Certainly!

Here’s a summary of the developments and nuances in the India–Russia relationship under Prime Minister Modi and President Putin, with special focus on how India’s rivalry with China shapes this dynamic, captured in ~2500 characters:

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**Evolution of India–Russia Ties under Modi and Putin:**

**Deepening Strategic and Economic Cooperation**
- India and Russia have continually emphasized strong bilateral ties, moving beyond traditional defense cooperation to pursue joint investment, especially in Russia's Far East.

Recent agreements focus on boosting trade and connectivity in Eurasia and the Indian and Pacific Oceans.

- Energy security is central: India has become a major buyer of Russian oil, especially after the West sanctioned Russia for the Ukraine invasion.

This move illustrates India’s prioritization of energy needs over Western concerns, reflecting its strategic autonomy.

- India seeks to address the bilateral trade imbalance with Russia, aiming to diversify economic engagement.

**Geopolitical Balancing: Autonomy between Rivals**
- India’s refusal to condemn Russia’s Ukraine invasion and its ramped-up energy trade strained relations with the US and aligned Western capitals, but highlighted India’s dedication to independent foreign policy — a stance respected by Moscow.

- Simultaneously, India deepens ties with the US through platforms like Quad but resists bloc alignments; Russia is wary of the Indo-Pacific/Quad, seeing it as US-led containment of China, but respects India's balanced approach.

- Senior Indian officials’ shuttle diplomacy, such as NSA Ajit Doval’s parallel high-level visits to the US and Russia, underscores India's aim to balance relations with competing powers.

**Impact of China Rivalry**
- China’s growing assertiveness, especially along the disputed border, makes Russia a valuable partner for India.

India's warming with Russia is partially to offset strategic pressure from Beijing.

Cooperation on Eurasian connectivity, maritime security, and defense is often framed with China’s regional influence in mind.

- India’s dilemma: While Russia grows closer to China (especially amidst Western isolation), India leans on the historical trust and defense linkages with Moscow to hedge against Chinese risks.

There is recognition that Russia–China alignment could limit, but not sever, the Indo–Russian partnership.

**Global Forums and Regional Security**
- Modi’s government leverages India's rising profile in forums like BRICS and the SCO, both of which bridge India with Russia and China, giving Delhi a platform to mediate and voice Global South concerns.

- Both sides show cautious convergence on global issues like Gaza and the Middle East, while carefully managing divergent approaches on Ukraine.

**Conclusion**
- Under Modi and Putin, India–Russia relations have grown broader and more transactional, marked by India’s assertive pursuit of national interests even amid global polarisation.

- The rivalry with China adds urgency to Indo–Russian cooperation, but as Russia’s China ties deepen, India’s balancing act becomes more complex.

Strategic autonomy, economic pragmatism, and agile diplomacy define this evolving partnership in an era of shifting alliances and global power recalibration.

**Summary of Evolution of the India–Russia Relationship under Modi and Putin (with Focus on China Factor) – Key Nuggets**

- **Enduring Strategic Partnership:** India and Russia share a long-standing relationship dating back to the Cold War, with enduring cooperation in defense, nuclear energy, and education.

Historical ties—including Moscow’s support for India in past regional conflicts—still influence Indian foreign policy, even as the context evolves.

- **Defense Relations:** While Russia remains India’s largest arms supplier, its market share has notably dropped (from about 70% to 49%) in recent years.

The dilution is due to India’s moves to diversify arms imports and strengthen domestic production, underpinned by U.S. and Israeli arms deals.

- **Energy and Economic Engagement:** India has increased purchases of discounted Russian oil after the Ukraine war, but payments have been complicated by Western sanctions and currency conversion issues.

Huge accumulated rupee reserves highlight unresolved bilateral trade and financial issues.

- **High-Level Diplomacy:** Despite global tension from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Modi remains engaged with Putin.

Recent summits (including Modi’s first visit to Russia since the Ukraine war) underscore India’s desire to sustain robust ties amidst global polarization.

- **Balancing Act between U.S. and Russia:** India’s foreign policy, especially under Modi, is shaped by a careful balancing act: deepening ties with the U.S. and Quad partners for strategic and technological gains, while maintaining old Russian links for legacy, energy, and defense needs.

U.S. officials routinely raise India-Russia relations, but India seeks “strategic autonomy” and avoids taking sides.

- **Multilateral Forums and Regional Architecture:** India and Russia collaborate in SCO, BRICS, and G20, using these platforms to promote multipolarity and joint Eurasian interests.

- **The China Factor:**
    - **India–China Tension:** Despite diplomatic efforts, India and China’s rivalry persists—exacerbated by border disputes and Beijing’s growing influence in South and Central Asia.

- **Russia–China Rapprochement:** Moscow’s strategic tilt toward Beijing in response to Western sanctions worries India, which fears being caught in a China-centric Eurasian order.

- **India’s Leverage:** India is keen to prevent Russia and China from becoming too close.

Maintaining strong ties with Moscow is both a hedge and a way to keep Russia’s engagement “balanced,” avoiding an exclusive Russia–China axis.

- **Geostrategic Initiatives:** India pursues regional projects—like the Chennai–Vladivostok sea route and investments in Russia’s Far East (sometimes involving Japan)—to enhance connectivity, expand its clout, and offer alternatives to China’s Belt and Road.

- **Global Power Dynamics:** As shifting alliances evolve (NATO vs. Russia, U.S.–China tensions), India aspires to a “third pole”—making itself indispensable to both Western and Eurasian powers, and pushing for a bigger role (e.g., in UNSC reform).

- **Cultural and Education Ties:** Soft power and educational exchanges continue alongside blockbuster Indian film production in locations like Kiev, showing multidimensional societal links.

- **Looking Forward:** India strives to sustain and recalibrate its Russia ties—seeking technological cooperation, affordable energy, and strategic leverage—without jeopardizing its evolving partnership with the West or exacerbating China’s strategic ambitions in the region.

**In sum:** Under Modi and Putin, the India–Russia relationship has remained resilient but more pragmatic, with new constraints from a shifting global order and India’s rivalry with China.

The partnership is shaped by India’s search for autonomy, desire to avoid overdependence on any major power, and intent to keep Russia from deepening ties excessively with China.

India’s “tightrope” walk between the U.S. and Russia, with an eye on China’s moves, will likely define the partnership for the foreseeable future.

**Nugget Summary: The Evolution of India–Russia Relations under Modi and Putin with Reference to the China Factor**

- **Continued Diplomatic Priority for India**: Russia’s updated foreign policy, amidst Western tensions, classifies India as a key diplomatic priority along with China and other South Asian nations, reflecting strategic recalibration as Russia distances from the West and emphasizes multipolarity.

- **Depth of Historical Ties**: The India–Russia partnership has deep historical roots, notably in defense and nuclear technology.

Russia provided India with critical technology and military hardware when other powers were reluctant, which fosters deep trust and strategic comfort.

- **Enduring Defense Interdependence**: Over 60% of India’s weapons still come from Russia, making Moscow critical to India’s military maintenance and modernization.

Despite growing Western options, this legacy supply chain creates a strong ongoing dependency.

