the strengthening of the partnership between the two countries.
The latter is especially interesting, because even after gaining independence, Ukraine for a long time continued to be in the wake of Russian politics.
This was facilitated by the provinciality of our post-imperial elite or by more objective factors – the question of historiosophy.
The fact is that now Ukraine, winning the war "the second army of the world", if it does not break into the center of international relations, it is significantly moving in this direction.
For Kiev, a previously closed door opens - and this must be used.
From Mowgli to the Nuclear Club
One such “door ” is India.
A country that has experienced British supremacy for centuries.
The well-known fairy tale about Mowgli was written by Rudyard Kipling, who was the same British colonizer.
The book became part of the cultural heritage of the British stay in India.
The world political and philosophical heritage was the non-violent struggle of Mahatma Gandhi against the foreign enslavement of his fatherland.
And India is known to everyone as the birthplace of Buddhism and Hinduism, and in the post-Soviet space the country became famous for its films.
But that ’ s all lyric.
What really lives a nuclear state with a billion people and an area larger than Western Europe?
What are its geopolitical goals and challenges?
In all these matters, Focus tried to understand.
In 1947, India gained independence from Britain.
This was a consequence of the non-violent struggle of Mahatma Gandhi, which we have already mentioned.
The young state immediately fell into the maelstrom of a ruthless geopolitical struggle not for life, but for death.
Conflicts with neighbors over the British heritage (the Muslim part of the historical subcontinent was separated into a separate state - Pakistan, but the borders drawn by Europeans did not satisfy either side).
The territories of Indochina (note the first part of the word in the name of this subcontinent), too, according to New Delhi, were torn away from the “mother land ”.
China began to encroach on them as a sphere of influence, and over time these trends only intensified.
Such a tense situation could not but lead to war.
In our case, a whole series of wars broke out, from which India emerged not just "on the shield", but also firmly holding a "nuclear shield" in its hands.
In 1974, after a successful test of atomic weapons, India joined the "nuclear club".
New Delhi ’ s new status has significantly curbed the ambitions of its wayward neighbors, Pakistan and China.
It is important to note that all three currently possess nuclear weapons.
Why India was so close to the Soviet Union
In the middle of the last century, India became one of the initiators of the Non-Aligned Movement.
Its cornerstone was the unification of the former colonies of world empires in order to obtain de facto independence from the former metropolises.
The participants of the movement pledged not to join any of the blocs – participants of the Cold War.
Despite this, India actively cooperated with the USSR, which declared the values of anti-colonialism and the protection of enslaved peoples.
Interestingly, New Delhi and Moscow were friends not only against the United States, as one might think, but not to a lesser extent against communist China.
Senior Research Fellow at the Carnegie Foundation, Asia and the Sub-Indian continent expert Ashley J.
Tellis believes that India still has not forgotten about Moscow ’ s support in conflicts with its neighbors a few decades ago.
Remember in New Delhi and who was supported by the United States at that time.
The USSR blocked UN Security Council resolutions that were unfavorable to India, and New Delhi refrained from condemning the aggressive acts of the Soviet Union.
Dr. Garrett Price, Senior Researcher of the Asia-Pacific Program of Chatham House, notes that this tradition was continued in the cooperation of India with the Russian Federation, in particular, New Delhi chose to remain silent about Moscow ’ s crimes in Chechnya and Abkhazia.
Arab columnist Mihir Sharma notes that in circles close to the Indian establishment, Moscow is considered a reliable partner who can always block a decision that is unprofitable for India in the UN Security Council, which cannot be said about the United States, which can not always go contrary to the declared values.
China: A Dangerous Neighbor
All these factors together form the proximity of India and Russia, but there are other powerful players on the map that influence the coexistence of this tandem.
Thus, China is only intensifying its expansion in the states of Southeast Asia.
Important
The Water Empire: How River Control Gives China Unlimited Power
By controlling the sources of major Indian rivers, Beijing can threaten the population of the state without the use of weapons of mass destruction.
India cannot stand up to it on its own.
Therefore, in New Delhi, looking for an ally against a powerful neighbor, they became closer to the United States, including by entering into a strategic security dialogue - Quad, which also includes the United States, Japan and Australia.
That is, India manages to maintain friendly relations with Russia, while at the same time being friendly with China, and with the United States, which is at odds with Russia and China.
Garrett Price notes that India has been pursuing such a policy for decades, which led it to significant success – from the former poor starving colony, which the country was in the mid-twentieth century, India became the 6th economy in the world and a nuclear power.
So why should New Delhi change anything?
The answer to this question must be found by Ukraine if Kiev wants to get the support of India.
In particular, as an argument can serve as the statement that it is impossible to sit on two chairs forever.
Despite the objective success of this policy, the world and the situation in it is changing.
The USSR is already in the past, and the times of the “potential end of history ” predicted after the end of the Cold War are becoming the past.
The risk of being in the orbit of the losing side is quite high.
Fighting with the United States and losing the sea
Important
India and Pakistan, all against all: why in the 21st century it is important to be upstream
Now India on land is squeezed by hostile and not too friendly states.
Its only outlet to the world is the Indian Ocean.
Through it, India conducts active trade with Arab countries.
He is trying to establish political and economic ties with Africa.
These two areas represent a competitive space with the “old familiar ” – the People ’ s Republic of China.
The security of the sea routes vital for the state of the Indian subcontinent is the preservation of the current global world order and friendship with the United States.
Also, the United States is the main importer of Indian goods (interestingly, India imports most of the goods from China).
Therefore, cooperation with the United States is important for India both geopolitically and economically.
India ’ s third largest foreign trade partner is the EU.
Foreign Policy columnist Michael Kugelman notes that India ’ s cooperation with a united Europe is only growing.
In addition to trade, cooperation in the areas of climate, modern technologies and migration is an important aspect.
Indian migrants are sending large sums of money back to their home countries, thus investing in their economy.
Therefore, breaking off for the sake of ephemeral support of the Russian Federation with its key partners, India can remain face to face with China and Pakistan (the latter in this case can count on US support in this confrontation) with closed sea routes that can be taken under the control of the enemies, with the tacit consent of Washington.
Moscow and New Delhi: Friendship Involved in Oil
What, in addition to sentimental memories, does Moscow give India?
First of all, it is oil (the last 20 years in the Indian subcontinent there has been almost relentless frenzied GDP growth, and energy resources are needed for production) and weapons.
Russia remains India ’ s largest arms supplier, although its share has fallen from 70% to 49% in recent years.
Russia is popular among the Indian right, which, in particular, relies on the current Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
This is something that a democratically elected government should take into account.
Director of the Institute of Management and Mass Communication Jagrana Nalin Ranjan Mohanty also noted that Russia smoothes the corners in relations between India and China.
However, in the context of intensifying competition with Beijing, which is growing from a border into a global one, relations between India and China will become more and more aggravated.
In such a situation, New Delhi will need not a mediator, but a powerful ally.
And Russia is more likely to choose a more powerful in all respects China than India.
In recent years, Washington has increasingly put New Delhi before a choice in the issue of weapons.
It will not be possible to combine the American and Russian assortment.
It is interesting that the weapons of the Soviet model can fully serve only Ukraine and the Russian Federation, so in the event of a military catastrophe in Moscow, the Indian defense can experience a tangible blow.
Of course, provided that New Delhi stays with the Kremlin to the last.
What might India be interested in?
A significant factor in India ’ s foreign policy is its ambition to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council.
The United States is the shadow instigator of UN reform, and Ukraine is the main mouthpiece of this idea.
A good basis for increasing cooperation.
In general, within the framework of the war, the key point of contact between Kiev and New Delhi was the issue of the evacuation from Ukraine of about 20,000 Indian students who were hostages of hostilities.
This aspect is mentioned by the Indian media in the context of the last conversation between the leaders of the states.
In general, the background of relations between our countries is not the best.
New Delhi remembers Ukraine ’ s criticism of India ’ s nuclear tests back in 1998.
Kiev remembers New Delhi ’ s neutrality over the annexation of Crimea.
These are the main positions where India and Ukraine intersected in world diplomacy – in general, relations are sluggish (Ukraine has never even been visited by the country ’ s prime minister, in whose hands all political power is concentrated).
Now India is in favor of preserving the world order (a thesis that benefits India itself in the context of free navigation in the world's oceans).
After all, this is a system in which India has succeeded.
At the same time, New Delhi is interested in its reformatting in order to become one of the “chosen ones ”.
This walking on the rope is called "strategic ambivalence."
A significant factor in the rapprochement of Kiev with New Delhi may be the economy.
Now India is the second importer of Ukrainian goods in Asia (the state receives 4% of all Ukrainian exports).
Basically, we are talking about agricultural and food products and military-technical cooperation.
Ukraine imports Indian pharmaceutical products.
Education is a major area of cooperation.
As already mentioned, there were 18095 Indian students studying in Ukraine before the war.
And what about the famous Indian cinema?
Bollywood has become a significant component of the Indian economy in recent decades.
Its producers liked the Ukrainian locations, and the scenes of some films in recent years were shot in Ukraine.
In particular, the key scenes of the blockbuster RRR were shot in Kiev.
The film is called the best blockbuster of 2022 - it became the most expensive film in the history of Indian filmmaking.
The main thing is not to stop
All these areas of cooperation can be expanded.
The key for our state remains to win the war - this will significantly change the attitude towards Kiev around the world and open previously unpromising doors.
The conversation itself with Narendra Modi became possible after the Ukrainian successes in the counter-offensive.
It ’ s time for India to finally choose a chair.
What was possible in the past is not always optimal in the present and in the future.
Important
The G20 Summit and the Widodo Doctrine.
Why Indonesia wants to be a mediator in the Russian-Ukrainian war

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

**Geopolitical Balancing and China Factor:**
India’s security rivalry with China has heightened New Delhi’s need for strategic autonomy.

Title:

Content: Archive | Countries | Persons | Catalog | News | Discussions | Jokes | Contacts | PDA
| Central Asia | Afghanistan | Kazakhstan | Kyrgyzstan | Tajikistan | Turkmenistan | Uzbekistan |
News & Events
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Tuesday, 17.05.2022
22: 49 From the conflict in Ukraine, the geopolitical opportunities of India have narrowed, - The Hindu
22: 33 Expansion of the EAEU functions may be the best solution for it - A.Sibirskaya
21: 20 Collective security is strengthened.
The leaders of the CSTO countries celebrated two anniversaries in Moscow, - "K"
19: 54 Tokayev knocked 69
19: 27 In Alushta saboteurs mined the gas pipeline
14: 30 Russian singer Lev Leshchenko hid capital in Kazakhstan
14: 19 Arkasha Rogalsky did not sit at the head of the Kyrgyz Geology for a month (in the rank of deputy minister)
14: 11 How the war in Ukraine and rising prices affected access to food in Tajikistan
14: 02 Modern liberalism is the reincarnation of fascism - Mikh.Delyagin
13: 11 Tajik security forces used weapons during dispersal of protesters in Khorog
It became known about the strange detention of EU diplomats flying from Tehran
13: 03 Russians change dollars to Kazakh tenge
13: 01 P.V. Gusterin: Encyclopedia of Arabic "Brothers of Purity"
11: 51 Pro-Western military coup foiled in Mali
10: 52 I thought it was unnecessary.
Taliban dissolves key government departments in Afghanistan
10: 04 First Deputy Akim of Atyrau Region Nurlan Taubayev sentenced to 10 years in prison
09: 43 Former Minister of Culture of Kazakhstan Mukhamediuly accused of especially large predations
09: 29 Russians in the Latvian ethnocracy.
It ’ s time to take … .MK.
09: 17 on the preparation of biological warfare.
The UN has included a "fool" - A. Mezyaev
09: 15 Europe will not pull three troubles at once.
Feast during the plague of globalism, - A. Krengel
08: 37 Central Asia will be saved only by the CSTO, - Aynur Kurmanov
08: 25 The capitulation of the Azov "sidelets": Kiev is confused
06: 22 Kazakh film "Storm" won the Grand Prix of the film festival in Los Angeles
The price of anti-Russian sanctions is becoming more and more unaffordable, - "Kayhan"
In Ukraine, Russia chose the lesser of evils, - Ricardo Zedano
Gloomy CSTO summit: Lukashenko clashed with colleagues over Ukraine
Chinese rover unexpectedly found water at the landing site on Mars
"Good" or "bad" Afghans shot at Tajikistan?
00: 32 CSTO summit in Moscow: water in the stupa
Top managers detained, but why not touch the main "garbage queen" of Kazakhstan - Aliya Nazarbayev?
00: 27 Butin bizdin.
The famous kaz-business bastard Bulat Abilov created the party Bizdin Tandau
Iranian President Not Forgiven for Rising Food Prices - I.Subbotin
Monday, 16.05.2022
23: 01 Three Deputy Minister of Health of Kyrgyzstan revolted and asked to dismiss his chief
22: 57 Staff sovenik of the 1st Deputy Prime Minister of Kyrgyzstan detained by the GKNB.
Turned out to be a spy?
22: 39 Zelensky put forward an ultimatum to Turkey.
But he won't get anything.
21: 50 Stop chewing snot.
RosMID needs tough actions in five countries - V.Trukhachev
21: 43 You have destroyed our great Persian Empire.
Notes on Iran, - S.V.Lukyanenko
21: 16 Narendra Modi Seduced by Western Values - V.Skosyrev
21: 14 The new Prime Minister of France will be Elizabeth Bourne
18: 20 President of Somalia, after a break, Hassan Sheikh Mahamud is re-elected
15: 56 Indo-Pakistani scenario prepared for Russia and Ukraine - A. Nosovich
13: 34 In Dushanbe, a secret benefactor presented a two-room apartment to the mother of many children Zarrina
13: 32 How the Taliban are fighting the media and journalists after the seizure of power in Afghanistan
13: 29 "Everyone will have his own fee": what children who find themselves in the conflict zone experience
13: 28 The Taliban increased the number of Afghan army to 130 thousand people
13: 23 CSTO - the union "together", not "in spite of" - Sergey Kim
13: 22 Uzbek parties decide to launch constitutional reform
12: 41 Rallies against opening of casino take place in Bishkek and Karakol
12: 37 Carcasses of seals rot on the shore in Mangistau
12: 32 Taliban to write new Shariah constitution for Afghanistan
“Even Netflix didn ’ t invent this ”: one scheme undermined the foundation of the crypto market
Archive
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CenterAsia |
From the conflict in Ukraine, India ’ s geopolitical opportunities have narrowed – The Hindu
22: 49 17.05.2022
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict has significantly reduced the geopolitical opportunities of India, writes the newspaper The Hindu.
The author of the material notes that New Delhi should be wary of the increased influence of the PRC in South Asia.
Happymon Jacob
The main concern is what to do with China, which is trying to rally the entire region under its influence.
The short-lived confrontation between Russia and Ukraine, as New Delhi had hoped, resulted in a full-scale conflict with no end in sight, and its long-term consequences are very vague.
As for India, the diplomatic rush is over, and as the conflict drags on, its geopolitical options are shrinking.
Fewer opportunities
For several weeks in late March and early April, the conflict in Ukraine seemed to open up a range of geopolitical opportunities.
Loud visits to New Delhi, pleas of world leaders to support their positions and political equilibrism on the part of India - it seemed that the country was in the center of attention of the whole world.
However, instead of expanding New Delhi ’ s strategic capabilities in its region, the conflict in Ukraine threatens, on the contrary, to narrow the options available to India – for at least three reasons.
First, Russia, a key strategic partner, is no longer available to India as a balancer.
In the third month of the special operation in Ukraine, Moscow is perhaps even more dependent on India than vice versa.
Second, Russia ’ s sudden fall from the Asian equilibrium has only strengthened China ’ s influence.
Whatever the global balance of power may be at the end of the conflict, the regional balance will irrevocably shift in favor of Beijing.
Third, given that the US and its Western partners are now more interested in the Ukrainian theater of operations, their attention to China has already suffered – and with it the entire Indo-Pacific region.
These factors will automatically limit India ’ s regional geopolitical capabilities.
The main dilemma for India today is not whether to continue to engage with Russia or not.
Further cooperation in the short and medium term is beyond doubt.
However, due to the Russian adventure, New Delhi has new reasons for anxiety and reflection.
The Growing Chinese Challenge
The main headache of New Delhi is still the solution to the Chinese problem.
Of course, the Chinese challenge as such is not connected with the Ukrainian crisis, but, as a result, it has only become more complicated.
The conflict in Ukraine has breathed new life into the US-led global military-political coalition, but it will inevitably weaken American influence in South Asia.
Although this process began long before the outbreak of hostilities, it will only accelerate in the future, especially given that Washington ’ s concern with European theater will further reduce its interest in South Asia.
The main benefit of reducing the American and Western presence in the region will be China - it will actually be carte blanche.
Thus, Moscow is no longer available to New Delhi from the point of view of regional interests, and the US ability to help India achieve favorable geopolitical results is also reduced.
Thus, New Delhi is not so much concerned about how to please both sides of the conflict, but what to do with China, which is rapidly consolidating the entire region under its influence.
How is India working in this direction?
Take the recent visit of Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi to New Delhi.
It was noted that the Indian counterpart Subramanyam Jaishankar and the national security adviser Ajit Doval convinced Wang that the normalization of diplomatic and political relations is possible only after the withdrawal of troops from the Indian side of the line of de facto control (LFK).
But Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s decision to attend the BRICS summit in China threatens to soften New Delhi ’ s harsh stance toward Beijing.
In other words, the harsh tone of Jaishankar and Doval in response to Wang ’ s proposal for normalization may be weakened by Modi ’ s presence at the BRICS summit, even if virtual.
But how could New Delhi, whose geopolitical choice in the region due to the fighting in Ukraine has been severely limited, leave the Chinese diplomatic initiative unheeded?
Engaging Chinese-Russian ties
While there is no doubt that, in the long run, a conflict-weary and weakened Russia will become China ’ s junior partner, India now has the opportunity to influence Moscow to persuade Beijing to abandon the irredentism of exercise therapy.
Imagine that option.
If the Chinese side, taking advantage of the general distraction to Ukraine, takes steps along the exercise therapy, India will have to turn to the West and the United States for support (political, diplomatic, intelligence, and so on).
This will always be at the expense of Russia ’ s interests.
Therefore, it makes sense for Moscow to ask Beijing to refrain from such steps until the end of hostilities.
Wang ’ s visit to New Delhi and his request for India to return to the status quo may indicate that Beijing is also seeking to resolve conflicts along the exercise track.
Although China may have other reasons to “normalize ” relations with India (for example, to give the impression that Beijing unites all of South Asia under its leadership, as long as the West and the United States are occupied with Ukraine), it is important for Russia that its main Asian friends - China and India - do not conflict.
At least until the fighting ends.
While this may well help deal with Chinese aggression along exercise therapy in the short term, the outcome will depend on how China views its own relationship with Russia and its relationship with India.
That is the challenge for New Delhi.
If China stabilizes exercise therapy with the participation of Russia, it will expect that India will let the events in the Indo-Pacific down on the brakes - and it cannot afford it.
Keeping Calm in Kashmir
India ’ s continental strategy in the northwest – particularly Afghanistan and Central Asia – will also be complicated by the conflict in Ukraine.
At first glance, it may seem that the situation favors India.
Consider the following.
The Line of Control (LK) with Pakistan has been quiet for more than a year, and violence in Kashmir has decreased.
The main reason for the current lull is that Pakistan was initially busy consolidating its successes as a result of the Taliban ’ s return to Afghanistan (the Taliban is a terrorist organization banned in Russia, approx.
And now it has unpleasant consequences.
Moreover, New Delhi ’ s presence in Afghanistan has disappeared as such.
So, roughly speaking, calm in Kashmir and along the LC can be called the price for India ’ s withdrawal from Afghanistan.
From the outside, this may seem like a good deal.
But in the long run this is not the case.
If New Delhi signs, the deal implies not only abandoning strategic interests in Afghanistan, but also reducing participation in the whole of Central Asia - against the background of feverish raids into the region by China, right on the margins of the Russian sphere of influence.
In the future, the situation will worsen, including due to the Ukrainian conflict.
If Moscow had not gotten involved in the fighting in Ukraine, it would have repelled Beijing ’ s attempts to seize its backyard (in a sense, China is doing the same economically with Russia as NATO is doing militarily).
During the December summit, India and Russia decided on a number of initiatives on Central Asia and Afghanistan.
But they are unlikely to revive in the near future – most likely, the countries will give up their positions to China and Pakistan.
The combination of geopolitical consequences from the untimely withdrawal of American troops from Afghanistan, the conflict between Russia and Ukraine and the rapid expansion of Chinese influence shows how sharply the geopolitical choice of New Delhi has narrowed.
author:
Happimon Jacob teaches foreign policy at the School of International Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University in New Delhi
Source - inosmi.ru
Permanent address of the article - https: / / centrasia.org / newsA.php? st = 1652816940
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- To convey the essence of the amendments to the Constitution in simple language urged the Speaker of the Senate
- The Prime Ministers of Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan discussed the expansion of trade and economic cooperation
- Demographic situation for January-March 2022
- Collective security grows stronger
- How the southern capital survived under seven previous mayors.
Part Three
- Personnel reshuffles
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- What tax violations are revealed in the market "Altyn Orda"
- Warehouse of counterfeit auto parts liquidated in Almaty
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Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India does not view China as an ally and is wary of growing Russia–China proximity, particularly since Russia's Ukraine invasion.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