- **India’s Tightrope: Balancing Russia and the West**: Under Modi, India has substantially expanded ties with the US, Europe, and Middle Eastern powers (such as Israel, UAE, Saudi Arabia), but maintains an independent foreign policy—India sees Russia as an “all-weather friend” and has abstained from UN votes that directly condemn Moscow during the Ukraine crisis.

- **Strategic Autonomy in a Polarizing World**: India resists being locked into any singular bloc (pro-Western or anti-Western) and rather pursues “partnerships” over “alliances.” This stance preserves maneuverability as global blocs re-form and allows engagement with both Russian and Western structures.

- **Multipolarity as Shared Goal**: Modi and Putin share an interest in promoting a multipolar world order against Western (especially US) unipolarity.

India’s policy aligns with Russian efforts to reassert its position and diminish Western influence.

- **China as a Complicating Factor**:
    - **India–China Rivalry**: India–China ties have deteriorated significantly (notably over border disputes), making Moscow’s “strategic triangle” diplomacy (Russia–India–China) more complex.

Russia is careful not to alienate India, even as it grows closer to China.

- **Russia–China Synergy**: Russia and China’s growing convergence (fueled by Western isolation) is a source of Indian concern.

While Russia is not “equal” to China and tries to maintain balance, Moscow’s need for Beijing (especially since 2022) could potentially limit Russia's willingness to fully support India against China.

- **Regional Security**: India’s China challenge increases New Delhi’s interest in sustaining strong ties with Russia, both for defense supplies and to avoid a Russia–China condominium that could marginalize Indian interests.

Certainly!

Title:

Content: I wrote in May about how, thanks to India’s legacy of staying away from great-power camps and the current leadership’s deft handling of the new conditions created by Russia’s war on Ukraine, India found itself in a “geopolitical sweet spot”.

Essentially, the sense at the time – confirmed by a stream of major diplomatic engagements by foreign powers with New Delhi – was that India was being courted by all sides, and could, in a sense utilise the crisis to emerge stronger.

On the one end, the West was making an extra effort to help India reduce its dependence on Russian arms and build its capacity to balance China, while on the other, Moscow and – even to an extent Beijing – tomtommed New Delhi’s refusal to join the sanctions regime in an effort to convey the idea that the entire world was not toeing US President Joe Biden’s autocracies vs democracies line.

There was the concern that this balancing act could not last forever.

Yet, by all accounts, eight months into the war, India continues to inhabit that sweet spot, despite Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s harsher words for Russian President Vladimir Putin and grumbling from Western commentators about India’s abstentions in the United Nations Security Council.

From the Hindustan Times:

“Russia and Ukraine are fighting, but both want to be friends with India and have a degree of appreciation for its position on the war. Europe and the United States are key players in the war helping the Ukrainians, but despite Delhi’s indifference and refusal to participate in any of their measures to make life tough for the Russians, they are happy enough with India’s position. Smaller countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America don’t like the war and are aggrieved that they are suffering for no fault of their own. But the global South sees India as a voice of reason which can highlight the consequences of the war on the big power stage that they have little access to. And the top United Nations leadership is keeping India briefed on developments, and sees India as a valuable partner in its efforts to lower the temperature.

Both on the war, and beyond the war on the most pressing strategic and development issues of the day, the world is wooing India.”

Of course, the tightrope walk is not necessarily easy or inevitable.

If a cornered Putin further escalates civilian attacks in Ukraine, New Delhi may find it harder to maintain what is effectively a not-our-problem stance on the war.

On the other side, in the optics of its red-carpet welcome for the Pakistani Army Chief, the US ambassador’s visit to Pakistan-occupied Kashmir and the F-16 deal, Washington, DC, has offered a reminder that its growing relationship with India does not mean it will align with all of New Delhi’s stances either.

Despite these diversions, as long as the West continues to see Xi Jinping’s China as the long-term threat to global order, it will continue to seek way to align further with India. Even as it continues to delink from Russia, New Delhi will still look at pathways – such as its presence at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation or among its BRICS, or Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, peers – to sustain a multipolar world.

But this is no longer just a geopolitical moment for India.

As nations around the world grapple with high inflation and the prospect of a global recession, the spotlight has turned also to the Indian economy.

From The New York Times in September,

“As global economic growth slows sharply, with many major economies gripped with worries of recession, there has been a conspicuous exception: India.

The Indian government says the country’s economy remains on track to grow 7% or more this year, more than double the projections for global growth…

The rapid expansion in India reflects in part the depths to which the economy had fallen during the most devastating shocks of the pandemic, with lockdowns forcing an exodus of laborers from urban centers. It also reflects the insulated nature of India’s economy: It has avoided the worst of the global slump because it is driven more by local demand than exports.

But perhaps most important has been a suite of government policies, including increased public investment, relief to debtors, and credit guarantees to small and medium-size firms hit hardest by the pandemic. Policy interventions have kept inflation – which has historically been high in India – relatively in check. And purchases of discounted oil from Russia, against the wishes of the United States and Europe, have helped buffer rising global energy prices.”

The “sweet/bright spot” terminology has been embraced by many.

Naturally, the government has adopted it, talking up the successes of the Indian economy. But its use goes beyond just New Delhi’s cheerleaders.

Deutsche Bank chief executive Christian Sewing called India the “shining star” of the global economy at the moment. Citigroup Chief Jane Fraser, back in July, called this a “pretty unique point in time for India.” The International Monetary Fund’s Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva reportedly called India a “bright spot” in the global economy.

What explains this sudden optimism for an economy that was seeing a major slowdown in growth even before the Covid-19 pandemic hit?

Some of it has to do with China’s continued adherence to the zero-Covid strategy, meaning the country just about avoided contraction in the April-June quarter and is unlikely to see much annual growth – prompting global capital to look elsewhere for investment opportunities (in addition to the efforts to diversify from China that have become more urgent for many Western businesses over the past few years).

Some of it has to do with India appearing to weather the current “polycrisis” better than many of its neighbours and peers, with the rupee holding firmer than a number of other currencies, external debt being under control and prices not seeing the runaway inflation that is affecting much of the world.

Here, there is a general sense that, despite the mismanagement of economy prior to the pandemic, and the fears of demand destruction because of limited fiscal spending during the crisis, India’s policymakers successfully kept the ship steady and weathered the storm better than many others.

Some of it is in reaction to the news that India overtook the United Kingdom to become the world’s fifth-largest economy – an important development, given the colonial history of the two countries, but also a complex one given the huge per capita disparities.

The “sweet spot” plus “bright spot” conversation has placed India in a prominent place on the world stage, reviving “superpowerpredictions (despite the rather unfortunate recent history of the ‘Superpower 2020’ trend). But much of it is based on extrapolating from India’s potential, rather than its current stature. There are plenty of challenges to tackle before India can achieve that potential.

Even if you put aside the “risks [to] social harmony” that “Raghu Sanjaylal Jaitley” mentions here in a thoughtful evaluation of India’s “sweet spot” moment, there is the much touted economy to consider. While India’s gross domestic product, or GDP, growth figures will undoubtedly be the fastest of any major economy this year, and most likely the year after, the numbers themselves have been disappointing relative to original expectations.

As Mihir Sharma explains on Bloomberg:

“India’s official statisticians reported 13.5% growth in the April to June quarter of this year. This meant that the country whooshed into top place as the world’s fastest-growing large economy — and, incidentally, replaced Great Britain as the world’s fifth-biggest economy.

Unfortunately, that’s where the good news about India’s growth prospects ends. Those GDP numbers were actually a disappointment, given that the same quarter last year saw India shut down amid its devastating Delta-driven Covid wave; a Bloomberg survey of economists expected growth in excess of 15%.

Over the past three years, in fact, GDP in India has grown just over 3% – and less than 4% since the last quarter before the pandemic. This financial year – which will end in March 2023 – is unlikely to break any records: Most now expect that real growth will not reach 7% even off a low base.”

Indeed, growth estimates for this financial year (2022-’23) have been cut by the Reserve Bank of India (from 7.2% to 7%), the State Bank of India (from 7.5% to 6.8%), the International Monetary Fund (from 7.4% to 6.8%) and the World Bank (7.5% to 6.5%). Japanese brokerage Nomura said it expected India to hit 7% this year, but to sharply decelerate afterwards, coming down to 5.4% (as opposed to the 6.1% expected by the International Monetary Fund, for example).

“While we broadly agree with our interlocutors on the growth prospects in FY23, we believe the optimism in FY24 may be misplaced and that the spillover effects from the global slowdown are being underestimated,” analysts from Nomura said, in a note.

As TN Ninan explains, “the signs of an economic slowdown are unmissable. Whether it is industrial production, electricity generation, exports, or revenue from goods and services tax, there is a loss of momentum.”

This is obviously connected to the expectation that a third of the world will be in recession next year, which cannot but affect India, especially as it has depended heavily on exports to power growth over the pandemic years. But it also reflects weaknesses in the underlying economy.

Abhishek Anand, Arvind Subramanian and Josh Felman write in the Business Standard,

“Is the Indian economy truly booming? The short answer is that the latest data flatters to deceive. The economy is out of the ICU, but its health remains fragile and still needs the doctor’s attention…

In GDP terms, the economy is just 3.8% cent larger than it was three years ago. And it is worth noting that 2019-’20 was a year when the economy was in ICU, with most indicators showing negative growth as Figure 1 shows. Thus, a comparison with the healthier 2018-’19 would present a much dimmer picture…

All the heady optimism has overlooked the vulnerable state of the macro-economy. Headline inflation has been above the target 4% for 35 consecutive months, above the ceiling of 6% for 21 of the 35 months, and core inflation remains close to this ceiling rate. According to the IMF’s latest estimates for 2022, the general government fiscal deficit is almost double-digit, and the current account deficit is 2.9% of GDP. When we compare the macro index to India’s own past, vulnerabilities are at their highest since the fallout from the Global Financial Crisis even if India’s high but depleting foreign exchange reserves provide cushion against real crisis.”

One of the key worries is that, despite all the reforms and policy adjustments meant to make the business environment friendlies, private investment – which would provide an engine of growth even at a time when the global market is struggling – simply hasn’t taken off.

You know things are bad on this front when politicians have to complain to industry leaders about why they are not investing. Here is Finance Minsiter Nirmala Sitharaman in September at a corporate summit:

“I want to know from the Indian industry what is it that they are hesitant about… Since 2019, when I took charge of the finance ministry, I have been hearing industry doesn’t think its (environment) is conducive. Alright, the (corporate) tax rate was brought down. I keep defending the industry even when people provocatively ask me what I would like to tell the private sector. We will do everything to get industry coming and investing here. Give PLI, we have given PLI. I want to hear from India Inc: what’s stopping you?

Is it like Hanuman? You don’t believe in your own capacity, in your own strength and there’s got to be someone standing next to you and say you are Hanuman, do it? Who is that person going to tell Hanuman? It can’t certainly be the government.”

And why isn’t private investment taking off?

One answer is that, despite these positive GDP growth numbers indicating a recovery from the depths of the pandemic-created contraction, businesses have little confidence that there is consumer demand over the coming months and years will be robust and broad-based.

Consumption has indeed been growing at the premium end of the market, but numbers remain worrisome across the broader economy, reinforcing the sense that India’s recovery from the pandemic has been “K-shaped” – meaning extremely positive for the affluent, and disappointing for everyone else.

“The confidence of the private sector on the sustainability of demand is low, given economic headwinds. This is leading to lower appetite for investing to build capacity,” Ranen Banerjee, leader economic advisory Services, PwC India, told Business Standard.

Niranjan Rajadhyaksha has for some time now been writing about how India’s post-lockdown recovery – as measured through GDP growth, buoyant tax numbers and healthier balance sheets – has been led by corporate profits, rather than wages. That in itself is not a problem: higher profits can lead power an economic recovery, but only if conditions are right. And for India, right now, they do not seem to be.

Rajadhyaksha writes:

“A higher share of profits can boost economic activity if companies use their net income to expand capacity in their factories by buying new machines; however, companies will prefer to use their net income to either save money or pay off old debts when there is no compelling reason to buy new machines because of excess capacity or business uncertainty…

This year’s festive season has started off well, but companies, policymakers and analysts have to be alert to the possibility that a lower share of wages in national income, persistent inflation and a gradual whittling down of the excess financial savings accumulated during covid lockdowns can lead to weaker consumer demand in the coming quarters.”

Still, the government – which continues to spend heavily on public capital expenditure with the aim of driving growth until the private sector kicks in – is hoping that the cleaner balance-sheets and availability of credit will act as a springboard for whenever businesses start investing.

From the Ministry of Finance’s July economic review:

“Conservative estimates of medium-term potential growth for India may be missing a trick as they overweight the decline and subsequent stagnation in capital formation in the country in the second decade of the millennium. That was due to the stress in the financial system. As and when the Indian private sector embarks on the long-awaited capital expenditure cycle, building on the government’s capital expenditure of recent years, India’s potential and estimated economic growth performance in the rest of the decade will inevitably be revised higher.”

That “as and when” is crucial. Will it be in the next few months? Or is it several years down the line – years that are likely to include a global recession, rising energy costs and no guarantee that the corporate profits and tax revenue spikes of this financial year will be sustained?

Will global headwinds, persistent inflation and a K-shaped recovery prevent India’s economy from taking advantage of its “bright spot” moment? Or will the government – or indicators from the broader economy – finally convince Hanuman to step up in time?

This article first appeared on India Inside Out.

Also read:

Hanuman’s leap: Why India’s firms aren’t making investments despite Nirmala Sitharaman’s pleading

Here’s a summary of the developments and nuances in the India–Russia relationship under Prime Minister Modi and President Putin, with special focus on how India’s rivalry with China shapes this dynamic, captured in ~2500 characters:

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**Evolution of India–Russia Ties under Modi and Putin:**

**Deepening Strategic and Economic Cooperation**
- India and Russia have continually emphasized strong bilateral ties, moving beyond traditional defense cooperation to pursue joint investment, especially in Russia's Far East.

Title:

Content: Opinion

Treading a fine line

Ajit Doval’s high-stake visits to Russia and the US are reflective of India’s consistent efforts to balance ties with the rival superpowers; writes Vinay Kumar

X

India’s security and strategic interests on important global platforms have been in focus over the last month as National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval made hectic trips to the US and Russia.