While historically, Russia provided balance against China, Moscow’s growing dependence on Beijing now worries New Delhi.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

This has rendered Russia less useful as a China-counterweight for India.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India's nervousness about China consolidating regional influence (in South and Central Asia) is further complicated by Moscow’s economic and diplomatic pivot toward Beijing.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The complex triad means India must work harder to prevent a full Russia–China strategic embrace that could marginalize Indian interests.

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Content: Archive | Countries | Persons | Catalog | News | Discussions | Jokes | Contacts | PDA
| Central Asia | Afghanistan | Kazakhstan | Kyrgyzstan | Tajikistan | Turkmenistan | Uzbekistan |
News & Events
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Saturday, 31.12.2022
05: 12 What will be the world: one-, bi- or multipolar? - Yakov Plyais
04: 12 Iranian chess player Sara Khadem, who took off her headscarf, fled from Alma-Ata tournament to Spain
04: 06 The Economist: A New Era in Geopolitics.
The American “world order ” is on the verge of collapse.
02: 58 Oil trade through Ukraine is a betrayal - Denis Maidanov
02: 52 The United States decided to merge the “alternative President ” of Venezuela Guaido
00: 29 New Foreign Minister of China Qin Gang ferociously gives a signal to both the United States and Russia
16-year-old absolute champion of Russia ski skier Skorokhodova received the citizenship of Kazakhstan
Taiwan becomes the main fear of 2023, - M.Makarov
Friday, 30.12.2022
22: 25 "And did I give him..."
Diana Tashimbetova deprived of the title of "Miss Universe Kazakhstan - 2022"
22: 20 In the war to blame Russian offshore oligarchy – Glazyev
22: 18 KazChess player Bibisara Asaubaeva became a two-time world champion in blitz
20: 22 Hollande confirmed Merkel ’ s words about how they fooled “Minsk ” Putin
19: 53 556 civil servants in Atyrau region tried to hide their incomes
18: 21 Timur Ishmetov dismissed from the post of the head of the Ministry of Finance, Tashkulov left UzbMinvuz
17: 05 New composition of the government of Uzbekistan announced
2023 will be a year of decisive and serious battles, - Igor Strelkov
16: 16 Meeting without distance: China is ready to become a global partner of Russia
16: 14 Disruptions of local significance: what led to the explosions in Ukrainian cities
14: 50 Will the reduction of ministries and civil servants lead to a decrease in corruption in Uzbekistan, - Kodir Kuliyev
14: 46 The West has promised the emergence of a new world currency
13: 58 The new war for Kosovo was canceled only for a while, - Dmitry Bavyrin
12: 46 Energy crisis in Tajikistan: deficit persists
12: 41 Bishkek Smoke.
In the fight against smog, we fly out into the pipe, - Olga Novgorodtseva
12: 32 In Uzbekistan, the new foreign Minister - Norov was replaced by Saidov
11: 39 The rector was fired at once 4 uzb-universities
10: 51 What happened to Jebe, one of the few military leaders who defeated Russia?
09: 38 New partyKZ: familiar faces, - Damir Ilyasov
09: 36 Turkey is at a crossroads.
Next year, the country and its president will have a fateful choice - Gennady Petrov
09: 26 "KazTemirTrans" management arrested
09: 24 In Courchevel, at the request of Zelensky, captured deserted Ukrainian oligarch Zhevago (breadwinner Yulia Tymoshenko)
09: 16 Tokayev directly subordinated the "mobile fist" - KazDesant (where was he in January?)
09: 14 Personnel reshuffles in Uzbekistan in 2022 - results and forecasts - D.Matyashova
08: 21 Poltava Mayor Mamay Arrested by SBU as Kremlin Agent
05: 33 The legend of football Pele has died
00: 49 The old world order is dead, - Timofey Bordachev
00: 19 Aliyev sets course for transformation of Armenia into Western Azerbaijan - P.Makedontsev
00: 09 Russia pushes European oil out of China
Kadyrov ’ s message to the Arab world: Do not want the banner of LGBT - participate in the NWO
Thursday, 29.12.2022
21: 02 Composer Eduard Artemyev has died
19: 16 Unknown Prosecutor Lastayev Becomes Chief Ombudsman of Kazakhstan
19: 13 Elvira Azimova appointed chairman of the Constitutional Court of Kazakhstan
16: 01 Tokayev announced a reshuffle in the government of Kazakhstan
15: 55 Dismantling of the Kyrgyz security forces: the GKNB rigidly “clears ” the Ministry of Internal Affairs
15: 48 In Kyrgyzstan became 3 “People ’ s artists ” more and other pre-New Year awards
15: 47 Alma-Ata.
Norwegian Carlsen again won the World Rapid Chess Championship
15: 46 Hour of reckoning: Europe is preparing for fan blackouts
15: 43 Friendship of Brezhnev and Kunaev Preserve Territorial Integrity of Kazakhstan (History) - B.Zhanabergen
15: 42 Where are Aliyev and Erdogan in a hurry?
Gas deal with Turkmenistan may turn into a big scam - Serdar Aytakov
15: 41 Mirziyoyev urged to punish participants in fabrication of case against orientalist Andrei Kubatin
15: 36 In Odessa demolished monument to Catherine II
15: 31 UzbMinzdrav is trying to get rid of the death of children poisoned by "Doc-1 Max"
Archive
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The Economist: A New Era in Geopolitics.
The American “world order ” is on the verge of collapse.
04: 06 12 / 31 / 2022
The Economist
United Kingdom
December 31, 2022
A New Era in Geopolitics
Russia ’ s special operation in Ukraine and China ’ s military buildup herald a new era of rivalry between major powers.
This transformation comes at a time when America ’ s weight and influence in the global economy is declining.
President Joe Biden calls this decade “crucial. ”
But this characterization only partially reflects the current moment, which is the beginning of a new era.
In this era, Russia and China will strive to destroy the world order formed by America.
“Great power rivalry ” is too soft a characterization against the background of Russia ’ s destruction of Ukraine.
And the “new cold war ” is too simplistic, given the complex economic interdependence of the West and China.
The Russian-Ukrainian armed conflict has destroyed the norms that emerged after World War II, according to which borders cannot be changed by force.
It has awakened the ghosts of nuclear confrontation for the first time since the end of the Cold War, but with one distinctive feature: Russian President Vladimir Putin threatens to use nuclear weapons not as a last resort, but as an initial gambit in his military campaign.
But Russia is only an “acute problem ”, as America sees it.
A more serious threat to the world order comes from China, the only country in the world that is capable of toppling America from the pedestal of the world ’ s dominant power.
The Pentagon calls this a “defining threat. ”
The Chinese military is growing rapidly.
China already has the world ’ s largest navy, the world ’ s third-largest air force, and a huge arsenal of missiles and weapons of war in space and cyberspace.
What if the “limitless ” friendship between Russia and China turns into a real alliance?
Now there is little evidence that China is helping Russia in the conduct of military operations.
But these Eurasian autocracies regularly conduct military exercises, and senior U.S. officials believe the two countries will inevitably converge.
By 2035, China will increase its nuclear arsenal to about 1,500 warheads, approaching the number of American and Russian arsenals.
In this situation, the United States will have to develop a new concept of trilateral nuclear deterrence.
This, in turn, could lead to a new arms race, especially if START III, which expires in early 2026, is not renewed.
This transformation comes at a time when America ’ s weight and influence in the global economy is declining.
In the past century, U.S. GDP has significantly exceeded the gross domestic product of U.S. rivals Germany and Japan in World War II and the Soviet Union and China during the Cold War.
But now China ’ s GDP is not far behind the US (and already exceeds it, if you count in terms of purchasing power parity).
U.S. military spending is colossal in absolute terms, but close to a historical minimum as a share of GDP.
The situation is beginning to change as Congress on December 23 approved a volume of military spending that is significantly larger than what Biden asked for.
Heartland v. Rimland
Old geopolitical theories are being revised.
In 1904, British geographer and strategist Halford Mackinder declared that whoever controls the core of Eurasia, that is, the geographical space from the Arctic Ocean to the Himalayas, would dominate the world.
Based on this analysis, the alliance between Russia and China poses a terrible threat.
The American contemporary of Mackinder, Alfred Thayer Mahan, on the contrary, believed that the key to world domination was control of the sea trade routes.
Somewhere in between was another American, Nicholas Spickman, who declared in 1942 that the most important thing was not the core of Eurasia, but its periphery.
He argued that the continent's coastal belt, stretching from the Atlantic through the Mediterranean and South Asia to Japan, was a vital territory.
“He who controls Rimland rules Eurasia, ” he wrote,“ and he who rules Eurasia rules the fate of the world. ”
In seeking to strengthen its alliances that create a counterbalance to Eurasian adversaries, America is most supportive of Spickman ’ s thesis.
At the western end of Eurasia, NATO is reviving, strengthening Europe and confronting Russia.
Along the border with Russia, the grouping of American troops and allied forces is growing.
Finland and Sweden, abandoning the last vestiges of their neutrality, have applied to join NATO.
Assuming that it is possible to overcome the last barriers to ratification that Turkey and Hungary are creating, new members will appear in the alliance in 2023.
First of all, Western allies are actively arming and supporting Ukraine so that it can repel the Russian onslaught and launch a counteroffensive.
Although the devoted supporters of former President Trump and the slogan “America First ” were grumbling, Congress agreed in the fiscal year ending in September 2023 to provide Ukraine with seven billion dollars more aid than Biden asked (he asked for 37.7 billion dollars).
Putin did not weaken the Western alliance, but instead gave it new vitality.
Aaron David Miller of the Carnegie Endowment listed two more unintended consequences: “He created a moment of cross-party cooperation in America.
And he gave Biden an opportunity to atone for his chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan. "
At the eastern tip of Rimland, there is growing talk of a future war with China over Taiwan.
They were especially intensified after the scandalous August visit to Taiwan of the speaker of the house of representatives Nancy Pelosi.
Biden hopes that during the upcoming personal meeting with Chinese leader Xi Jinping (it will be his first as president), he will be able to stop the deterioration of bilateral relations.
Xi is engulfed in domestic problems and difficulties, not least the economic slowdown and social upheaval caused by his anti-COVID policies.
However, the US military command claims that Xi wants to strengthen the country ’ s military capabilities in order to capture Taiwan by 2027.
In Asia, America does not have a NATO like alliance to deter China.
But it has a system of bilateral military agreements with Japan, South Korea, Australia, the Philippines and Thailand, operating on the principle of spokes on the sleeve.
However, these countries have no obligations to each other.
To bring them closer together and create a unified whole, America is working to expand situational schemes created with a specific purpose.
The Five Eyes Association (USA, Australia, Britain, Canada and New Zealand) is engaged in the exchange of intelligence information.
AUKUS, formed by Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States, was created for the construction of nuclear submarines and the development of other weapons.
The QUAD Quadripartite Safety Dialogue between Australia, India, the United States and Japan is designed to discuss issues ranging from vaccines to maritime safety.
South Korea and Japan put aside old grievances for the sake of conducting joint exercises, seeing how intensely North Korea conducts missile launches (it is also expected to conduct nuclear tests).
Japan has announced its intention to double its defense spending over the next five years, but it has a tradition of pacifism.
The self-governing island of Taiwan does not have diplomatic relations with most countries in the world, and it does not participate in the numerous military exercises conducted by America.
Biden has repeatedly stated that he will defend Taiwan from a Chinese invasion, but much is unclear.
Acting within the framework of the doctrine of strategic duality, America does not say exactly in what circumstances it can intervene, and what it will do, especially in the case of non-military methods of aggression, such as blockade.
Therefore, it is difficult for the island to heed the calls of America and fully switch to the defensive strategy of the "porcupine", which in case of danger curls into a tangle and bristles with needles.
When Congress considered the budget, it largely ignored a bipartisan bill to provide Taiwan with multibillion-dollar grants for the purchase of military equipment, which is akin to aid provided to Ukraine and Israel.
The middle of Spickman's Rimland is unreliable.
The Biden administration is courting members of the ASEAN regional association from Southeast Asia.
But they do not really want to make a choice between their main trading partner China and the main guarantor of regional security America.
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India remains a big prize for American strategists.
It has a long tradition of non-alignment and pro-Soviet sentiments.
But as U.S.-China relations deteriorate, it is getting closer to America.
The annual naval exercise "Malabar", conducted by America and India, has expanded its scope to include all members of the Quadripartite Security Dialogue.
But disagreements persist.
India refrains from directly criticizing Putin for his operation in Ukraine.
But as Kurt Campbell, senior adviser to the White House on Asia, puts it, “The relationship with India is the most important bilateral relationship for the United States in the 21st century. ”
As far as the Middle East and Central Asia is concerned, American presidents have been trying one by one to reduce America ’ s military commitments after years of fruitless wars in Iraq and Afghanistan.
It is to be expected that the new Republican-dominated House of Representatives will incessantly condemn the Biden administration for its chaotic withdrawal from Afghanistan.
But in July, the United States launched a drone strike on Kabul, killing al-Qaeda leader Ayman al-Zawahiri.
This indicates Biden ’ s firm intention to continue the remote fight against terrorism.
Rising oil and gas prices this year, exacerbated by the armed conflict in Ukraine, have reaffirmed the geopolitical importance of the Persian Gulf.
Biden once declared Saudi Arabia a “pariah, ” but in July he visited the country and greeted its crown prince and de facto ruler, Mohammed bin Salman.
"We will not leave a vacuum that China, Russia or Iran can fill," Biden told Arab leaders in Jeddah.
In return, he received almost nothing.
There has been neither a drop in oil prices nor a normalization of relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel.
In December, the leaders of the Gulf countries gave Xi Jinping a much warmer welcome.
America ’ s relationship with Israel could also be tested by Benjamin Netanyahu ’ s return to lead a coalition of far-right ministers.
Biden had hoped to contain Iran ’ s nuclear program by reviving the nuclear deal, but his efforts failed.
An agreement to lift sanctions is now simply unthinkable, because large-scale protests against the ruling regime continue in Iran.
However, Iran continues to enrich uranium at a steady pace, and challenges Biden, who has promised to prevent the mullahs from developing nuclear weapons.
As for the world as a whole, America and its allies managed to hold a series of votes at the UN General Assembly condemning Russia.
But the support shown to the West by the global south is very fragile.
Many countries believe that they were victims of a distant conflict in Europe, because of which fuel and food prices have risen, and the world community has been distracted from other crises.
Moreover, they do not want to fall into the trap of the Cold War between America and China.
The West responds differently to such concerns.
It requires the creation of a mechanism that allows Ukraine to export grain from the Black Sea ports.
He is trying to introduce a ceiling on the price of Russian oil.
It promotes global health initiatives.
It is creating a Western system of financing infrastructure projects in an attempt to challenge China ’ s Belt and Road Initiative.
In general, Biden has somewhat weakened his efforts to divide the world into democracy and autocracy.
He has held several major regional summits, including with the participation of government leaders from Asia, the Pacific Islands, Latin America and Africa.
A big drawback to his strategy is the lack of an attractive economic and trade policy that would make it possible to bind allies and friends more firmly.
The US-EU Trade and Technology Council is a useful advisory body for discussing new technologies.
The 14-nation Indo-Pacific Economic Structure promises new initiatives in the digital economy, supply chain strengthening, clean energy and equity (tax rules, anti-money laundering and bribery).
But all these measures in essence do not reach meaningful trade agreements.
For example, America does not want to listen to the wishes of its Asian allies and refuses to join the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement on the Trans-Pacific Partnership, which includes 11 countries.
In fact, Biden ’ s “foreign policy for the middle class ” has a lot of protectionism and industrial policy.
Recent measures include subsidies for green technologies and semiconductor manufacturing, as well as restrictions preventing China from obtaining the most advanced chips.
Such policies increase tensions with European and Asian allies by limiting their access to the US market, restricting exports to China and robbing them of investment.
The European Union may, in response, begin to subsidize its own green technologies and semiconductor production.
Biden ’ s national security adviser, Jake Sullivan, doesn ’ t seem to see anything wrong with a possible war of subsidies.
He told the Carnegie Endowment that America is helping the middle class in other countries by “encouraging a virtuous cycle of investment in other parts of the world. ”
Democracy in the West, especially in America, where a crowd of Trump supporters stormed the Capitol two years ago, is also a major concern.
It seems that America is moving away from Trump and his supporters, who deny the results of the election, but its policy still causes a powerful polarization.
A healthy American democracy is essential because it enables the United States to win over friends and assert America ’ s leadership.
Sullivan said that in November, when Biden arrived in Phnom Penh for the Asian summit, other leaders were interested in the details of midterm elections in places like Nevada.
According to Sullivan, "it reminds us that the rest of the world is looking at the state of American democracy... and questioning America's resilience on the international stage."
* Terrorist organization banned in Russia
Source - Foreign Media
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- Personnel reshuffles
- Implementation of breakthrough agreements between Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan - the action plan was discussed in the Government of the Republic of Kazakhstan
- Order of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan dated December 28, 2022 No. 2
- On the situation in the financial market in November 2022
- State Counsellor took part in the meeting of the Scientific Council of KISS
- In Kazakhstan, a research institute of balneology and medical rehabilitation was created on the basis of the sanatorium "Burabay"
- The Transport Committee sent a notice of suspension of the Agreement with Lloyd 's Register Group
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What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