Doval headed to the United States in late January and held a meeting with his US counterpart, Jake Sullivan. Earlier this month, he paid a visit to Russia where he joined top security officials from China, Iran and a number of Central Asian states to participate in a multilateral meeting on Afghanistan.

NSA’s recent visits to the world’s most important political capitals underlined the importance that India attaches to striking a delicate balance in its relations with both the countries at a time when global security and geopolitical environment appear uncertain. His visits to Washington DC and Moscow show India’s priorities in forging vital initiatives.

In Washington, the two NSAs agreed upon a number of important arrangements under the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) which was launched in 2022 and has the potential to have a transformative impact on India’s partnership with the US in areas like military, science & technology and key high-tech fields.

Considering the fact that Russia and the US have been at loggerheads, more so in the wake of the Ukraine War which has completed one year, Doval’s trip assumes significance. The icing on the cake was that the NSA also had one-on-one meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a rare instance of President Putin meeting a top-ranking official from India. His meeting with Doval also pointed towards the continued importance which both sides accord to each other in taking forward their engagement. At a time when Russia continues to face confrontation with the West over the war in Ukraine, Doval’s meeting with President Putin carries a special context. India, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has lent its voice to the peace-making efforts in Ukraine, stressing that today’s era is not an era of war. In his telephonic conversation with President Putin last September, PM Modi voiced his concern, stressing upon the need to take the path of diplomacy and dialogue, a stance often reiterated at various global forums at the highest level.

While India, having to put up with the Chinese threat, has warmed up to the US, it has also taken pains to maintain its relationship with Russia; though Moscow, facing increased isolation in the global community over the war in Ukraine, does not appear to be too pleased with the initiatives surrounding the Indo-Pacific, with the active involvement of the US and further deepening of strategic defence and technological ties between New Delhi and Washington. India has also stressed upon furthering its cooperation with Russia in sectors such as trade, energy and defence.

With the US, under the iCET initiative, India is poised to forge closer cooperation in the areas of Artificial Intelligence (AI), 6G, quantum technologies etc. Other focus areas include defence innovation, technology cooperation and semiconductor supply chains. Doval stressed upon the need to pin down the deliverables in these key focus areas to ensure that no slip-ups or laxity creeps in. Co-production and technology development have left much to be desired, though India is now billed as a major defence partner of the US

The NSA’s discussions in Washington DC and Moscow also point towards India’s keen desire to safeguard its key interests, make advances in high-tech areas and, at the same time, be ready to hold on to its independent position and avoid landing in confrontationist stance, so far as the two rival powers are concerned, as new dynamics is emerging rather rapidly in the geopolitical arena.

Views expressed are personal

Next Story

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Recent agreements focus on boosting trade and connectivity in Eurasia and the Indian and Pacific Oceans.

Title:

Content:
India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday. At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

The 22nd Russia-India Annual Summit will lead to a greater collaboration between the two countries in Russian Far East and the Eurasian space, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), according to experts.

The 81-paragraphbilateral Joint Statement underscored the "shared vision" to enhance transport and connectivity cooperation, as well as a "solid commitment" to enhance economic linkages in Russia's resource-rich Far East, Pravesh Kumar Gupta, an Associate Fellow at New Delhi-based think tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), told Sputnik India.

The 22nd Annual Summit, a "unique and pivotal event in the current global geopolitical context" according to Gupta, exposed the disappointment of Western countries.

"Amidst global turbulence, the summit served as a crucial platform for leaders to engage in constructive discussions and strategic dialogues, with the aim of bolstering cooperation in vital areas such as trade, energy, connectivity, defence, and technology. This event has been widely acknowledged as a significant milestone in the ongoing development of the close ties between India and Russia, a success that stood in stark contrast to the disappointment felt by the Western world," the Indian think-tanker asserted.

Lauding the Summit outcomes, Gupta remarked that the leaders would intensify effort to develop "promising production and marketing chains in Eurasia" and stick to the new plan for the Far East in providing enhanced cooperation in different sectors, including transport and connectivity.

Specifically both leaders shared a vision pointing to three projects – International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor as well as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), or the Polar Route.

"Most importantly, these connectivity projects are free from any political agenda, unlike the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as clearly mentioned in the joint statement. Their implementation will be based on the principles of transparency, broad participation, local priorities, financial sustainability, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations," the VIF pundit underlined.

Gupta expressed confidence that the proposal to establish a joint working group on developing the NSR would speed up the project, which promised "significant cost savings and reduced shipping times" for goods traveling between Europe and Asia.

"The route's increased accessibility due to melting Arctic ice has sparked increased interest in its potential for commercial shipping and trade, offering a bright future for global trade," Gupta stated.

In the context of the INSTC, the expert underscored that it could turn out to be the most "cost-effective and favourable" connectivity project to increase Indian exports to Eurasia and vice-versa. He explained that the 7,200-kilometre-long multimodal corridor was in line with Moscow's geo-economic focus on Asia-Pacific following the Ukraine conflict.

Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'

In terms of bolstering cooperation in Asia-Pacific, or near India's own neighbourhood, Modi and Putin shared approaches on building a "new architecture" of a 'Greater Eurasian space'.

Although, initially Russia was focused primarily on the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, the Ukrainian conflict completely changed the situation, Alexey Kupriyanov, an expert in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) at Moscow-based think tank IMEMO RAS told Sputnik India.

At the same time, the think-tanker highlighted that a growing trade turnover between Russia and India was pushing Moscow to return to the Indian Ocean Region, primarily to ensure the protecting of Russian vessels in areas not covered by Indian Navy's operations, which include the Red Sea and the Mediterranean region.

"In the long term, this means that Russian ships will soon operate more intensively in the Indian Ocean and expand their presence," Kupriyanov stressed.

It would bolster India's security efforts and help it manage the power competition between China and the US, even as Indian Navy has intensified inter-operability with western maritime forces in recent years, the expert asserted.

"Since India's focus is primarily on the eastern part of the region, Russian ships in the western part could help fill the vacuum of security there. This will reduce the need for East African countries to seek help from China and the US to combat pirates, smugglers and drug traffickers," Kupriyanov concluded.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

- Energy security is central: India has become a major buyer of Russian oil, especially after the West sanctioned Russia for the Ukraine invasion.

Title:

Content: Homepage

Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad

  • In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia.
  • The move signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow, and shows the world India is pursuing its own agenda.
  • Modi is aiming to correct the trade imbalance and address China's Indo-Pacific activities.
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In a move likely to anger the US, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is visiting Russia on Monday for his first bilateral trip after winning a historic third term in office.

Modi's two-day visit to Russia — where he is scheduled to meet with President Vladimir Putin — is significant in that it signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow. It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

Vinay Kwatra, India's foreign secretary, told reporters in New Delhi that issues between Russia and India have "piled up" and "need to be addressed," per Bloomberg.

Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine. India is a major buyer of Russian oil. Russia is also India's biggest arms supplier.

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Kwatra underscored that the two countries' trade relationship has remained "resilient."

Still, Modi's trip will "rankle many Western observers," Ved Shinde, a researcher and contributor to Australia's Lowy Institute think tank, wrote in a note on Wednesday.

"Since the Ukraine war began, India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in the heart of Europe," Shinde added.

Modi's visit to Russia will make the US look bad

Just like Putin's visit to supply-chain hot spot Vietnam, India's engagement with Russia isn't a good look for the US, as it comes while Washington is isolating Putin's regime.

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The US has raised "some concerns" about India's relationship with Russia with New Delhi, Kurt Campbell, the US Deputy Secretary of State, said last month.

However, Washington acknowledges that India's ties with Russia are different from its ties with the US.

"We have many areas of alignment, but it is not surprising that there would be areas where we've had perhaps different perspectives, views, historical ties," Campbell said about America's relationship with India.

India, for its part, is looking to balance its relationship with the world's key powerbrokers — the US, Russia, and China.

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"There are different degrees in India's multi-alignment. Make no mistake — the United States and its allies are more consequential for India's future than its relationship with Russia," wrote Shinde.

India needs to leverage its historical ties with Russia to secure its economy and security, so Modi isn't just in Russia for a goodwill trip.

Reducing the trade imbalance

A key agenda item for the visit is to reduce a huge bilateral trade imbalance, said Kwatra.

India imports about $60 billion of goods a year from Russia, but Russia buys less than 10% of this amount from India, per Bloomberg.

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Modi may also touch on China's activities in the Indo-Pacific region, said Kwatra.

India is trying to manage its relationship with China, which has been testy since a border dispute in 2020. Modi skipped the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kazakhstan last week.

There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

At the summit last week, Putin said Russia's relationship with China is in the "best period in history."

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Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

"The reason for the time-tested stability in India-Russia ties is to maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland. That is, to balance China," wrote Shinde.

"Or to put it another way, don't go around making new adversaries when there are already two open fronts — China and Pakistan," Shinde added.

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

This move illustrates India’s prioritization of energy needs over Western concerns, reflecting its strategic autonomy.

Title:

Content: 31 Dec, 2023 08:46

Deeper than diplomacy: There is a reason why New Delhi and Moscow rely on each other

Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy is the core strength of bilateral ties, as the Indian foreign minister’s latest visit proves

Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar’s five-day official visit to Russia was timely and significant for more than one reason.

India and Russia had held annual summits at the leadership level since 2000. This sent an important message in terms of the value attached by the two countries to bilateral ties, but it also conveyed a broader geopolitical message to other international partners of the two countries.

But this practice was broken largely because of Russia’s pre-occupation with the Ukraine conflict and its fallout. The last annual summit took place in 2021.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin could have held a summit on the margins of the BRICS summit in Johannesburg in South Africa or the G20 summit in New Delhi, but Putin did not attend either. While Jaishankar’s visit does not substitute for a summit meeting, it was intended to fill a political gap.

Jaishankar and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov have met six times during the year, and the Indian external affairs minister also met with Russian Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov during the year on the economic agenda. For Jaishankar to visit Russia before the end of the year, undeterred by the Russian winter and holiday season, reflects the importance both sides attach to the further expansion of ties.

Putin has on several occasions praised the Indian prime minister and positively noted the country’s economic progress. At the ‘Russia Calling’ Forum in early December this year, he said that despite pressure from others, he “cannot imagine that Modi could be frightened, intimidated or forced to take any actions, steps, decisions that would at variance with the national interest of India and the Indian people.” He noted that sometimes he is surprised at Modi’s tough stance on Indian national interests. He added that the policy pursued by Modi is the “main guarantor” of the developing bilateral ties.

This is high and unusual praise by Putin. It can be interpreted on several levels – particularly as an acknowledgement that India has resisted pressure from the US and others to condemn Russia over the Ukraine conflict, impose sanctions, and reduce defense ties with Russia. India has, on the contrary, bought discounted Russian oil to the point that Russia has become its biggest oil supplier. It has argued that ensuring this market flow of Russian oil has helped avoid a major spike in oil prices and checked global inflation. Indian-Russian trade has expanded, while the G7 has broken economic and trade ties with Russia.

India played a major role as G20 president in negotiating the part in the Leaders’ Declaration on the Ukraine conflict despite the hardening of the G7 position and that of Russia and China after the G20 summit in Bali. The final text does not mention Russia by name, while the G7 was satisfied that the general formulations in it could be sold as being directed at Russia’s military operation in Ukraine.

Not surprisingly, Putin complimented India for de-politicizing the G20. India chaired the SCO summit in July 2023 and participated in the BRICS summit in South Africa in August 2023. This countered G7 attempts to isolate Russia diplomatically. In fact, the New Delhi SCO Declaration spoke of more effective global institutions, a more representative, just, and multipolar world order based on international law and multilateralism, and criticized the unilateral application of economic sanctions – a clear critique of the Western-dominated global system.

It is against this backdrop that Putin received Jaishankar at the Kremlin, the first time that such a gesture has been made to him personally. The general unavailability of Putin to visiting foreign ministers is well-known.

Jaishankar delivered a personal message from Modi to Putin. During the meeting, Putin invited his “friend Modi” to visit Russia in 2024 and noted that Indian-Russian ties were on the whole developing well. He said that he had been briefing Modi on developments in Ukraine, remarking that he understands the Indian prime minister is willing to do his utmost to resolve the matter by peaceful means. He added that he would give additional information to Jaishankar on Ukraine.

India has continued to strengthen ties with the US, including in the defense domain. It is a member of the Quad and a strong supporter of the Indo-Pacific concept, both of which are intended to deter China’s regional ambitions. Russia has reservations about the Quad and the Indo-Pacific concept, which it sees as the US engaging in bloc politics in Asia.

Putin’s praise for Modi and India and the gesture of receiving Jaishankar takes into consideration these realities of India’s foreign policy which are meant to safeguard the larger national interests. At the core of this is Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy. Jaishankar’s high-profile visit and the vigorous language used to mark the importance of India’s traditional ties with Russia would have caught Washington’s attention.

Jaishankar noted that after talks with Lavrov, “what clearly came out was that India-Russia relations remain very steady, remain very strong, they are based on our strategic convergence, on our geopolitical interests, and because they are mutually beneficial.” The two leaders discussed political cooperation within international organizations such as BRICS, the SCO, etc.

Indian-Russian trade is at an all-time high, exceeding $50 billion last year, and should pass that figure this year. It includes energy, fertilizers, coking coal, and other items, for which long term arrangements were discussed. India intends to expand investments in Russia’s oil and gas sector.

On the nuclear side, two important amendments were agreed to which will take the Kudankulam nuclear power project forward. Mutual investments, progress on a bilateral investment treaty, and the resumption of negotiations between India and the Eurasian Economic Union for a free trade agreement will be resumed in the second half of January 2024.

Moscow and New Delhi will expand cooperation in the Russian Far East. India expects a large representation from this region at the Vibrant Gujarat Summit in January 2024.

Connectivity between India and Russia will be critical for expanding trade ties – connectivity from western India through the International North-South Transport Corridor, and connectivity from eastern India, from Chennai to Vladivostok, and the polar route. To promote tourism, India is open to increasing the number of flights from India every week.

The talks between Jaishankar and Lavrov were comprehensive. They discussed the global strategic situation, Ukraine, Gaza, the Indo-Pacific, ASEAN, Afghanistan, UN-related matters, the challenges facing the Global South, and the building of a multipolar order. China would undoubtedly have been discussed, but diplomatic discretion here would be normal.