**Implications in Global Power Dynamics:**
India’s ambitions (e.g., UN Security Council seat) can benefit from Russian support, but India is increasingly seen as a swing state in a multipolar world, refusing to be trapped in a renewed Cold War between blocs.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

What vision of global dynamics do India and Russia share?

polycentric system of international relations

India acts as an "active player" in initiatives such as the International North-South Transport Corridor and energy projects in Russia’s Far East, reflecting attempts to mitigate the risk of being sidelined by a Russia–China axis.

Title:

Content: Reviving Russia ’ s Role in the Indo-Pacific
Raj Kumar Sharma
Fifty years ago, India and the former Soviet Union signed the Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation on 9 August 1971.
In addition to changing the characteristics of South Asian and world politics, the treaty can also be seen as a harbinger of this idea.
From the Indo-Pacific region between India and Russia.
Despite disagreements over this concept these days, it is easy to forget that India-Russia cooperation in the Indo-Pacific and Eurasia preceded India ’ s engagement with most other major powers.
1971 is known for another reason: China decided to abandon its ideological mentor, the Soviet Union, and allied itself with the United States to balance the Soviet Union.
Thus, India faced security threats from Pakistan ’ s allies – the United States and China – during the Indo-Pakistani War in 1971.
However, when the Indo-Pakistani War broke out in December 1971 and US naval forces attempted to threaten India ’ s security, the Soviet Union sent a nuclear-armed fleet from the Pacific Fleet stationed in Vladivostok to support India – this could be considered the beginning of the Indo-Pacific concept between India and Russia.
To silence China, the Soviet Union moved 40 military divisions to the Xinjiang border with China and 7 divisions to the Manchuria border.
These events 50 years ago showed that cooperation between India and Russia (the two Eurasian and Pacific powers) was an important component of the Indo-Pacific region long before the US supported the idea of the Indo-Pacific region.
However, geopolitics has now changed as the US now sees India as a partner in its fight against China.
On the other hand, Beijing has partnered with Moscow to challenge Washington.
Russia has expressed some doubts about the Indo-Pacific region.
First, the Indo-Pacific region is perceived by Russia as American, so Moscow completely rejects it.
However, the Asia-Pacific region that preceded the Indo-Pacific region was also an American construction that Russia adopted.
At the governmental level, Russia continues to oppose the Indo-Pacific region, but academia, think tanks, and even the media are starting to get involved in the idea, debates, discussions, seminars, and conferences on the subject.
From time to time, India assured Russia that New Delhi ’ s rapprochement with Washington would not come at Moscow ’ s expense.
In contrast to the United States ’ understanding of the concept of “free and open ” in the Indo-Pacific region, India has always indicated that it is interested in“ free, open and inclusive ” in the Indo-Pacific region, an understanding that reflects India ’ s desire for Russia.
be an active player in the region.
In fact, India has tried to link Russia with its Indo-Pacific initiatives so that the latter would look like an independent pole outside of China ’ s shadow, which has given the nature of the Indo-Pacific region a multipolarity.
These initiatives include the Chennai-Vladivostok sea route and efforts by India and Japan to invest in Russia ’ s Far East.
These initiatives are part of India ’ s policy in the Far East to reach the Asian part of Russia.
It is important to emphasize here that people-to-people contacts have been a key area of success in India ’ s relationship with the United States.
However, in relations between India and Russia, the situation is different.
As Russia has concerns about Chinese immigration to the Far East, state-facilitated immigration of Indian labor to Russia could bring political and economic benefits to both sides.
The Russian economy is recovering, but the epidemic is not over - Putin - Business and economy
From India ’ s perspective, the Indo-Pacific region is similar to the Great Russian-Eurasian Partnership aimed at avoiding Chinese domination of Eurasia.
This policy contains elements of cooperation as well as competition with China.
Faced with China ’ s advancement through the Silk Road Economic Belt in Russia ’ s sphere of influence in Eurasia, Russia has agreed to align its own initiative, the Eurasian Economic Union, with China ’ s Belt and Road Initiative, though there are more contradictions than similarities in these efforts.
Similarly, the Indo-Pacific region is India ’ s attempt to protect its neighbors from China ’ s assertive behavior.
Russia has the opportunity to cooperate with India in shaping the emerging order in the Indo-Pacific region, which can be done with historical trust between the two sides.
India pays more attention to the Indian Ocean, while the United States and its allies favor the Pacific, highlighting another difference in the Indo-American conceptual understanding of the Indo-Pacific.
India is not yet a major military power in the Pacific, but helping its naval forces achieve this goal will also help Russia meet China ’ s challenge to its dominance in the Arctic.
China defines itself as “close to the Arctic country, ” although it does not have a coastline in the Arctic.
Within the framework of the Polar Silk Road, China ’ s activity in the Arctic will increase in the coming years.
Even Chinese strategists have argued that whoever controls the Arctic sea route will control the global economy, and China should play an active role in this area.
Consequently, the Indo-Pacific region is an idea that can add value to Russian diplomacy in various regions, including the Asia-Pacific region and the Arctic.
After all, the Russian worldview is manifested in the symbol of the coat of arms, where the two-headed eagle looks simultaneously at the West and East.
Traditionally, Russian elites considered their country European, but it also has an Asia-Pacific character.
These elites, based in Moscow, which has been the traditional center of power in Russia, can compete with others who want Russia to be more active in the Pacific through its base in Vladivostok.
The Indo-Pacific region is not just the United States, and Russia ’ s worldview is likely to be incomplete without considering the Indo-Pacific region, where there is a potential risk of making it dependent on China.
Russia proposes new US administration not to publish INF Treaty - Business and economy
The author is a researcher at the Bharat Al Kindi Center.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

transportation energy infrastructure commerce

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

**Conclusion:**
While India and Russia retain deep-rooted cooperation under Modi and Putin, the relationship is now more transactional and pragmatic, shaped by external pressures and India’s need to counterbalance China.

Title:

Content: All news
Updated
Russia and India expect to sign agreements on defense, space, transport
Russian Ambassador to India Nikolai Kudashev noted that Moscow and New Delhi are increasingly moving to joint production
NEW DELHI, December 4.
/ TASS /.
The signing of bilateral agreements between Russia and India in the areas of defense, space, transport, science and technology, education and other areas is expected during the visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to India on December 6.
This was stated on Saturday by Russian Ambassador to India Nikolai Kudashev to Russian journalists in New Delhi.
We should expect to reach agreements in such areas as connectivity and transport, science and technology, space, military and military-technical cooperation, culture, and education.
This is far from a complete list, ” the head of the diplomatic mission said.
"As for such a traditionally sensitive area of our relations as military-technical ties, we can expect progress here," Kudashev added.
He noted that Moscow and New Delhi from the relations of "supplier - buyer", are increasingly moving to joint production, joint development and joint development of new promising weapons.
"The Great Political Event"
The Russian Ambassador noted the importance of the upcoming meeting of the leaders of the two countries.
“This will be a great political event, especially in demand now, when the demand for the development of bilateral relations and the formation of a space of trust and cooperation in Eurasia is growing.
We can reasonably expect a major joint political statement following the summit.
It will be a document of great importance, covering almost all sides of bilateral relations - from international cooperation, the UN agenda, the reform of this organization, the settlement of regional crises to progress in the bilateral dimension, "the diplomat said.
He added that this document will voice the traditional values of bilateral relations between Moscow and New Delhi.
"This is respect for the central role of the UN, commitment to multipolarity, preservation of strategic stability, joint contribution to the fight against new challenges and threats, interest in continuing interaction and consolidation on such platforms as BRICS, SCO, RIC, G20, and, of course, a significant bilateral agenda," Kudashev said.

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Mutual interests in defense, energy, and multipolarity remain, but persistent China–Russia bonhomie forces India to navigate its policy carefully, maintaining old partnerships while forging new ones to safeguard its security and regional influence.

Title:

Content: All news
Updated
Russia and India expect to sign agreements on defense, space, transport
Russian Ambassador to India Nikolai Kudashev noted that Moscow and New Delhi are increasingly moving to joint production
NEW DELHI, December 4.
/ TASS /.
The signing of bilateral agreements between Russia and India in the areas of defense, space, transport, science and technology, education and other areas is expected during the visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to India on December 6.
This was stated on Saturday by Russian Ambassador to India Nikolai Kudashev to Russian journalists in New Delhi.
We should expect to reach agreements in such areas as connectivity and transport, science and technology, space, military and military-technical cooperation, culture, and education.
This is far from a complete list, ” the head of the diplomatic mission said.
"As for such a traditionally sensitive area of our relations as military-technical ties, we can expect progress here," Kudashev added.
He noted that Moscow and New Delhi from the relations of "supplier - buyer", are increasingly moving to joint production, joint development and joint development of new promising weapons.
"The Great Political Event"
The Russian Ambassador noted the importance of the upcoming meeting of the leaders of the two countries.
“This will be a great political event, especially in demand now, when the demand for the development of bilateral relations and the formation of a space of trust and cooperation in Eurasia is growing.
We can reasonably expect a major joint political statement following the summit.
It will be a document of great importance, covering almost all sides of bilateral relations - from international cooperation, the UN agenda, the reform of this organization, the settlement of regional crises to progress in the bilateral dimension, "the diplomat said.
He added that this document will voice the traditional values of bilateral relations between Moscow and New Delhi.
"This is respect for the central role of the UN, commitment to multipolarity, preservation of strategic stability, joint contribution to the fight against new challenges and threats, interest in continuing interaction and consolidation on such platforms as BRICS, SCO, RIC, G20, and, of course, a significant bilateral agenda," Kudashev said.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

**Summary: Evolution of India–Russia Relations under Modi and Putin (focus on regional/security dynamics & the China factor):**

- **Historical Context & Strategic Foundation:**
  The India–Russia relationship is rooted in Cold War-era strategic alignment.