In the joint press conference, Lavrov spoke of prospects for more defense cooperation, including joint production of modern weapons under New Delhi’s ‘Make in India’ program, and, importantly, expressed respect for India’s efforts to diversify its defense ties. He noted bilateral cooperation in rocket engine manufacturing and satellite navigation systems.

Jaishankar’s visit was productive in maintaining the momentum of Indian-Russian ties, which have been built over 60 years, a relationship that he believes is not just about politics, diplomacy, or economics, but is much deeper.

Where India Meets Russia – We are now on WhatsApp! Follow and share RT India in English and in Hindi

The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RT.

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

- India seeks to address the bilateral trade imbalance with Russia, aiming to diversify economic engagement.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

**Geopolitical Balancing: Autonomy between Rivals**
- India’s refusal to condemn Russia’s Ukraine invasion and its ramped-up energy trade strained relations with the US and aligned Western capitals, but highlighted India’s dedication to independent foreign policy — a stance respected by Moscow.

Title:

Content: ADVERTISEMENT

Is all well in Indo-U.S. partnership?

Updated - July 30, 2024 09:38 am IST

Published - July 29, 2024 02:01 pm IST

The overall trajectory of India’s strategic partnership with the U.S. seems steady. Many U.S. policymakers see the partnership with India as one of the most consequential bilateral relationships of the U.S. in the 21st century.

(This article is part of the View From India newsletter curated by The Hindu’s foreign affairs experts. To get the newsletter in your inbox every Monday, subscribe here.)

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Earlier in July, immediately after Prime Minister Modi wrapped up a bilateral summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow, since first visit to Russia since the Ukraine war began in february 2022, the U.S.’s Ambassador in India made a rare public criticism of India’s Russia policy. “There is no such thing as strategic autonomy in times of conflict; we will, in crisis moments, need to know each other,” Ambassador Eric Garcetti said. In Washington DC, the State Department also expressed “concerns” over India’s ties with Russia, while National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan warned India of Russia’s deepening partnership with China. Public comments did not end there. On July 23, almost two weeks after Mr. Modi’s Russia visit, Donald Lu, Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia, told lawmakers at a Congressional hearing in Washington that the U.S. was “disappointed” about the symbolism and timing of Mr. Modi’s visit.

The overall trajectory of India’s strategic partnership with the U.S. seems steady. Many U.S. policymakers see the partnership with India as one of the most consequential bilateral relationships of the U.S. in the 21st century. They also see an economically growing, democratic India as an effective bulwark against the Communist Party-ruled China. In India, economic, defence and strategic partnership with the U.S. is seen as critical for the country’s continued rise as a major Asian power. But the disagreements lie in the details. India’s refusal to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and its decision to ramp up energy trade with Moscow after it was sanctioned by the West did not go down well with Washington. Russia, cut off from the Western markets, found an economic lifeline in its booming trade with China and India, the world’s second and fifth largest economies, respectively.

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In recent years, the India-U.S. partnership saw stress points in other areas as well. Indian nationals were accused of killing Hardeep Singh Nijjar, a Khalistan separatist, in Canada last year. The U.S. government has also sought accountability from the Indian government over a plot to kill Sikh separatist leader Gurpatwant Singh Pannun in New York. An Indian national is now in jail in the U.S. in connection with the case. India has denied any role in these incidents, but allegations have added to tensions in bilateral relations. And Prime Minister Modi’s visit to Russia, on the eve of a NATO summit in Washington whose main agenda was to strengthen Ukraine against the Russian invasion, seemed to have “disturbed” the Biden administration, as a Washington Post report claimed.

In its response, India’s Ministry of External Affairs said it values its strategic autonomy. “India, like many other countries, values its strategic autonomy. The U.S. Ambassador is entitled to his opinion. Obviously, we have different views,” MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said. “Our comprehensive global strategic partnership with the U.S. gives us the space to agree to disagree on certain issues, while respecting each other’s view-points,” he added.

What’s strategic autonomy, which India is fiercely protective about? “A simple definition of the concept is that countries should be able to make decisions that best serve their national interests, irrespective of the pulls and pressures from other parties,” I wrote in this July 19 Oped in The Hindu. And why is it significant for India? Watch the latest episode of Realpolitik, our video explainer column: What’s strategic autonomy and why is it important for India? | Realpolitik.

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‘Victory for Maduro’

Nicolas Maduro, Venezuela’s President who claims to be a successor of Chavismo, the socialist ideology championed by the late, charismatic President, Hugo Chavez, “won” a third consecutive term in Sunday’s election, according to Venezuela’s election authorities. Mr. Maduro, a former bus driver-tuned-politician, won 51% of the vote, while his main rival Edmundo Gonzalez garnered 44%. Before the vote, opinion polls had stated that Mr. Maduro, who rose to power after Chavez died of cancer in 2013, was trailing. And he had warned of a civil war and bloodbath if he lost the election. Mr. Gonzalez was not the opposition’s original pick against Mr. Maduro. Maria Corina Machado, arguably the most popular opposition leader who won the opposition primaries, was disqualified by the Supreme Court for supporting another opposition figure Juan Guaido’s rebellion against Mr. Maduro.

On Mr. Maduro’s watch, Venezuela’s economy, also battered by U.S. sanctions, contracted by 80% in 10 years. According to UNHCR, more than 7.7 million Venezuelans fled the country in a decade. In 2013, when Chanez passed away, Venezuela had a household poverty rate of 33.1% and extreme poverty at 11.4%, down from 61.5% and 30%, respectively, in 2003. In 10 years, the figures jumped to 82% and 53%, respectively. In other words, Mr. Maduro oversaw the total collapse of Venezuela’s economy. And he still managed to “win’ another term, extending his rule for six more years. What’s Maduro’s politics and how did he emerge as a strong man? Read this profile of the Venezuelan leader, written by my colleague Srinivasan Ramani: Nicolas Maduro | Chavism’s designated successor.

Sri Lanka to hold elections

Sri Lanka’s presidential elections will be held on September 21, the Election Commission announced on July 26. Some 17 million voters will have their first chance of electing the country’s leader, after a mass people’s uprising ousted former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa two years ago. President Ranil Wickremesinghe was among the first to formally get into the fray. His office announced making a cash deposit at the Commission for his candidacy as an independent, although he has relied on the Rajapaksas’ Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP or People’s Front) since his rise to Presidency through an urgent parliamentary vote, after Mr. Gotabaya’s resignation, reports Meera Srinivasan, from Colombo.

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The Top Five

1. The ‘geo-calculus’ of the Moscow visit

There was one clear message — of the sure bet the Narendra Modi government has placed on India-Russia ties, writes Suhasini Haidar.

2. The importance of both Quad and BRICS

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With India being the only country common to both Quad and BRICS and a founding member of both, it cannot afford to downplay one for the other, writes retired diplomat T.S. Tirumurti.

3. Between a fascist past and Right-wing present, Italy is fighting its many battles

Bursting at its seams with immigrants from the Global South and with a Right-wing government in power, Italy under Meloni finds itself in the eye of the identity politics storm; what complicates the matter further is the country’s perception as being on the wrong side of the not-so-long-ago history, Nishtha Gautam reports from Rome.