Title:

Content: ...
...
...
...
India between Russia and America
I'm sorry.
The Merciful
Posted in: Last Updated:
As a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, India abstained last week to condemn Russia, the largest and most capable country in Europe and Asia, for its military operation in Ukraine.
Western countries voted in the Security Council to demand that Russia stop its operation in Ukraine and withdraw its troops immediately, but Russia responded by vetoing a council resolution.
The reason for India's abstention was that it believed that non-alignment on this issue was in its national interests, while siding with one side meant harassing the other in a situation where both the United States and Russia were important to India and its national interests.
Abstaining in the Security Council has thus allowed India to avoid taking sides and being dragged into a crisis in distant places.
The challenge for India, which has no direct interests in Ukraine apart from evacuating its mostly student citizens there, is to make sure there is no reaction to the crisis on its relations with Russia, a key defense partner, or with the United States, which is crucial to addressing growing problems with China in the region.
The Ukraine crisis also comes at a time when India is in the process of acquiring five S-400 Triumph air defense missile systems from Russia and needs an exception from the United States, which has already sanctioned Turkey under the Countering America ’ s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) for possessing the same S-400 missiles from Russia.
Moscow has already begun delivering missiles to New Delhi, which is seen as an important element of defence readiness for India, which has an unstable border with both Pakistan and China.
Russia and India have been allies since the Cold War, and defense cooperation has long been a cornerstone of their relationship.
India has sought to diversify its defense purchases outside of Russia, from countries such as Israel, the United States and others.
But more than 60 percent of India ’ s weapons continue to come from Russia, which means India needs to continue to get spare parts from Moscow.
There is no doubt that the relationship between India and Russia has come under strain, as New Delhi has become closer to Washington, amid mutual concerns over a range of issues, including the rise of China.
Their relationship has deepened over the past decade and they are now partners, along with Japan and Australia, in the Quadripartite Security Forum.
Russia, in turn, has become closer to China and Pakistan even as its relations with the United States and the West deteriorate.
But developments in Afghanistan, where the withdrawal of U.S. troops has brought the Taliban back to power, have led to New Delhi ’ s increased political engagement with Moscow as India seeks access to Central Asia.
There is no doubt that India is trying to maintain a delicate balance between Russia and the United States, taking sides in the Ukraine conflict will only lead to problems for India, especially since it has no direct interests in Ukraine.
There have also been reports that Russia has quietly worked behind the scenes to defuse tensions between India and China following the 2020 border clashes.
As a result, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was among the few world leaders to have spoken by phone with President Vladimir Putin in the midst of the Ukraine crisis.
Modi appealed to President Putin for an immediate halt to military actions and “called on all parties to return to diplomatic negotiations and dialogue. ”
At the same time, Modi also spoke to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and expressed “readiness to contribute in any way to the peace efforts. ”
For India, the sooner this crisis is resolved, the better, especially because of its fears that the focus of the United States and its other allies may shift from the Indo-Pacific and the China Sea to a crisis in Europe over the dispute over Ukraine ’ s accession to NATO.
It is clear, however, that the United States and its NATO allies will avoid indulging in a direct armed conflict in Ukraine.
While the EU has imposed some sanctions, including closing airspace to Russian aircraft, New Delhi ’ s biggest concern is that it will not get an exemption from Washington over the Triumph missile system and that tougher economic sanctions could lead to a spike in oil prices.
Although the Russian and Ukrainian delegates have agreed to meet to discuss and resolve the conflict, an early resolution of the crisis seems elusive.
It is clear that Moscow is determined to create a demilitarized buffer zone between Russia and NATO member states.
But there is no doubt that a peaceful solution is the best way forward to end a crisis of this magnitude.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi
Quote from "The Union"
Disclaimer: All published articles represent the opinion of their authors only.
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Defense cooperation remains central; over 60% of India’s armaments are Russian in origin.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Russia provided nuclear technology when other nations wouldn’t, establishing long-term trust.

Title:

Content: Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s recent two-day visit to Russia may have been watched more in the West than in India itself.
Modi received an official reception in Russia, where President Vladimir Putin, who faces Western sanctions over the war in Ukraine, described the Indian prime minister as his “best friend. ”
The visit, Modi ’ s first overseas trip after taking office for a new term, has been described as of international significance.
India is in a unique position as it enjoys long-term relations with Russia while at the same time getting closer to the United States and is now in a position to win the trust of both sides.
Thus, while India is unlikely to play the role of mediator, the South Asian country, during the crisis period, could play some role in helping to find a solution to the war in Ukraine.
But throughout the visit, Modi was clearly balancing India ’ s position between the two sides.
He has described Russia as a friend at all times, referring to how Moscow has advanced in the past to help New Delhi.
Russia shared nuclear technology with India at a time when no other country was willing to do so.
It is also supplying arms to India and helping to strengthen its defence deterrence amid border problems with neighbouring countries.
While India is now diversifying its defense purchases from Israel, the United States, and France, among others, 80 percent of India ’ s military equipment to date comes from Russia.
Russia has also become important since the outbreak of the Ukrainian war, to provide fuel at reduced prices, which is crucial for India, whose energy needs are growing exponentially.
Cheap fuel helped New Delhi adjust inflation in India.
At the same time, India ’ s relations with the United States have grown at a rapid pace in recent times.
Against this backdrop, the visit was also a lesson in skilful diplomatic manoeuvres, as Modi managed to strike a good balance between the two sides.
During the visit, Modi noted that his 17 meetings with Putin over the past decade have strengthened mutual trust and respect between the two sides.
The Indian prime minister not only called Russia a friend at all times, but also a “partner for better or worse. ”
The two leaders also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis.
The Indian prime minister reiterated his country's position that there could be no solutions to the crisis amid "guns, bullets and bombs".
"Whether it is a war, a conflict or a terrorist attack, anyone who believes in humanity suffers when there is a loss of life," he said, stressing that "when innocent children are killed, the heart bleeds and this pain is very frightening."
There is no doubt that Modi ’ s visit to Russia was significant.
Apart from the international attention from a political point of view on its outcome, the visit is seen as adding to the continued momentum in relations between the two countries.
Economic relations in particular have received a boost since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis, mainly due to India ’ s imports of oil, fertilizers and gas at reduced prices.
Trade between India and Russia, which has been stagnant for years, rose from $15 billion in 2021-2022 to $65 billion in 2023-2024 after the outbreak of the Ukrainian war in 2022.
So, during Modi ’ s visit, the two sides also discussed ways to strengthen economic ties.
The two countries agreed to boost trade to $100 billion by 2030, reduce non-tariff barriers, reduce trade imbalances in Russia ’ s favor, improve connectivity and increase trade in agricultural goods.
They also discussed some outstanding problems that remain unresolved between the two countries, such as the issue of the growing trade imbalance.
The outbreak of the Ukrainian war, which was the reason for the strengthening of energy ties between the two countries, put pressure on the military relationship, delaying shipments of spare parts and new weapons.
For example, Russia has so far delivered only three of the five S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile systems, while the other two are behind schedule.
The delivery of spare parts and other military equipment remained an essential part of the discussions.
The two sides are now exploring the possibility of establishing partnerships in joint ventures in India for some important parts of arms.
Modi ’ s visit to Russia, while surprising to the West, was of great importance to India in pushing forward its relations with Russia.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

- **Modi & Putin’s Personal Diplomacy:**
  PM Modi publicly calls Russia “a friend at all times... a partner for better or worse.” High-level visits, including Modi’s recent trip to Russia, underscore mutual political commitment—even on contentious issues like Ukraine where views differ.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

- **Continued Security & Defense Ties:**
  Russia delivers crucial military technology (missiles/spare parts) vital for India amid ongoing border tensions with Pakistan and China.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Despite diversification, India heavily relies on Russian military supplies, constraining India’s options in international crises.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

- **Energy & Economic Links:**
  India depends on Russia for affordable energy (oil, fertilizers), while Russia relies on Indian trade to help offset Western sanctions.

Title:

Content: Chairman of the Board of Directors and Editors
I'm sorry.
Mohamad Elbaz
Editor-in-Chief
Wael Lotfy
Chairman of the Board of Directors and Editors
I'm sorry.
Mohamad Elbaz
Editor-in-Chief
Wael Lotfy
Financial Times reveals the secret of the cohesion of Russian-Indian relations
The Financial Times on Tuesday highlighted the secret of India-Russia relations and India ’ s response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
India is sticking to Russia despite the Russian invasion of Ukraine, as New Delhi has refrained from angering Moscow over deep trade and defence ties and worries about China.
Indo-Russian relations
India relies on Moscow for goods such as energy and fertilizer, while Russia needs India to help it circumvent Western sanctions.
The newspaper pointed out that this is the second time for Russian President Vladimir Putin, who put Russia on the line of isolation, after the crisis of the new coronavirus last December, and his destination at the time to India was focused on preparing for future conflicts.
Russian President Vladimir Putin has told Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi that Moscow is working with New Delhi in the “military and technical sphere as with any other country, ” describing India as a“ time-tested friend ” as the two leaders signed a new 10-year defence pact.
Moscow remained India's most important military supplier, with Russian tanks, aircraft and other heavy weapons deployed on the Indian Himalayan border.
The Friendship Challenge
Friendship was also challenged just eight weeks later when Russian troops stormed Ukraine, pushing India to save more than 15,000 citizens, most of them students studying in the country.
Western countries condemned the Russian aggression, with New Delhi loyal to its old partner, and India, as a temporary member of the UN Security Council, abstained from voting on a resolution condemning the Russian invasion last week along with China and the UAE.
Analysts say India believes there is little benefit in not alienating Russia, which relies on it for commodities such as energy and fertilizers, with neighboring China as a much bigger strategic threat.
Russian support is seen as vital to managing the unresolved confrontation between India and China on its northern Himalayan border after deadly fighting in 2020.
Konstantino Xavier, a fellow at the Centre for Social and Economic Progress in New Delhi, said: “Here in Delhi, Russia has long been seen as a dangerous tactical distraction for the West, from India ’ s perspective, the only actor that will emerge stronger from the war in Ukraine is China. ”
Although Modi appealed to Putin to “immediately stop the violence ” in a phone call on the first day of the war, Indian officials avoided blaming the Russian president.
Instead, New Delhi has kept in touch with both Moscow and Kiev because it has prioritized evacuations of its citizens on Ukraine ’ s western border.
India ’ s partnership with Russia dates back to the early days of independence after 1947, when Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru inspired parts of his socialist economy from the Soviet Union.
Although India was "unbiased" during the Cold War, it came close to the Soviets as the United States drifted toward its enemy Pakistan.
Crucially, the Soviet Union is credited with helping India win the 1971 war with Pakistan over Bangladesh.
India ’ s relations with the United States and Europe have strengthened since the end of the Cold War.
New Delhi, a member of the Quadripartite Security Partnership with the United States, Japan and Australia, is seen as an indispensable Western ally and a counterweight to China in Asia.
However, India is surrounded by its enemies on its northern border, and India ’ s geographical location means it does not want to rely on distant Western support.
Uday Kotak, managing director of Kotak Mahendra Bank and one of India ’ s wealthiest men, tweeted: “China on the one hand and Pakistan on the other, both are nuclear enabled, adding that given“ our dependence on Russian military equipment, and the United States is far away, we have challenges. ”
Tanvi Madan, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, said: “India is watching Russian-Chinese relations closely, and what they have seen for years is that the relationship is getting closer and closer, and they didn ’ t want to push Putin further toward China. ”

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

However, trade imbalances persist, periodically straining relations.

- **Ukraine Crisis & India’s Strategic Autonomy:**
  Despite Western pressure, India refused to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, partly due to strategic calculations—deep defense ties and potential Russian support if Sino-Indian tensions escalate.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

- **Changing Geopolitical Terrain—Rise of China:**
  Russia, increasingly isolated from the West, has drawn closer to China (and even Pakistan), raising Indian concerns.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India’s rivalry with China (notably over their border crisis) has made Russia’s China tilt problematic for New Delhi, but India prioritizes keeping Russia ‘neutral’ in any Sino-Indian confrontation.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

- **Multipolarity & “Balancing”:**
  Both countries espouse multipolar worldviews, seeking strategic autonomy.

Title:

Content: Maria Khodinskaya Golnicheva: A new concept of Russia ’ s foreign policy represents a strategic approach to multipolarity
World News
Maria Khodinskaia-Golnysheva.
Deputy Director of the Department of Foreign Policy Planning of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Copy Link https: / / en.rt.com / vi5e
Deputy Director of the Department of Foreign Policy Planning of Russia Maria Khodinskaya Golnecheva stressed that the updated concept of foreign policy formulates our interests and defines the form of a multipolar world we desire.
In a lecture at the Russia-260 Diplomatic Forum, Golneysheva noted that the concept document on foreign policy has already been rewritten in depth, as it could become an example of updated Russian strategic approaches.
Our Vision for a Multipolar World
“It is important that this concept for the first time shapes Russia ’ s national interests and determines the shape of the world we want to see and the world we seek.
For us, this is a multipolar world.
For the first time, the civilizational approach was discussed.
This view assumes that civilized nations and societies will play a key role in building a multipolar world order and shaping a more democratic and just global architecture.
She pointed out that these civilizational societies are Russia, China, the Arab world, the Islamic Ummah, India, Southeast Asia, Latin America, the Caribbean and the collective West in its continental Anglo-Saxon and European dimensions.
We're a major Eurasian player.
"These players are the ones who will shape the multipolar world.
A civilized society can express its collective aspirations, speak of the problems of the peoples that inhabit it, and speak with one voice.
Russia is, without a doubt, a civilized country.
It is on its own path.
We are a major Eurasian player, a self-sufficient entity with its own national interests and its own understanding of the future.
We are a rallying point in the vast Eurasian space and a responsible geopolitical player. ”
We headed to the south and east of the world.
The historical cycle of the past 30 years has been completed, and now Russia, as a self-sufficient entity, will determine its position in the world in a completely different way.
We will turn our face to the south and east of the world.
Keeping in mind, we are only in conflict with Western civilization, while we have constructive and friendly relations with the rest.
A network of sustainable partnerships
The Middle East and the Arab Gulf states remain at the center of our attention.
“This region is receiving priority attention from us, as part of the implementation of the concept of foreign policy.
A sustainable network and partnerships are being built.
Here I would like to draw your attention to the Russian concept of collective security for the Gulf region, which is aimed at the independent development of a model for ensuring their security by the countries of the region.
We are witnessing efforts by the People ’ s Republic of China to successfully mediate between Saudi Arabia and Iran. ”
“All of this has a ripple effect on the region as a whole, and at the same time it becomes an example of resolving differences within a multi-polar system.
I will cite as an example Russia ’ s mediation in developing a road map for the normalization of relations between Turkey and Syria.
You see that non-Western players are starting to play a major role in these processes.
Here we can mention Syria ’ s return to the Arab League. ”
"Arab" and "Islamic Arab" and looking towards crystallization as an independent society
This is the most important indication that the Arab world and the Arab-Islamic world, on a larger scale, are looking to take shape as an independent civilizational society that will eventually speak — and have already begun to speak — with one voice.
This is important for the stability of the world order.
Russia will continue to support this process. ”
She also stressed that the Middle East is always at the center of Russian attention.
Because they remember the Soviet Union there, and they remember with gratitude the contribution made by the Soviet Union to strengthen the statehood, ensure security, and create sustainable infrastructure in the region.
It is the “foundation ” on which so much can be built.
We have strengthened our relations with Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Bahrain and other countries.
“Look how our relations with Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and other countries in the region have strengthened since 2015. Why?
Because Russia has shown the whole world that it will not stand by and watch the West silently, enjoying a sense of tolerance and impunity that destroys another Arab state.
A stable secular state – simply because no one admired its leader.
“Russia has done a lot for Syria. ”
“First, I contributed to the preservation of the state.
Second, we broke the back of terrorism in Syria and made a significant contribution to the stability of the entire region.
The countries of the Persian Gulf region and the Middle East have witnessed a concrete example that Russia can indeed defend national interests and contribute to the stability of the region, using all legitimate methods.
"The military operation in Syria is completely legitimate because it is carried out at the request of the Syrian government."
Arab States' Position on the Special Military Operation
Regarding the Russian special military operation in Ukraine, she stressed that the attitude of many Arab countries towards this military operation is completely different from what the West is trying to show.
It is not seen as a war between Russia and Ukraine, but as a struggle for justice.
This is based on the fact that the Arab world, like most countries of the East and South, has a very bitter experience with colonialism.
In this regard, I concluded that many associate the beginning of the military operation with the prospects of building a democratic, multipolar world order.
Maria Khodinskaia-Golnysheva.
Deputy Director of the Department of Foreign Policy Planning of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
The emergence of Russia as a sovereign center of power
A professor at Moscow State University of International Relations pointed to the issue of Russia's eastward shift and that this has a serious impact on world politics.
"This is a huge and interconnected picture.
Look, for example, at the groups in which Russia participates "BRICS" and "Shanghai Cooperation Organization"...
noting that many of its States were seeking to become partners either through dialogue or as members of such groups.
“Undoubtedly, the emergence of Russia as a sovereign center of power, and the possibility and ability of our country to defend its national interests all affect the entire geopolitics and play a key role in the creation of this new global architecture. ”
Source: RT
Agree.
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What vision of global dynamics do India and Russia share?

polycentric system of international relations

India, under Modi, actively builds partnerships in the Middle East and globally (G20, Middle East Quartet), but maintains foundational ties to Moscow as a hedge in its China strategy.

Title:

Content: India ’ s Eye on a Role in the Middle East
India ’ s Eye on a Role in the Middle East
When the United States, India, Israel, and the United Arab Emirates formed a new Joint Strategic Coordination Working Group last October, the convergence of four countries drew comparisons with the Quadripartite Security Dialogue between the United States, Japan, Australia, and India.
According to Indian researcher c.
It will certainly be some time before the new Middle East Quartet, still a working group among foreign ministers to date, reaches the strength and determination of its eastern counterpart, which has already held two leaders ’ summits this year.
But the quadripartite security dialogue also began as a modest exercise among senior officials in 2007.
U.S. Secretary of State Anthony Blinken pointed to the four countries ’ overlapping interests in “energy, climate, trade and regional security ” as the goal of the new quartet.
He said the new format would enhance “complementary capabilities in many areas ” for new achievements in the Middle East.
The inclusion of India makes this group distinctive.
Indian Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar told his interlocutors at the first meeting that his country ’ s relations with the three countries “are among the closest we have, if not the closest. ”
A WELCOME PARTNER
Raja Mohan says that India ’ s designation of the United States, Israel, and the UAE as among its closest strategic partners, and its willingness to publicly acknowledge and remain willing to work with these countries in the region, is a reflection of how far India ’ s foreign policy has shifted in the Middle East.
Interestingly, Washington, Tel Aviv and Abu Dhabi are also looking to build a partnership with New Delhi, which has long been marginal in Middle East developments.
India, whose foreign policy footprint is now expanding, has become a welcome partner of the United States and its regional allies.
Cy.
Raja Mohan: New Middle East Quartet is the culmination of India ’ s policy
The new grouping in the Middle East represents the growing convergence of Indian and American interests in Asia.
New Delhi, which has in the past stood against Washington ’ s policies in East Asia and the Middle East, now seems ready to work with it to stabilize the two regions.
If the need for balance emerges in China as the glue that binds the Quartet together in East Asia, the situation remains more volatile and complex in the Middle East, where the United States is not looking for passive beneficiaries within its security umbrella while reshaping its alliances and realigning its global priorities.
It wants partners willing and able to share such trends, with India at the top of the list.
The rapid shift in India ’ s relations with Israel and the UAE (two key U.S. allies in the region) under Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has provided a new basis for engagement between the four countries; after Washington facilitated the 2020 Abraham Accords, Washington has drawn India into what some already call the “Indian-Abrahamic Accords. ”
Raja Mohan says the U.S. addition of India to its network of Asian allies and partners is a new and unexpected approach to strengthening its position in the region.
But the long-term perspective points to something else about the logic of India ’ s geography; a glance at the map suggests India ’ s natural prominence in both East Asia and the Middle East.
The country, as a major powerhouse in the Asia Central Indian Ocean fulcrum, appears well positioned to shape geopolitical outcomes in both regions.
India regains its historical role in East Asia and the Middle East by returning to the two regions; colonial India played a major role in British domination of the Indian Ocean and its adjacent areas until the mid-20th century.
It provided the base from which Britain could control and defend its empire, promote the globalization of the region, and maintain a regional security system.
India provided military resources to Britain to stabilize large parts of Asia.
In a reminder of this role, Jaishankar opened his visit to Israel by laying a wreath on the graves of Indian soldiers who sacrificed their lives during the First World War.
Many observers in India and abroad have dismissed the deep commercial and military ties between India and the Middle East as distorted by the colonial context.
However, some historians emphasize the centrality of India to the British Empire.
We are witnessing the re-establishment of those ties between India and today ’ s dominant Western power, the United States, from the Suez Canal to the South China Sea.
But unlike the colonial era, India returned to the region as an independent actor with a policy of its own.
From New Delhi, it is negotiating India ’ s cooperation with the United States, unlike under British colonialism, where India does not help support another country ’ s empire but rather promotes its interests in the region.
Changing policies
India provided military resources to Britain to stabilize large parts of Asia
India ’ s foreign policy in the Middle East was driven by the need to distance itself from the legacy of British colonialism.
India has deliberately abandoned its security role in the region and its central role in economic globalization in the Indian Ocean.
Independent India has positioned itself against post-war alliances such as the Baghdad Pact (Cinto), when Washington aimed to contain the Soviet Union on its southern side and fill the vacuum created when India ’ s first post-independence prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, withdrew from security policy in the region.
Pakistan, on the other hand, was a founding member of Cinto alongside Iran, Iraq, Turkey and Britain, but could not replace an undivided India, and the alliance did not last long.
India had a brief window of time to reconsider its reluctance to be a regional security provider in 1968, when Britain announced it would withdraw from most of its colonial areas east of Suez.
However, New Delhi has struggled to reconcile its ideology of non-alignment with its security interests in the Indian Ocean.
Some Gulf states, all of which relied on Britain for their security, turned to India for defence cooperation after independence.
India signed a secondary protocol on military exchanges with Oman in 1972 but was not ready to intervene.
Instead, Nehru and his successors were wedded to major ideological issues of the age, including Third World radicalism, anti-colonialism, anti-Zionism, embracing the Palestinian cause, and Arab nationalism.
The contribution to the regional security system does not fit any of these models.
While India ’ s new leaders have emphasized self-sufficiency and the country ’ s economy has turned inward, New Delhi has severed its old economic ties with the Middle East.
Although rising oil imports and the export of Indian labor to the Gulf fostered the beginnings of deeper integration between India and the Gulf, New Delhi ’ s approach remained commercial rather than strategic.
Some of that began to change after the Cold War, when India established diplomatic relations with Israel despite the persistence of the old anti-Zionist and anti-Western orientation.
As some Israeli diplomats have said, New Delhi has treated Israel as a mistress with whom it communicates behind the scenes but is reluctant to appear in public.
India, whose foreign policy footprint is expanding, is now a welcome partner for the United States and its regional allies.
One of Modi ’ s first acts was to formally embrace Israel as an important partner and boast about the relationship between the two countries.
In the past, Indian diplomacy has consistently pointed to Arab concerns that have limited ties with Israel.
But Modi has discovered that he can pursue relations with both without problems.
Modi ’ s sudden enthusiasm to engage with the UAE and Saudi Arabia was also a notable shift; New Delhi has long viewed the Gulf states as too close to Pakistan and the United States.
Under Modi, India has discovered that it can do much to build trade, political and security partnerships.
The new Middle East Quartet is in many ways the culmination of greater pragmatism in India ’ s foreign policy.
It also highlights New Delhi ’ s successful removal of previous ideological concerns that limited its engagement with the region.
This would not have happened if the United States had not promoted agreements to normalize relations between Israel, the UAE and other Arab countries.
Raja Mohan believes that the primary focus of the Middle East Quartet will be on economic issues rather than strategic ones.
There is a lot of convergence between the Indian market, Emirati capital, Israeli technology, and US geo-economic influence in the region.
India recently revived free trade negotiations with the UAE and Israel to that end.
The United States has become India ’ s most important economic partner.
Jaishankar and his counterparts promised to quickly develop a concrete and practical agenda for the new group.
The level of political comfort between the four governments means the Middle East Quartet is likely to progress faster than the quadripartite security dialogue after it was launched in 2007, when it remained nearly dead before being revived more than a decade later.
While the quadripartite security dialogue began with a security focus and has since moved to a broader agenda, the Middle East Group has prioritized non-military topics.
This, however, does not diminish the expansion of India ’ s bilateral defense cooperation with the United States, Israel, and the UAE.
The Indian analyst says this could lead to greater strategic coordination between the four partners in the region in the long term.
At the same time, the Middle East Group does not prevent any of its members from cooperating with others in the region.
New loyalties are certain to emerge as the Middle East ’ s traditional adversaries return to forging ties with each other amid the region ’ s dramatic geopolitical changes.
Arab Newspaper

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

- **Regional Security Implications:**
  Indian strategists worry about Russia’s warming to China and arms trade with Pakistan, but value Moscow’s potential as a mediator or bulwark against unified Chinese opposition in multilateral forums.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

- **Global Power Dynamics:**
  As Russia pivots south/east due to Western tensions, India seeks to leverage these shifts for its own advantage—refusing “bloc” politics, keeping diplomatic channels to all major poles open, and carving its route within the shifting global order.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

**In sum:**
Under Modi and Putin, the India–Russia relationship endures as a pragmatic partnership defined by defense needs, energy ties, and mutual hedging amidst shifting alliances and rising China-U.S. rivalry.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

energy
security & military
weapons supply

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India’s China concerns reinforce the logic of maintaining strong ties with Russia—even as Moscow’s China entente complicates the equation.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Here are summarized nuggets highlighting how the India-Russia relationship has evolved under Prime Minister Modi and President Putin, especially in the context of India's rivalry with China and the shifting global order:

**1.

Title:

Content: Russia-India coordination, balance, US-India approach?
Font Size:
Source: Global Times
Author: Wang Shida
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke by telephone with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the 20th to further develop the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
At the beginning of this month, Russia and India held an annual leaders' summit, launched the first "2 + 2" dialogue between foreign ministers and defense ministers, and agreed to strengthen cooperation and coordination on bilateral and multilateral issues, and signed up to 28 cooperation agreements.
In just two weeks, the summit had two interactions, which sent a signal that Russian-Indian relations were more special than before.
From the interaction on the 6th, Putin led a strong delegation to visit India and held the annual Russian-Indian leaders' summit.
This is Putin's second overseas visit since the outbreak of the COVID-19 epidemic, highlighting the importance he attaches to the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
During the visit, Russia and India held their first "2 + 2" meeting, which will help deepen mutual understanding and strengthen the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two countries.
The most important of the 28 cooperation agreements signed by Russia and India is the Agreement on Military Technical Cooperation 2021-2031.
The document will provide guidance for Russian-Indian military cooperation in the next 10 years, especially to promote joint development and production of weapons and equipment.
It can be said that the foundation for the next stage of military interaction between Russia and India has been laid.
In addition, Russia and India are also actively discussing the signing of a military logistics agreement similar to the memorandum of understanding on logistics exchange between the two countries to facilitate the use of each other's military bases.
Once signed in the future, the Russian-Indian military relations will take another step forward.
The two leaders discussed how to implement the agreement reached at the December 6 meeting, agreed to maintain regular contact on all aspects covered by the Russian-Indian “special and privileged strategic partnership ”, continue to deepen bilateral cooperation and consultation and coordination in multilateral forums, and exchange views on international stability and security issues, including the situation in the Asia-Pacific region.
Since taking office as US president at the beginning of the year, Biden has inherited and strengthened the Indo-Pacific strategy of his predecessor, Trump, and has courted India as the key to its success.
To this end, Biden has made efforts to promote the upgrading and implementation of the four-nation mechanism.
In March this year, the four-nation mechanism held its first video summit, issued a joint declaration, and established three working groups to implement the summit consensus.
In September, the four-nation mechanism held its first offline summit, reiterating the implementation of cooperation in the fields of vaccines and high-quality infrastructure, and proposing to jointly train scientific and technological talents to create a "closed loop of scientific and technological talents of the four countries".
For example, the United States has continued to deepen the "comprehensive global strategic cooperative partnership" between the United States and India.
On March 19, U.S. Defense Secretary William Austin visited India, calling the U.S.-India relationship "a key pillar of a free and open Indo-Pacific."
Under the continued cozying up of the Biden administration, India's attitude of strategic autonomy has become blurred, and it has clearly moved closer to and tilted toward the United States in implementing its foreign policy of "multi-faceted alliance."
During his visit to the United States in September, Modi said that "the relationship between the United States and India has entered a critical transition period".
In the face of the continuous promotion of the "Indo-Pacific Strategy" by the United States and the drift and deviation of India in the two strategic directions of the Indo-Pacific Ocean and the Eurasian continent, Russia is certainly alert.
As early as the Cold War, Russia and India established a relatively special strategic cooperative partnership, even reaching the level of quasi-allies.
At the end of the Cold War, Russia pushed India to join strategic designs such as the "trilateral dialogue between China, Russia and India" in an attempt to promote the establishment of a fair and multipolar world order.
Russia also sees India as an important partner in the Indian Ocean region and an important contributor to the effects of radiation in the Indian Ocean region.
To this end, Russia has taken a series of actions, Foreign Minister Lavrov and other high-level leaders directly expressed opposition to the United States using the "Indo-Pacific strategy" as a tool to contain China and Russia and create regional division.
This round of Russian-Indian strategic coordination is also the proper meaning of Russia's anti-Indo-Pacific strategy.
In particular, Russia and India signed a major defense cooperation order, began the delivery of S-400 air defense system, and will soon sign a military logistics agreement, which is conducive to consolidating defense and military cooperation between the two countries, hedging the penetration and erosion of the traditional Russian arms market by the United States in the past 10 years, and preventing India from falling into the "Indo-Pacific camp" because of increased dependence on weapons and equipment.
Therefore, Russian-Indian interaction is conducive to maintaining the relative balance between the two camps of the Eurasian continent and the Indo-Pacific Ocean, as well as to global strategic stability and peace.
(The writer is deputy director of the South Asia Institute of the Chinese Institute of Modern International Relations)
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Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Enduring Military Ties:**
- India and Russia maintain strong military and defense cooperation; over half of India’s military equipment is sourced from Russia.