4. A new push in the Bay of Bengal

The intent of BIMSTEC member states to push forth with a bold vision for the region was evident at the 2nd Foreign Ministers’ Retreat, write Harsh V Pant and Sohini Bose.

5. Special relationship: On U.S. policy on Israel

The welcome Mr. Netanyahu received at Congress shows that he has the support of the elites. But the protest on the streets and the dissenting voices even among lawmakers suggest that the national consensus on Israel is eroding in the U.S., The Hindu writes in this editorial.

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

- Simultaneously, India deepens ties with the US through platforms like Quad but resists bloc alignments; Russia is wary of the Indo-Pacific/Quad, seeing it as US-led containment of China, but respects India's balanced approach.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

- Senior Indian officials’ shuttle diplomacy, such as NSA Ajit Doval’s parallel high-level visits to the US and Russia, underscores India's aim to balance relations with competing powers.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

**Impact of China Rivalry**
- China’s growing assertiveness, especially along the disputed border, makes Russia a valuable partner for India.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India's warming with Russia is partially to offset strategic pressure from Beijing.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Cooperation on Eurasian connectivity, maritime security, and defense is often framed with China’s regional influence in mind.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

- India’s dilemma: While Russia grows closer to China (especially amidst Western isolation), India leans on the historical trust and defense linkages with Moscow to hedge against Chinese risks.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

There is recognition that Russia–China alignment could limit, but not sever, the Indo–Russian partnership.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

**Global Forums and Regional Security**
- Modi’s government leverages India's rising profile in forums like BRICS and the SCO, both of which bridge India with Russia and China, giving Delhi a platform to mediate and voice Global South concerns.

Title:

Content: Monday, Oct 31, 2022

Why foreign capitals are taking note of Modi government’s foreign policy

As the world's fifth largest economy with the third largest defence budget, India’s material capabilities gives it an opportunity to influence the international order. South Block has been aligning the national political will with new international possibilities.

Under previous governments, Delhi was often tempted to limit its relationship with the US and Europe for fear of offending the sensitivities of Moscow and Beijing. (Illustration by C R Sasikumar)

International approbation for Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s independent foreign policy is coming thick and fast. Despite the presumed Indian love for external validation, the new compliments from abroad are unlikely to swell the chests in South Block.

India’s mandarins know that foreign leaders are not in the business of giving free praise. Most of the time, compliments say more about the state offering them rather than the one receiving it. Last week, Imran Khan was at it again, commending India’s foreign policy as he launched the promised “long march” from Lahore to Islamabad.

Khan pointed to Delhi’s continuing purchase of oil from global markets while Islamabad is unable to do so. Recall that Imran Khan had pushed for oil and grain purchases from Russia before he was ousted from power in April just weeks after Moscow’s aggression against Ukraine. Beyond oil purchases, praising India is less about foreign policy than attacking what he calls the “imported government” of Pakistan. Khan had accused the Joe Biden Administration of a “conspiracy” to dethrone him because of his effort to pursue an independent foreign policy. Imran’s attack on the US conspiracy is directed at the army chief, General Qamar Javed Bajwa, who withdrew his patronage to Khan and facilitated the election of Shehbaz Sharif of the Pakistan Muslim League as the new prime minister.

Notwithstanding his seemingly revolutionary rhetoric, Imran Khan is not an ideological opponent of the US. After returning from a meeting with President Donald Trump in 2019, Khan was rather chuffed with himself. On his return to Islamabad, Khan had declared that he felt like he had “won the (cricket) world cup again”.

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Last week also saw the UAE’s minister for artificial intelligence, Omar Sultan Al Olama, praise External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar’s stewardship of Indian diplomacy for deftly navigating the recent geopolitical headwinds. That the UAE is now talking about “not choosing sides” is certainly interesting. The Gulf kingdoms like the UAE and Saudi Arabia have long relied on the United States for their security. But the recent US moves to revive the nuclear deal with Iran have generated much unease among the Gulf Arabs.

The Biden Administration’s rough handling of the Saudi Crown prince on human rights issues has made it harder for Riyadh to oblige Washington on the question of isolating Russia in the oil market amidst the war in Ukraine. The determination of the Gulf countries to put their own interests first is a reminder to the major powers that foreign policy in the end is about give and take and not a one-sided relationship even between the powerful and not-so-powerful.

Addressing an international gathering last week, the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, offered handsome personal praise to PM Modi and his independent foreign policy. Russia, of course, has not been too happy with India’s deepening ties with the US, but Putin recognises that there is a new paradigm in India’s foreign policy — Delhi now has the confidence to do its own thing.

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That is not always obvious from what the Russian foreign minister, Sergey Lavrov, says. Just a few months after the Chinese aggression in Ladakh in 2020, Lavrov had a condescending take on India’s China policy. Lavrov accused Western powers of pursuing an “aggressive and devious” policy to draw India into “anti-China games” by promoting the Indo-Pacific strategy. A spokesperson of the Ministry of External Affairs in Delhi was quick to dismiss Lavrov’s mischievous line by underlining India’s independent foreign policy and expanding on India’s own approach to the Indo-Pacific.

The idea of an “innocent India” being hijacked by the “evil West” has been a popular trope not only in the discourse on India-Russia relations but also in Sino-Indian relations. Many in Delhi were long willing to suspend their disbelief in accepting the argument that India and China would get along happily forever but for “Western manipulation”. Delhi and Beijing don’t need third parties to create trouble between them — there is enough natural friction between the two large Asian giants that are also neighbours. Their unresolved boundary dispute has always been the biggest source of the conflict between the two. Over the decades additional problems have cropped up, including the Chinese strategic expansion into the Subcontinent and the Indian Ocean as well as massive trade deficits.

Today’s India might be accused of many things, but not “strategic innocence”. It is pursuing great power relations, with each on its own merit. It is not willing to cede a veto to any power over its relations with its rivals. Delhi does not let Moscow define India’s relations with the US: Similarly, Delhi can’t let Washington limit the character of India’s engagement with Russia. This was not always the case.

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Under previous governments, Delhi was often tempted to limit its relationship with the US and Europe for fear of offending the sensitivities of Moscow and Beijing. This was done either in the name of ideology or the fear that there will be unpleasant consequences in relations with Russia and China. The Modi government has broken out of that defensive and deferential mindset. Putting national interests above political correctness has given much strategic dividend for Delhi.

It has been evident for quite a while that a rising India has greater room for global manoeuvre. As the fifth-largest economy with the third largest defence budget, India’s material capabilities make it an increasingly attractive partner to others and give it an opportunity to shape the international system. But they did not automatically translate into strategic gains.

PM Modi’s real contribution has been in aligning the national political will with new international possibilities. India’s new diplomacy is not about doing whatever you like or saying what you please. It is about a careful judgement of the shifting global correlation of forces and the skill to adapt to the dynamic international environment.

Translating the objective possibilities generated by India’s rise into tangible strategic outcomes is what Indian diplomacy is beginning to get good at amidst extremely challenging external circumstances — including the Covid pandemic, the Chinese aggression and the war in Ukraine. Notwithstanding external encomiums, South Block knows that coping with this unstable world remains a relentless challenge.