Title:

Content: While the United States frequently forces China and India to denounce Russia, China and India stand together!
Obviously, this has made some people in the West and some media uneasy.
Because, it seems to be a classic case of the United States being strategically self-defeating.
The United States was too anxious to cause the action to deform.
Since this was the first visit by a Chinese foreign minister to India after the conflict in the Galvan Valley, it sent a special signal for Sino-Indian relations.
Some US media are worried that the US-India-Japan-Australia "four-party mechanism" alliance carefully crafted by Washington will be weakened as a result, and even affect the overall promotion of the US "Indo-Pacific strategy".
1
Chinese State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi will visit India on the 25th.
The news, issued by Reuters in the United Kingdom on the 23rd, has aroused the attention of international public opinion.
The report quoted an Indian official as saying that "although neither side has made an official announcement, this will be the highest level visit since the border conflict between the two countries worsened relations two years ago."
Wang Yi ’ s trip to South Asia began with a meeting of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in Pakistan, followed by a visit to Afghanistan, then a trip from Afghanistan to India on the 25th, and a visit to Nepal on the 25th.
It can be said that the horse does not stop.
The Indian government source, who asked to remain anonymous, told Reuters that Wang is expected to meet with Indian Foreign Minister Atal Bihari Sujssen and Indian national security adviser Doval, and while the agenda is not yet clear, it is expected to discuss the conflict in Ukraine.
The Indian Ministry of Foreign Affairs would not comment on the news.
A spokesman for the Chinese Foreign Ministry said at a regular press briefing on the 23rd that he had no information to provide at this time.
Relations between China and India became tense between May and June 2020, when there were confrontations between border guards in places such as the Galvan Valley on the Sino-Indian border.
In particular, on 15 June 2020, a deadly clash in the Galvan Valley killed 20 Indian and four Chinese soldiers.
Since then, Sino-Indian relations have been strained for a time, and Indian border patrol officers have even broken the rules that have been observed for decades and fired warning shots, even in confrontations with Chinese personnel.
Since then, India has restricted many Chinese companies from doing business in India, and has also stopped dozens of Chinese-developed apps.
However, the "knots" between the two countries always need to be unraveled, and both sides have this desire.
On the 11th of this month, the Chinese and Indian armies held the 15th round of military-level talks.
According to official information released after the meeting, the two sides followed the leaders' guidance on resolving the remaining issues as soon as possible. The two sides also reiterated that achieving a settlement of the remaining issues will help restore peace and tranquillity in the West Line of Actual Control and promote the development of bilateral relations.
In the meantime, both sides agreed to maintain security and stability on the frontline in the Western Sector. They agreed to maintain dialogue through military and diplomatic channels to reach a mutually acceptable solution as soon as possible.
According to some analysts, from the Indian side, on December 8, 2021, a Mi-17V5 helicopter flown by India's then defense chief Rawat and his wife crashed in the Gunur region of Tamil Nadu, killing 13 people including Rawat.
Rawat was a representative of the "hardliners" in the Indian Army, and his death weakened the faction.
So the mood in India is changing as well.
2
Of course, from the current reality, China and India have a very big "common point", that is, after the Russia-Ukraine conflict, neither followed the footsteps of the United States and the West, blindly condemning and sanctioning Russia.
Because both China and India have maintained a neutral attitude toward peace, the United States and the West have put public criticism and diplomatic pressure on China and India.
Some media in the United States claim that this is China's intention to hold India at a critical time.
India also has border issues, military needs, and traditional strategic considerations of “non-alliance ”.
Since Russia ’ s “special military action ” against Ukraine, India has twice abstained from voting on Russia-Ukraine issues in the United Nations Security Council.
Russia, on the other hand, has always regarded India as a friendly country.
Since the beginning of the Cold War, the Soviet Union has established diplomatic and economic relations with India.
Moreover, Pakistan had close ties with the United States, and India maintained the security balance in South Asia by its proximity to the Soviet Union and the weapons and security assistance it received from the Soviet Union.
Until today, India ’ s active aircraft carriers were purchased second-hand from Russia, and were only deployed after the Russians had been refitted; India was a nuclear-powered attack submarine leased from Russia when it did not have a domestic nuclear submarine.
Look at the main fighter aircraft of the Indian Air Force, almost two-thirds of which are made by Russia.
Therefore, even some American scholars studying South Asia have to admit that India does not want to distance itself from its main supplier of defense equipment, Russia.
A clear example is that the United States has threatened to sanction India several times before, but India has insisted on purchasing the S-400 anti-aircraft missile system from Russia, which has frustrated Washington.
In addition, Russia has provided India with military platforms that other countries cannot provide, such as joint development of fifth-generation fighter aircraft and joint development of advanced cruise missiles with India.
In particular, when the United States and the United Kingdom waved the "stick" of sanctions against Russian oil, and when European countries also followed the sanctions against Russia and withdrew from the Russian market, India, the world's third-largest energy consumer, increased its purchases of Russian oil.
The data shows that in March, India imported nearly four times the average monthly amount of oil to Russia last year.
It can be seen that India's thinking is very simple, the more critical the moment, the more can not choose the side team.
Under no circumstances do you want to put all the eggs in the Western basket.
Therefore, in order to maintain a non-aligned presence in order to find space between East and West, India sees Russia as an important part of helping India achieve this goal.
However, at this time, some Western politicians and media, including some pro-Western forces in India, have exerted considerable internal and external pressure on the Modi government to adopt such a posture.
In particular, U.S. President Joe Biden on March 21 called India “shaky ” in its response to Russia ’ s invasion of Ukraine.
India does not want to be isolated, while China faces similar attacks and smears from Western politicians and the media.
Therefore, India and China have a natural need to come together.
What the United States and some Western countries are most worried about now is that China and India continue to trade with Russia in their currencies at a time when they are crazy about economic sanctions against Russia.
This will bring some challenges to the West.
The United States has found that the "four-party mechanism" that the United States, India, Japan and Australia have promoted in order to consolidate their leadership in the Asia-Pacific region has a variable on this point in India.
Will America ’ s efforts be wasted?
The United States threatened and warned other countries that it would face sanctions and retaliation if it helped Moscow.
But if India is doing this, will the United States sanction India?
The United States has been threatening to sanction India because of India ’ s purchase of Russia ’ s S-400 air defense system, but it has also remained a verbal threat.
Will the US impose sanctions on India this time?
3
Huang Jing, an adjunct professor at Shanghai Overseas Studies University, said India ’ s main security concerns lie in the northern Asian hinterland (Pakistan, Afghanistan, Central Asia and the Middle East).
After the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan, India ’ s security concerns in the region have increased dramatically, while US influence in the region has decreased dramatically.
On the sea, India ’ s security concerns are in the Indian Ocean, while the US is bent on maintaining hegemony in the West Pacific. As the misalignment between US and India ’ s security interests grows, India ’ s pursuit of cooperation with Russia in geopolitical, national security and energy supply becomes more pragmatic.
At the same time, the Russian-Ukrainian war has greatly increased Europe ’ s strategic value to the United States, while India ’ s strategic value has significantly decreased. Since the Ukraine crisis, India ’ s “non-aligned ” neutrality has been so determined that the United States has even threatened to impose sanctions on India.
Qian Feng, director of the Research Department of the National Institute of Strategic Studies at Tsinghua University, said that Foreign Minister Wang Yi's visit to India for the first time since the Sino-Indian border conflict and the outbreak of the COVID-19 epidemic is of great significance.
The world under the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is increasingly divided into several camps, and China and India, as two independent and independent powers, have made similar policy choices based on the merits of the incident itself and their own interests.
As representatives of the two major developing and emerging countries, China and India share many common interests in maintaining international peace and stability, and are more consistent in their "three views" on many major international issues.
At present, many regional issues, including Afghanistan, have not cooled, and Foreign Minister Wang Yi's visit to South Asia shows that China, as a responsible power, will continue to play a constructive role in regional stability. It also shows that China is willing to work with India to implement the consensus between the two leaders and repair bilateral relations, so as to avoid local differences between the two countries from escalating into strategic disputes.
Qian Feng believes that the two countries' positions on the Russia-Ukraine conflict are highly similar, they are calling for a ceasefire as soon as possible, advocating persuasion and promoting talks, avoiding the selection of side teams, and believing that the legitimate and reasonable security demands of all parties should be paid attention.
The Indian government is not willing to submit to the pressure of the United States and the West in the interests of its own country and the well-being of its people.
India's ruling and opposition parties and the public have a deep friendship with Russia, and basically support the government's policy toward Russia.
Russia and India have long been the cornerstone of India 's defense development. More than half of India' s military equipment comes from Russia. Without Russia, India 's aircraft can' t fly, and its warships can 't move.
In the past, China and India often displayed different perceptions of bilateral issues and international issues.
On the one hand, China and India have remained divided, guarded against and quarreled over some issues affecting bilateral relations.
On the other hand, there are many similar and similar views on important international issues such as safeguarding the interests of the broad development of China, calling for strengthening global governance, reforming and improving the current international political and economic order.
However, the conflicting aspects of the two countries' relations over the past two years have overshadowed the consistency of international cooperation between the two countries.
This conflict between Russia and Ukraine objectively brought about an opportunity to improve relations between the two countries.
In the next step, although bilateral issues such as many border disputes cannot be resolved satisfactorily in the short term, China and India can create more conditions for repairing the foundation of mutual trust and resolving bilateral differences in a mutually beneficial manner by expanding mutually beneficial cooperation in international affairs.
(Source of this article: "Patch knife" public number, authorized by China Times News Network)
※ The above statements do not represent the position of Wangzhong Media Group ※
# India # Russia # USA # Question # China

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Joint military exercises continue, reflecting ongoing strategic trust and interdependence.

Title:

Content: Zhang Hong, a researcher at the Russian East Europe and Central Asia Institute of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, said on the 5th that Russia is holding joint military exercises with India and will also hold joint large-scale military exercises with China next week.
According to Russian media information, the scale and level of these two exercises have a certain strategic significance, reflecting new changes in Russian diplomacy.
Relations between Russia and the West have continued to deteriorate since Biden took office.
The United States has not only imposed a military blockade on Russia, but has also frequently interfered in Russia ’ s internal affairs on the grounds of human rights, freedom, and democracy.
Therefore, Russia attaches more importance to Eastern diplomacy, especially its relations with Asian countries such as China and India.
Zhang Hong wrote in the Global Times that after the 2014 Ukraine crisis, NATO, led by the United States, regarded Russia as a major security threat, frequently held large-scale military exercises around Russia, provided military assistance to Ukraine, and the geo-security environment in Eastern Europe became increasingly complex.
In response to the military challenges of the West, Moscow has further strengthened its military interaction with partner countries such as China and India, demonstrating military strength through regular joint exercises and developing the ability to deal with regional security crises.
Zhang said that first, the joint military exercises are aimed at boosting Russia ’ s great power influence.
At the instigation of the Biden administration, Russia ’ s economic cooperation with the EU has been fractured, and there are more and more voices within the EU questioning Russia.
So much so that Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov lamented that the dividing line between Russia and the EU is getting deeper and deeper, and like the trenches, the European continent is experiencing an unprecedented crisis of trust.
In response to Western security pressure and diplomatic isolation, Putin chose to strengthen Eastern diplomacy, and consolidating relations with China and India became an important part of Russian diplomacy.
Second, the joint exercises help show Russia ’ s military strength, Zhang said.
After the end of the Cold War, Russia inherited the Soviet Union ’ s vast nuclear arsenal and advanced military industry, which is the most solid material foundation for maintaining its status as a great power.
Since the Biden administration, NATO has continued to infiltrate eastward, reaching the Crimean Peninsula, and the two sides have even reached the point of “imminent war. ”
In the face of the ever-approaching NATO, Moscow has accelerated the pace of military modernization on the one hand, and accelerated its interaction with strategic partners such as China and India on the other.
Joint military exercises are not only one of the main components of strategic partner military cooperation, but also an important window to showcase Russia ’ s military strength.
Zhang Hong pointed out that third, the joint military exercises help to curb American hegemony.
After the end of the Cold War, the United States, with its economic, technological, and military strength, has long been a world policeman, constantly intervening in various affairs around the world.
The United States has not only tried to impose its own values on other countries, openly interfering in the internal affairs of sovereign countries through unilateral sanctions, but has also repeatedly subverted their regimes by military means.
China, Russia, and India are opposed not only to interference in their own internal affairs, but also to interference in the surrounding region.
The best way is to strengthen their own military strength, expand the influence of multilateralism through strategic cooperation of partner countries, and enhance the ability to resist US hegemonism and unilateralism.
Zhang Hong stressed that although there are territorial disputes between China and India, with the joint efforts of the two countries, effective control of differences has basically been achieved.
Senior Indian officials have revealed that, after military-level talks over the weekend, China and India agreed to withdraw their troops from another point of friction along the disputed Himalayan border.
China and India share similar positions on maintaining regional peace and promoting a multilateral international order.
By carrying out strategic cooperation with China and India in a balanced way, Russia has also promoted the strategic stability of relations between the three countries to a certain extent, making strategic interaction between China, Russia and India possible.
# Russia # Zhang Hong # China # Joint Military Exercise # Relationship

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Title:

Content: Under pressure, will India abandon Russia?
Author: External Submission
Published: Updated:
Recently, Sameer Lalwani, a senior expert at the Asia Center of the American Institute of Peace, and Happymon Jacob, an associate professor of diplomacy and disarmament at Nehru University, wrote that in the short and medium term, the foundation of Russian-Indian relations is still very solid, and in the long term, Indian-Russian relations are on a long-term downward trend, from partnership to trading. "Change".
Following the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in February 2022, major democracies have come together to defend Ukraine by condemning Russia ’ s military actions.
But India did not join in, opting instead to abstain in a key UN vote and refusing to condemn its longtime partner, Russia.
Many countries expressed disappointment with India's stance on the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.
However, some observers believe that India has shown signs of considering a rupture with Russia, and India may change its previous neutral course. In September 2022, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in a conversation with Russian President Vladimir Putin that “today ’ s era is not an era of war ”, a phrase that seemed to warn Russia, as U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken called Modi ’ s stance“ significant. ”
American political scientist Happymon Jacob also wrote that the Indian government is weakening its “long-term partnership ” with Russia and is committed to closer cooperation with the United States.
Based on the interpretation of these events, India needs to strengthen its cooperation with the West and is alienating Russia.
However, the view that "India and Russia will part ways" is too "taken for granted" and does not reflect realistic possibilities.
It is true that in the context of Russia ’ s growing economic dependence on China and its provision of unreliable weapons to India, India should theoretically move away from Russia and promote diversification of partnerships, but this is not realistic or feasible.
The United States, the first Western country to win over India on a number of issues, turned a blind eye to the human rights dispute.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and US President Joe Biden at last year ’ s G20 summit. (Reuters)
In fact, India is not ready to give up the India-Russia partnership, and in November 2022, Indian Foreign Minister Sujishin visited Russia, stressing that the relationship between the two countries is “strong and stable. ”
For this reason, US policymakers still need to make policy plans around the reality of a lasting India-Russia relationship, but they should also make India realize that Russia is a burden; the United States cannot punish and sanction India because of the close India-Russia relationship.
Because for the United States, India can play a more prominent and more active role in the Indo-Pacific region.
The False Dawn
Analysts have concluded that India is trying to distance itself from Russia based on what Indian officials say, including Modi ’ s verbal confrontation with Putin in September 2022, a vote against Russia at the United Nations, and the cancellation of a multi-billion dollar Russian weapons procurement program (fighters and helicopters).
However, these developments do not mean that India has explicitly chosen to stay away from Russia.
The Washington Post called Modi ’ s September 2022 statement to Putin a “rebuke. ”
But in fact, Modi ’ s statement was not intended primarily to address the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, but to express concern about rising food and energy prices.
Several assessment reports issued in India have warned against over-reading Modi ’ s remarks, which are no different from the official position of India in the past that the war has inflicted great trauma on developing countries.
It is undeniable that India has indeed sided with the West in some of the UN ’ s procedural votes, such as allowing Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky to speak at the UN General Assembly in September 2022.
But in more substantive votes, such as the October 2022 vote on four regions of Russia ’ s military campaign in Ukraine, India abstained.
In addition, in early 2022, India cancelled several agreements to purchase Russian weapons (such as the MiG-29 fighter).
But the decision has little to do with the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and is more about promoting domestic arms production and supporting India ’ s “self-reliance ” program.
A few months before the Russian-Ukrainian conflict erupted, the Indian government had planned to cancel these deals, including the purchase of Boeing P-8I aircraft from the United States, in favor of domestically produced weapons.
But India will still buy major weapons such as S-400 air defense systems, stealth frigates and nuclear submarines from Russia, which means India will be tied to Russia for decades to come.
In fact, India cannot really break with Russia, because Russian-made weapons account for a large share of India ’ s arsenal, and Russia still plays a significant role in India ’ s geopolitical considerations, so most of India ’ s political elite still prefer friendly Indian-Russian relations.
India can ’ t really break with Russia because Russian-made weapons make up the bulk of India ’ s arsenal and most of India ’ s political elite still prefer friendly India-Russia relations.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin.
(Reuters)
(2) Patience and persistence
India has long regarded Russia as a valued partner in its “multidirectional alliance ” strategy.
Within the framework of this strategy, India wants to maintain a constructive strategic partnership with several major powers at the same time, but refuses to form an exclusive alliance with any major powers.
India ’ s leaders believe that the “multidirectional alliance ” strategy is still valid today because Western analysts have misjudged Russia in several important ways.
The authors ’ study found that despite strong Western sanctions against Russia, Indian national security officials still believe in Russia ’ s endurance and durability.
They expect Europe to struggle under pressure from inflation and energy shortages, while Russia ’ s economy will be boosted by rising commodity prices.
After all, Indian companies are investing in Russian energy projects, such as oil and gas extraction projects in Sakhalin, Russia ’ s Far East.
In addition, India has doubled its investment in future India-Russia cooperation in defense technology research and development (including the development of the Brahmos cruise missile).
The leaders also believe that the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is likely to turn into a military stalemate that will culminate in a negotiated cease-fire and that Russia will eventually be allowed to reintegrate into the international community.
Indian policymakers also believe that Russia will remain an important geopolitical force that will help India.
India relies on Russia for missile technology, submarine nuclear reactors, and hypersonic weapons, and Russia can still provide diplomatic support to India in the United Nations Security Council, which can exert influence on India ’ s other continental neighbors.
In addition, with the Russian regime in turmoil, Indian officials want to be able to extract more benefits from their dealings with the Russian government, just as India did at the beginning of the collapse of the Soviet Union, when the two countries established the Brahmos Aerospace Joint Venture.
As India continues to maintain friendly relations with its old partner Russia, the West is hesitant to punish India.
Some observers believe that India will downplay the India-Russia relationship as Russia becomes closer to China and even more dependent on China.
But unlike Western officials, Indian officials do not believe that tough sanctions will force Russia into China ’ s arms, because there is no shortage of friction between China and Russia over Central Asia and the Arctic.
In the eyes of Indian policymakers, India can become a "wedge" between Russia and China, helping Russia retain some autonomy in Sino-Russian relations, and avoiding Russia becoming a "small follower" of China.
On September 15, 2022, Chinese President Xi Jinping held a bilateral meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin at the Samarkand State Guesthouse to exchange views on China-Russia relations and international and regional issues of common concern. (Xinhua)
Third, get on with it.
Much of the Indian military ’ s combat and strike equipment is dependent on Russia.
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict has limited and delayed India ’ s process of acquiring spare parts and equipment upgrades, thus creating a “supply shock ” to India ’ s main Russian-made weapons arsenal.
While India remains concerned about the performance of Russian-made weapons and Russia ’ s ability to provide spare parts, it has not taken any hard measures to curtail the use of Russian materials or to purchase substitutes to accelerate the diversification of military equipment imports.
All in all, India has no plans to achieve a rapid and comprehensive transformation of its Russian-made weapons systems by bringing in other foreign suppliers. After the border crises of 2019 and 2020, there has been some peace and stability in the border area, and Indian strategists believe that India should maintain a low level of operational readiness for the next few years, even if that means increased vulnerability.
In the short to medium term, India plans to keep up with its existing inventory, while at the same time sourcing from the secondary market for Russian components and relying more on domestic military equipment.
India will continue to work with Russia to meet outstanding delivery commitments and selectively sign contracts with the West to support the development of India ’ s indigenous defence industry.
In the long run, India wants to be largely self-sufficient in terms of defense needs and no longer rely on external suppliers.
While India aims to diversify its arsenal and become self-sufficient within the next 20 years, it still needs some key technical support from Russia.
Su-30 fighters will remain the backbone of the IAF for decades, but they cannot be maintained or upgraded without Russian technical support.
India ’ s most important defense export, the BrahMos anti-ship cruise missile, currently sold mainly to Southeast Asian countries to deter China, uses Russian propulsion technology.
As long as Russia is in control of key elements of India ’ s advanced weapons systems, especially fighter jets, cruise missiles and submarines, Russia has considerable influence over India.
Much of the Indian military ’ s combat and strike equipment is dependent on Russia.
Su-30 fighters will remain the backbone of the IAF for decades. (Getty)
The First Friend of India
In addition to the above material considerations, the common ideological orientation has also driven India and Russia to maintain friendly relations.
Both Indian and Russian officials support the “polycentric ” vision of a global order in which there is no single dominant hegemony and each major power maintains its own sphere of influence.
Both India and Russia believe that a “multicentre ” is more stable than an international order governed by one or two superpowers.
India ’ s political elite also maintains a “sense of closeness ” to Russia, which stems from India ’ s decades-long tradition of cooperation with the former Soviet Union.
Two months after the conflict broke out, Yoga Jyotsna, an Indian scholar, said that “Russia is India ’ s number one friend in the eyes of the military and people of insight. ”
According to Rajeswari Rajagopalan, another Indian scholar,
Strategic sympathy for Soviet Russia was widespread not only among Indian politicians, but also among the general Indian population.
This is because Russia ’ s historical support and assistance to India has been “romanticized. ”
Although Indian diplomatic agencies have not helped Russia in its defense, national security officials believe that multiple actors, including NATO, should be held responsible for the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, and not all blame should be placed on the Russian side.
A September 2022 survey of more than 1,000 Indian adults found that Indians believe the West and Russia are equally responsible for the Russia-Ukraine conflict. (Reuters)
The Indian public is also sympathetic to Russia. A July 2022 poll found that a majority of Indians refuse to describe Russia ’ s military actions in Ukraine as “wrong. ” A September 2022 survey of more than 1,000 Indian adults found that Indians believe that the West and Russia are equally responsible for the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and most Indians do not believe that a Russian victory will make the world more dangerous.
Public attitudes in India are not only very different from those in Europe, Australia and Japan, but also in emerging countries such as Brazil and South Africa.
Read the second half of the article.
This article was first published in the South Asia Research Newsletter. It only represents the author 's opinion and does not represent Hong Kong' s position.

Strategic Balancing Amidst US-China Rivalry:**
- As US-China tensions define many global issues, India has sought to maintain autonomy in its foreign policy, carefully balancing ties with Russia without alienating the US and its partners.

Title:

Content: Why is the relationship between India and Europe heading to a new peak when the situation between India and Russia is ambiguous?
Author: External Submission
Published: Updated:
After the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, India ’ s position in international politics suddenly became “hot. ”
During Prime Minister Boris Johnson ’ s visit to India in late April, the two sides issued a joint statement entitled “Achieving Common Security and Prosperity through National Resilience. ”
During the visit of EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen in the Indian capital of New Delhi, the EU and India agreed to establish a Trade and Technology Commission to strengthen cooperation between the two sides. Following Johnson and Von der Leyen, the foreign ministers of Poland, Lithuania, Slovenia, Portugal, the Netherlands, Norway and Luxembourg also visited India in succession.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi left for Germany, Denmark and France on May 2, after which he held talks with German Prime Minister Olaf Scholz in Berlin, followed by Copenhagen and a two-day India-Northern Europe summit with the Prime Ministers of Denmark, Iceland, Finland, Sweden and Norway.
Modi later made a brief stop in France, where he met with French President Emmanuel Macron to “share views on a variety of regional and global issues and assess ongoing bilateral cooperation. ”
It can be seen that although India chose to abandon the United States and Europe to maintain a more neutral stance in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, recently India-Europe relations not only rose against the trend, but also achieved many breakthroughs.
What are the reasons behind this phenomenon and what are the factors that affect it?
Raja Mohan, a well-known Indian geo-strategist, pointed out: First, India and the EU want to reduce their dependence on Russia; second, India and the EU need to better cope with the rapid rise of China; third, India and the EU are looking forward to playing an important regional role under the influence of the United States.
The author predicts that the combination of these three factors will lead to a new upsurge in India-European relations. Although this prediction is suspected of greatly exaggerating India ’ s strategic importance, it also provides a new perspective for our understanding of India ’ s attitude.
On April 21, 2022, British Prime Minister Johnson visited India to visit Gandhi ’ s hometown. (AP)
On April 24, 2022, Macron was re-elected President of France, which gave the whole of Europe and North America a sigh of relief.
India is also pleased with Macron ’ s successful re-election as he has laid a solid foundation for the India-France strategic partnership.
If Macron ’ s rival, Marine Le Pen, wins, Europe ’ s geopolitics will be dramatically complicated.
If the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is a challenge to the existing European regional order, then Le Pen ’ s challenge to Macron demonstrates Russia ’ s broad influence on European domestic issues.
Le Pen, like many other right-wing leaders in Europe, has close ties to Vladimir Putin, many of whom are deeply hostile to the EU.
If Le Pen wins, it will not only change France ’ s international trajectory, but also shake the political core of the European Union.
Unlike the Soviet Union, which tried to influence European politics through left-wing parties, Russia now influences European politics through right-wing parties.
Le Pen won nearly 42% of the vote, reflecting the growing challenges facing mainstream politics in Europe.
Europe now has no choice but to redouble its efforts against Putin.
Russia ’ s threat to Europe ’ s internal affairs is one of the factors influencing India ’ s increased engagement with Europe. While India and the EU have been talking about a strategic partnership for two decades, progress has been slow due to three external factors.
The Russian factor
In conversations with European leaders who recently visited Delhi, the Russia-Ukraine conflict was a key topic.
India ’ s reluctance to condemn Putin ’ s incursion may indicate that India-Russia relations remain inextricably linked.
This suggests that the best response India can make in the Russia-Ukraine conflict is to remain “neutral. ”
For the past few weeks, India has insisted that its silence was not in support of a Russian invasion.
It is worth noting that India has repeatedly stressed the need to respect the territorial integrity of countries, which in fact negates Russia.
Needless to say, in the context of the escalating strategic competition between China and India, the Russia-Ukraine conflict has made India very uneasy.
For India, normal relations between Russia and the West are ideal.
However, while India has rapidly drawn closer political and economic ties with Europe and the United States, Russia is locked in a fierce confrontation with the West.
India may be mindful of its old feelings toward Russia, but it will never sever its warming relationship with the West.
In recent years, given Russia ’ s declining economic power and growing isolation on the international stage, India ’ s options have become clear.
At the same time, geographical proximity and industrial complementarity determine the close economic and trade relationship between Russia and Europe.
The EU ’ s trade with Russia is huge, with an annual trade volume of about $260 billion, while the EU ’ s trade with India is only $10 billion.
Unlike India, Europe ’ s social ties with Russia are deeply rooted.
European leaders, including Macron, have long advocated a historic rapprochement with Russia and the inclusion of Moscow in the regional security order.
However, Putin ’ s actions in Ukraine have forced Europe to take costly measures to disengage from Russia.
This is especially true of Germany, which has strong and close commercial ties with Russia.
With Putin locked in a protracted and unwinnable conflict, Russia is set to pay a heavy price for its actions.
The Russia-Ukraine conflict undoubtedly raises a major short-term problem, one that both India and the EU have to deal with.
Now, India and the EU are finding themselves united in their goal of reducing their dependence on Russia.
In the long run, Russia will gradually decline, and its influence on Indo-European relations will diminish.
For nearly a century, Indo-Russian relations have complicated Indo-European relations.
If the Russian October Revolution of 1917 inspired India ’ s national independence movement, then the Soviet partnership dominated India ’ s foreign relations during the Cold War.
But now, the era of Russia ’ s influence on India ’ s international relations is coming to an end.
In December 2021, Modi warmly received the visiting Putin. (AP)
Second, the Chinese factor
China ’ s growing power objectively pushes India and Europe to strengthen their partnership with each other.
Contrary to India ’ s belief that Russia is “forced to make good friends with China, ” Russia has in fact been actively deepening its relations with China for more than two decades, which makes India very anxious. In June 2021, US President Joe Biden met with Putin in Geneva and proposed to explore the establishment of fruitful diplomatic relations with Russia.
However, Putin made a careful strategic choice – he chose China. In February 2022, Putin visited Beijing, and the two countries proposed “no cap on Sino-Russian relations. ”
Whether Russia is forced or proactively engaged with China makes no difference to India.
India has no choice but to deal with the consequences of Russia ’ s choice.
How to deal with China ’ s rise over the past two decades has become an epochal issue for Indian policymakers.
And the close relationship between China and Russia makes this challenge even more difficult to deal with.
As India strives to maintain reasonable relations with Russia, the EU should be an important partner for India in meeting the challenges posed by China.
This is also reinforced by the EU ’ s renewed understanding of China.
Trade between China and Europe has been very frequent for more than two decades, and it is clear that Europe has not given enough thought to China ’ s long-term political ambitions.
The multiplicity of problems between China and Europe, the close geopolitical relationship between China and Russia, and the rapid deterioration of Sino-US relations mean that the EU is afraid to invest more political capital to establish a more targeted strategic relationship with India.
India will also respond to this.
Third, the American factor
More recently, Europe ’ s attempts to wean itself off America ’ s call for “strategic autonomy ” are highly consistent with India ’ s wishes.
However, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict underscores the importance of the United States in helping Europe confront Russia.
In Asia, China ’ s assertiveness has once again made the United States a key factor in shaping regional peace and security.
However, the United States does not want its allies in Europe and Asia to become weak.
The United States wants Europe to be strong enough to take more responsibility for its own security, and it wants India to play a greater role in Asia to ensure regional security.
Above all, the United States wants a stronger relationship between India and Europe.
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict has forced India to readjust its relations with major powers and Europe to refocus on geopolitics.
For the first time since independence, India and the European Union have an unprecedented convergence of interests, which means that the two sides can work together to restore order in Eurasia and the Indo-Pacific region.
Raja Mohan is a senior research fellow at the Asia Society Policy Institute in New Delhi and a contributing editor for international affairs at The Indian Express.
This article was originally published on The India Express website on April 26 under the headline “India, Europe and the Russian complication ”.
The Chinese version of this article was published earlier on the South Asia Research Bulletin platform.
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What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Title:

Content: Putin has long used Russian oil and gas as a tool to wield power at home and abroad.
By invading Ukraine in February of this year, he turned this tool into a weapon of war.
But he never acted alone.
He was abetted by some of the world ’ s most powerful leaders, who share his nationalist or authoritarian tendencies, and who, together, bought Russia ’ s coal, oil and gas in a big way to give Putin the ability to finance his war effort.
While the motivations of these leaders to support Putin vary widely and are driven primarily by domestic pressures, collectively, they are hampering global climate cooperation at a time when the world ’ s 7 billion people are suffering from the catastrophic effects of global warming.
The war in Ukraine cast a heavy shadow over the United Nations Climate Change Conference in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, this week.
The United Nations climate negotiations are based on the willingness of countries to work together to mitigate climate change.
The resurgence of nationalism around the world – a culmination of which is Putin ’ s invasion of neighboring countries – conflicts with this idea.
“The war in Ukraine is putting climate action on hold, while our planet itself is burning, ” UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres said recently.
Pro-Putin leaders come from some of the most influential and polluting countries.
In the wake of Russia ’ s invasion of Ukraine, China ’ s Xi Jinping and India ’ s Modi accelerated the pace of massive purchases of Russian coal and oil at low prices, buffering both economies from the global energy crisis while allowing Putin to continue profiting from energy exports despite Western sanctions.
Brazilian President Bolsonaro, who destroyed vast swathes of the Amazon rainforest for gold mining and beef production, flew to the Kremlin just days before Russia ’ s invasion of Ukraine to sit alongside Putin and show “solidarity with Russia. ”
After that, he announced that Russia would provide Brazil with a new batch of much-needed fertilizer and diesel.
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Even Saudi Arabia, the world ’ s largest oil exporter, has taken advantage of extremely low prices to buy more Russian fuel oil this year.
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has also joined forces with Putin to reduce output from the oil-producing cartel OPEC +, pushing up global oil prices and thus replenishing Putin ’ s coffers.
General Min Aung Lay, the leader of Myanmar's military junta, met with Putin nine months after the Russian-Ukrainian war and reached an agreement to buy oil.
Creating the conditions to undermine global climate cooperation is one of Putin ’ s biggest admirers: former US President Donald Trump.
He pulled the United States, the largest polluter in history, out of the 2015 Paris climate agreement.
The agreement, signed under the auspices of the United States and China, represents a moment of global solidarity for countries willing to work together to mitigate climate change.
However, since then, Sino-US relations have begun to deteriorate.
The two countries are so nervous about everything from trade to Taiwan that the two biggest emitters of greenhouse gases are now barely talking.
As the increasingly authoritarian Mr. Xi finds more places to work with the Kremlin, Mr. Putin is benefiting from strained U.S.-China relations.
With Xi under pressure to boost economic growth and ensure energy security, China has softened its stance on participating in addressing global climate change.
"In terms of our climate agenda, we are entering a more difficult period," said Li Shuo, head of Greenpeace East Asia in Beijing.
Over the past decade, the world has made considerable progress in reducing greenhouse gas emissions.
Moreover, the global failure to mitigate further warming cannot be blamed solely on authoritarian leaders.
After Russia ’ s war on Ukraine, to avoid an energy crisis that would lead to political instability at home, even many liberal democracies have regressed in their efforts to reduce their dependence on fossil fuels.
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There are many reasons for the failure to further slow warming.
But the rise of authoritarian and nationalist leaders complicates the situation.
“Nationalist authoritarian leaders undoubtedly pose a threat to solving global problems because they may be willing to blatantly defy a system that relies on each country to shoulder its due responsibilities, ” said Carrie Sims Gallagher, a professor at Tufts University ’ s Fletcher School and a former U.S. climate diplomat.
But she noted that the extent to which authoritarian leaders try to address climate change or undermine solutions depends on how good it is for them to do so. “Much depends on whether authoritarian leaders see climate action as in their own interest. ”
While their actions have helped Putin, their record on climate has been mixed.
As Russia ’ s president, Vladimir Putin, who leads an oil nation, has never welcomed a transition to reduced fossil fuel use.
Trump and Bolsonaro have deliberately avoided international cooperation.
While both Xi and Modi are pushing for the use of renewable energy, their cooperation with Putin, coupled with the expansion of coal use in the name of energy security, has allowed carbon emissions to continue to grow in both countries.
As for Putin, his invasion of Ukraine may eventually unravel his grand strategy.
The war could inspire countries to get rid of oil and gas more quickly.
The International Energy Agency last week predicted that global demand for natural gas will peak by the end of this decade, coal demand will peak before then, and oil demand will decline in the next decade.
Putin has denied claims that he is using energy resources to gain geopolitical power and has accused the energy-consuming West of hypocrisy.
He instead blamed the reduction in investment in oil and gas on what he called a “massive green agenda push. ”
"Other countries are always trying to blame their own mistakes on other countries, specifically Russia," he said.
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The Russian embassy in Washington did not respond to a request for comment.
Igor Sechin, a close Putin confidant and head of state oil giant Rosneft, told an energy conference that a new drilling project in the Arctic would ease the problem of rising global energy prices.
"This is the only project in the world that can bring stability to the oil market," Sechin said.
He went on to compare the project to Noah's Ark.
Oil will save the world.
Oil and Empire
As Putin takes control of Russia on the first day of the new millennium, the former KGB intelligence officer embarks on a path to restoring the glory of the Soviet empire, which was built on Russia ’ s abundant oil and gas resources.
He quickly took control of Russia ’ s energy companies, putting his trusted allies in charge of them. In October 2003, he ordered the arrest of Russia ’ s richest man, oil tycoon Mikhail Khodorkovsky, split up his Yukos company and handed over most of the company ’ s assets to the state-owned Rosneft.
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By 2007, Putin had reached an agreement with Germany to build a gas pipeline.
A few years later, he came to Vyborg, the starting point of the pipeline, and pressed the button to start the gas delivery.
By this simple act, he gained a powerful economic lever that allowed him to influence the daily lives of Europeans and their elected politicians.
In less than a decade, 40% of the gas that Europeans use for heating and power generation has come from Russia.
After Putin ’ s invasion of Ukraine, Europe ’ s eagerness to shed its dependence on Russian energy has instead encouraged new gas projects elsewhere in the world.
Putin mocked the commitment of continental European governments to reduce or end their energy dependence on Russia.
"There is no reasonable alternative in Europe right now," he said.
Pipeline to China.
How can a friend be called a friend if he does not support one another in times of trouble?
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Such is the clever calculation of the friendship between Putin and Xi Jinping, which first came to light in 2014, less than two years after Xi became the party ’ s leader.
That year, in violation of international law, Putin classified Ukraine's Crimea as Russian territory.
Soon, Russian energy companies faced sanctions aimed at cutting revenues in the country.
Xi Jinping came out at this time.
He received the Russian leader in Shanghai.
They announced a 30-year, $400 billion deal to build a 3,000-kilometer gas pipeline from Russia ’ s Arctic to China.
For Putin, this expands ties with the world ’ s largest energy consumer.
For Xi, this reduces his country ’ s dependence on coal, which is polluting the air and provoking public discontent.
Mr. Xi pursued the relationship even when he met with President Obama, and later that year, China and the United States announced a landmark climate cooperation agreement that laid the groundwork for the Paris agreement.
He also set China on a path to becoming the world ’ s most developed country for wind and solar energy.
He secured the global supply of cobalt and lithium, the key minerals in the renewable energy economy.
He turned China into a major exporter of everything from solar photovoltaic cells to electric buses.
His call for an "ecological civilization" was hailed by Chinese officials as part of the "Xi Jinping Thought."
"He sees climate as an area that has laid China's global leadership," said Cecilia Han Springer, who tracks China's energy and climate policy at Boston University.
China's foreign ministry did not respond to a request for comment.
This is in stark contrast to Putin.
Nevertheless, the two men carefully cultivated a relationship of mutual need.
They met nearly 40 times and sometimes celebrated birthdays together. In 2018, at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, Xi put a gold medal around Putin ’ s neck, China ’ s first ever medal of friendship.
Xi Jinping called Putin his "best confidant friend."
He was paying tribute to a year ago, when Putin hosted Xi at the Grand Kremlin and awarded him one of Russia ’ s highest medals for foreign dignitaries.
The personal and political trajectories of the two men are very similar.
Both have consolidated their power at home, and both harbor deep-rooted distrust of the West.
Today, Xi ’ s green economy goals face significant challenges, many of them of his own making.
Xi's "zeroing" policy has hit the economy.
Last fall, coal shortages triggered widespread power outages.
Few things can call into question the competence of a leader like a power outage.
Therefore, economic growth and energy security take precedence over the green development of China's economy.
Over the past year, China, which accounts for just over half of global coal consumption, has increased its investment in coal, adding 33 million kilowatts of new coal-fired power capacity in 2021, three times more than the rest of the world combined. Coal emissions have risen significantly
The deepening tensions between the United States and China now pose a serious risk to the world's ability to reduce global greenhouse gas emissions.
This widening fault line will only benefit Putin.
“The goal of Russian-Chinese cooperation is to exclude the United States, which is bad for climate action, ” said David Sandro, a former White House aide who has written a book on China ’ s climate policy.
Buy low, sell high
Without India, Putin ’ s bet on Asia would not have been possible.
India's energy demand is expected to grow faster than all other countries over the next 20 years
Modi took full advantage of that role.
India needs cheap energy.
India also has some very large oil refineries.
The war in Ukraine has given India a new opportunity.
There is what Modi calls a “special chemistry ” between Modi and Putin.
Modi said he believes Putin is trustworthy and enjoys wildlife and fitness just as much as he does.
"I know he is a strong man, he has an active lifestyle and keeps in good shape.
I like that, "Modi said in an interview with Russia's TASS news agency.
"He is also interested in the environment, wildlife, the underwater world, especially the protection of tigers," he said.
And so is my nature, "he said.
Modi can be said to be a contradictory figure.
He is a charismatic pro-business Hindu nationalist politician who won landslide elections in 2014 and 2019.
At home, his critics point to his government's crackdown on dissent, entrenching his power to make religious minorities second-class citizens, and in 2021, the government charged young climate activist Disha Ravi with sedition.
The Modi government did not respond to comment.
In the past, the government ’ s response to criticism was that the country was a “vibrant democracy ” where the law applied equally to all citizens.
On the world stage, Modi has cast himself as a climate politician.
He set an ambitious target for India to generate half of the country ’ s electricity from non-fossil fuel sources by 2030.
He made regulations requiring utilities to get a large portion of their electricity from renewable sources.
At the same time, his government approved the mining of coal, including in an ecologically sensitive ancient forest.
A government agency estimates that India may need 28 GW of coal-fired power capacity over the next decade.
During Modi ’ s tenure as prime minister, coal tycoon Gautam Adani, with whom he had a long and close relationship, became Asia ’ s richest man.
Modi ’ s “special chemistry ” with Putin has benefited both countries.
Refineries in India are bringing in significantly more low-cost Russian crude than ever before and converting it into diesel, which is now sold at a high price due to the war.
According to data from commodity analysis firm Kpler, India's imports of Russian crude oil increased to 1 million barrels per day in April from 30,000 barrels last year and are now hovering around 800,000 barrels per day.
At present, most of the crude oil appears to be sold in India.
But analysts expect exports to grow as Europe tightens sanctions on Russian oil imports in December and diesel demand will soar.
“This is purely a refinery economy, ” Kpler analyst Homayong Farakshahi said.
Once refined into diesel, it is no longer considered Russian oil. "In theory, it will be Indian diesel," he said.
In addition, India will double its coal imports from Russia this year compared to 2021, according to Kpler.
India's oil ministry did not respond to a request for comment.
Modi ’ s oil minister, Hardeep Singh Puri, said there was no “moral conflict ” in India ’ s purchase of Russian oil.“ The Modi government is not feeling the pressure.
We are the fifth largest economy in the world, "he said in a recent interview with CNN." India will respond in its supreme national interest. "
Destroyed heritage
On the other side of the planet, Brazil elected a right-wing nationalist president, Jar Bolsonaro, in 2018.
He is dismissive of the need to address climate change.
He set out to transform large areas of the Amazon forest into farmland in an effort to elevate Brazil's position as an agricultural powerhouse.
One of Bolsonaro ’ s top priorities when he takes office in 2019 is to dismantle the $1.2 billion Amazon Fund, backed by Norway and Germany, which aims to combat environmental crime.
He cut down environmental agencies and stripped them of their budgets, leaving little to no way to impose fines on illegal deforestation.
Bolsonaro's office did not respond to a request for comment.
He has often denied before that his policies have taken a toll on the Amazon forest.
Bolsonaro made his first trip to Moscow on February 14, just as Russian troops were massing on the Ukrainian border.
At a news conference with Putin, Bolsonaro thanked the "good friend", saying that it was Putin who gave him support when his Amazon policy was criticized by other world leaders. "I want to thank you for your mediation, always on our side, to defend our sovereignty."
Putin said Brazil is his most important partner in Latin America.
He gave Bolsonaro what he desperately needed, promising to supply Brazil with unlimited quantities of Russian fertilizer at low prices, at a time when global fertilizer prices were soaring, placing a huge burden on Brazilian farmers.
In the five months since then, Russian fertilizer imports, which had fallen sharply, have increased by more than 20 percent over the same period last year.
Brazil also started importing Russian diesel for the first time since 2018.
That didn ’ t save Bolsonaro ’ s political future.
He lost the election last week.
But the damage he left behind could take decades to repair, perhaps in vain.
In the first three years of his presidency alone, more than 33,000 square kilometers of Brazil ’ s Amazon forest were deforested.
Like Bolsonaro, the impact of Trump ’ s actions will extend far beyond his presidency.
One of his first decisions in office was to pull the United States out of the Paris agreement that his predecessor had just negotiated.
This perfectly caters to Putin ’ s plans for the future. In 2015, when the world agreed in Paris to tackle climate change together, Putin did not object.
But he didn ’ t need to object, because just the following year, the newly elected Trump broke the ice, not only withdrawing from the Paris Agreement, but also starting to roll back environmental regulations altogether.
Trump's behavior is still changing the world.
His repeal is expected to add at least 1.8 billion tons of extra carbon dioxide emissions to the atmosphere by 2035 and result in a significant increase in the number of excess deaths caused by poor air quality each year.
On Friday, Trump spokesman Tyler Budovich said, “Climate activists want to destroy not only the U.S. energy industry, but the pursuit of the American dream. ”
President Trump has led the nation ’ s energy renaissance, ensuring safe and reliable energy production and providing affordable prices for every American. ”
Changing the War of the Future
Earlier this year, on February 4, Xi and Putin met during the Beijing Winter Olympics.
They signed an oil deal worth $117 billion.
Twenty days later, Putin invaded Ukraine.
In October, Xi won a third term as president.
He has almost absolute power.
In his speech at this historic moment, he made it clear that he would not rush to get rid of coal. "We will stick to the principle of first, then second, and have a plan to implement the carbon peak step by step," he said.
It has always been difficult for the world to ignore Putin ’ s fossil-fuel wealth.
Since the war, the value of his exports has been increasing.
China's oil imports from Russia doubled, Turkey more than tripled and India quadrupled.
Last month, at an energy forum in Moscow, he said that while developing renewable energy is a good thing, giving up oil and gas in the short term would be futile.
"Hasty for political reasons, especially populist domestic policies - come on, who would do that?"

Evolving Multipolarity and India's Role:**
- India, under Modi, asserts itself as a proponent of a “multipolar world,” aiming to reshape the US-led global order.

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Content: The leaders of the three powers convened a virtual summit via video on Tuesday in an attempt to reshape the U.S.-led global order.
But apart from the unity implied by their common appearance, each seemed to focus on their own different goals.
For Russian President Vladimir Putin, that meant showing strength after the Wagner mercenary mutiny and claiming international support for his war in Ukraine.
For China's top leader, Xi Jinping, the summit is another opportunity to attack the United States by calling for an end to "hegemonism" and "power politics."
For Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the host of the meeting, it was a sign of India ’ s growing stature – and an insinuating attack on its main rival, Pakistan, by calling on other countries to unite to “fight terrorism. ”
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In the speeches of the leaders prepared in advance of the annual meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, no significant statements were made about the changes in the alliance.
But this forum – established in 2001 by China and Russia, with Pakistan and the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan – does allow us to see how a regional club set up to counter Western influence deals with conflicting priorities.
There is no mention of the growing friction between Beijing and New Delhi that has pushed historically non-aligned India closer to the United States.
If Putin wants other leaders to deliver loud statements of support to ease his weakened position at home and justify his war in Ukraine, he can only be content with conventional rhetoric and a wintry tone.
What ’ s more, under the watchful eye of the Biden administration and many other countries around the world, the forum essentially seems to be stating that the three leaders have taken control of their own domestic issues and are ready to embrace what Putin calls a new “multipolar ” world.
“They all have a motive to downplay things and make everything seem normal, ” said Chong Ka-ying, an associate professor of political science at the National University of Singapore.“ They show that things are under control, there are no cracks, and India wants to explore relations with the United States despite Russia ’ s problems. ”
On Tuesday, no leader needed to reshape his image more than Putin.
Last month, Wagner mercenaries tried to overthrow Russia ’ s military leadership, and Putin ’ s more than two decades of rule faced the biggest challenge.
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While Putin defused the crisis by agreeing with mercenary leader Prigozhin to travel to Belarus, the brief rebellion raised questions about his authority and future.
It was Putin ’ s first appearance at an international forum since the rebellion, and he thanked member states for their support after the mutiny, which he claimed did not have popular support in Russia.
"A profound responsibility for the fate of the motherland unites Russian politics and society as a whole, showing a united front against armed mutiny," Putin said, also seeking to use the summit as a sign of international support for his invasion of Ukraine.
Support from China is most important, and it is the only major power to provide diplomatic and economic cover for Russia.
China has done so because it has made a long-term bet on Putin as a necessary partner to challenge the United States.
The bet comes at a cost, however, as Beijing struggles to repair relations with Europe ’ s main economic partners.
China ’ s refusal to condemn the war in Ukraine has also drawn growing global attention to Beijing ’ s aggressive stance on Taiwan.
The virtual meeting provided Xi with an opportunity to advance China ’ s goal of wresting influence from the United States.
He hailed the SCO as a way to “improve global governance ” and promote“ Chinese-style modernization ” — a veiled expression of a world vision in which Beijing and its partners have a greater say in international rules and norms.
In this vision, India ’ s positioning remains to be seen.
India, China ’ s biggest emerging strategic rival, joined the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in 2017 and sees the forum as a way to balance its own relations with the West as well as with China and Russia.
India has maintained stable relations with Russia, mainly economic, after refusing to condemn the invasion of Ukraine.
But its relationship with China has deteriorated due to border disputes and its participation in the quadripartite security dialogue mechanism, including the United States, which focuses on security and which Beijing views as a tool to contain China.
Modi's high-profile visit to Washington last month heightened suspicions in China that India is pulling closer to the United States to contain China's rise.
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Despite these tensions, India has a sweet spot in the forum.
Its dependence on the Central Asian countries for energy and maintaining its influence in Afghanistan could have spillover effects on Pakistan.
Modi praised the forum as an "important platform" for peace and prosperity, but urged the group to condemn countries that "use terrorism as a tool of their policies."
The remarks were directed at Pakistan, which India accuses of funding militants in the disputed Kashmir region.
“India will not abandon or withdraw from the SCO because it will lose its foothold in Central Asia and cede the Eurasian region to India ’ s main rival, China, ” said Sriram Chorya, dean of the School of International Affairs at Jindal Global University near New Delhi.