The writer is senior fellow, Asia Society Policy Institute, Delhi and contributing editor on international affairs for The Indian Express

First published on: 01-11-2022 at 04:28:15 am
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What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

- Both sides show cautious convergence on global issues like Gaza and the Middle East, while carefully managing divergent approaches on Ukraine.

Title:

Content: India, Russia express deep concern on situation in Middle East

Moscow: India and Russia have expressed “deep concern” on the situation in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Gaza and called for immediate and unconditional release of all hostages.

The joint Statement following the 22nd India-Russia Annual Summit said the two sides called for the effective implementation of the relevant United Nations General Assembly resolutions and United Nations Security Council resolution 2720 and for immediate safe and unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance in the Gaza Strip.

In the joint statement, India and Russia said, “The Sides expressed deep concern on the situation in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Gaza. In this regard, they called for the effective implementation of the relevant UNGA resolutions and UNSC resolution 2720 and for immediate safe and unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance at scale directly to the Palestinian civilian population throughout the Gaza Strip.”

“They also called for the effective implementation of the UNSC resolution 2728 for a lasting and sustainable ceasefire. They equally called for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages as well as humanitarian access to address their medical and other humanitarian needs,” it added.

The two nations affirmed their support for Palestine’s full membership in the United Nations and reiterated their commitment to the principle of the two-state solution.

The joint statement reads, “They reaffirmed their support for Palestine’s full membership in the United Nations and reiterated their unwavering commitment to the principle of the two-state solution according to internationally accepted basis.”

The conflict in Gaza escalated after the October 7 attack by Hamas, where about 2,500 terrorists breached the border into Israel from the Gaza Strip, leading to casualties and the seizure of hostages.

Israel has since, characterised its Gaza offensive as targeting Hamas’ infrastructure with the goal to eliminate the entire terror group while making efforts to minimize civilian casualties.

The statement was issued after Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin held talks in Moscow.

India and Russia agreed to strengthen joint efforts to build an architecture of equal and indivisible regional security and to intensify consultations on complementarities between integration and development initiatives in Greater Eurasian space and the regions of the Indian and Pacific oceans.

The joint statement further said, “The Sides underlined the importance of strengthening cooperation within various regional fora, aimed at deepening regional peace and security, including East Asia Summit, ASEAN Regional Forum on Security (ARF), ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting Plus (ADMM-Plus).”

The two nations noted the importance of expanding efforts to combat climate change and achieving the goals of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement.

The joint statement reads, “The Sides noted the importance of expanding efforts to combat climate change and achieving the goals of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement.”

“In this regard, the Sides agreed to develop cooperation in the field of preventing climate change and adapting to it, including the exchange of experience on the organization and operation of greenhouse gas emission quota systems, the implementation of joint Russian-Indian investment projects in the field of low-carbon development, as well as sustainable and “green” financing,” it added.

The two nations agreed to continue interaction within G20, BRICS, and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) on key issues like increasing the sustainability and developing resiliency of international supply chains, compliance with free and fair trade rules and climate change, according to the joint statement.

India and Russia welcomed the launch of the BRICS Contact Group on Climate Change and Sustainable Development within the framework of the Environment Working Group under the Russian Chairship in BRICS in 2024.

During his visit to Russia, PM Modi held talks with Russian President Putin. The two leaders also visited the Rosatom Pavilion at the VDNKh Exhibition Centre in Moscow.

PM Modi was ceremoniously presented with the Order of St Andrew the Apostle the First-Called, Russia’s highest civilian honour, by Putin.

Notably, the award was bestowed on PM Modi in 2019, but he received it physically on Tuesday. The Prime Minister was presented with this award for his distinguished contribution to the development of a privileged strategic partnership between Russia and India and friendly ties between the two countries.

Back to top button

**Conclusion**
- Under Modi and Putin, India–Russia relations have grown broader and more transactional, marked by India’s assertive pursuit of national interests even amid global polarisation.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

- The rivalry with China adds urgency to Indo–Russian cooperation, but as Russia’s China ties deepen, India’s balancing act becomes more complex.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Strategic autonomy, economic pragmatism, and agile diplomacy define this evolving partnership in an era of shifting alliances and global power recalibration.

Title:

Content:
In the shifting sands of geopolitics, several changes in the past few weeks would make agile diplomacy the key instrument of foreign affairs for any country. First up is the difficult, India-US-Russia tightrope trick. Russia last week announced their new foreign policy, which emphasises the deepening of ties with strategic allies India and China. The Russian NSA and his Indian counterpart also got into a huddle on the sidelines of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, NSA-level meeting, to discuss expanding the bilateral defence partnership. It now emerges that the two sides could have discussed expanding the partnership for joint research and manufacturing of next-generation supersonic BrahMos missile systems.

Russia seems to have greater technological know-how for the development of this high-speed (at least five times faster than the speed of sound with higher degrees of manoeuvrability) missiles, ahead of both China and US. Meanwhile, India is all set to enhance its naval capabilities including its ability for defending its sea frontiers, from the recent acquisition of superior technology helicopters, missiles and torpedoes capable of taking down submarines, from the US. The initial reluctance from the US to have India as a strategic defence partner in the Indo-Pacific region now seems to have given way to a pragmatic approach, keeping in mind India’s strategic defence needs, and its centrality to the Indo-Pacific.

The Indo-Pacific region, at one point in time, relegated to appendix sections of Washington’s foreign policy books, has found complete bipartisan support from opposite ends of the political spectrum in US politics. The imminent threat is the rising heft of China in the region, which has assumed the role of being the biggest bully, having clawed into some of the most influential national economies in the region. Most of the influence China wields in the Indo-Pacific rides on its opaque infrastructure funding policies, which have forced many of these growth-hungry economies to fall into a fatal debt trap. These economic blunders in turn give China the upper hand to start influencing the nation’s domestic politics, which goes well with the dragon’s expansionist agenda.

However, the US has taken note and brokered a peace truce between Japan and South Korea, the two technology-aided Asian giants. These two countries, even though not too warm to each other due to historical reasons, are joined in the common threat of an aggressive China in their backyard. The US knows that any future dominance in the global world order would be defined by technological advancements, and the ability to integrate technology into their defence equipment. Every breakthrough, every new use case and standard set, for emerging technology such as Artificial Intelligence would be critical for the race to the top.

It has already operationalised the US-India initiative on Critical and Emerging technologies, to expand the existing defence industrial partnership and strategic technology partnership to a wider set of stakeholders. Meanwhile, discussions regarding supply chain resilience, expansion and cooperation, on new technology form the pillars for all QUAD discussions, which has the US, India, Japan and Australia, as its members. The US is also aggressively pushing countries in South and South-Southeast Asia into a like-minded bloc of partners through the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework initiative, where India is also a founding member. China meanwhile has also managed to stitch together one of the largest free trade agreements in the world, through the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, giving it market access to most of the economies in the region. India chose to sit out of RCEP, citing the unfair advantage accrued to China.

Against this backdrop, the guns are still blazing in eastern provinces of Ukraine. Many expect China and India to play the silent backroom boys role to broker peace between Ukraine and Russia. It is going to be volatile situations ahead for every country.

**Summary of Evolution of the India–Russia Relationship under Modi and Putin (with Focus on China Factor) – Key Nuggets**

- **Enduring Strategic Partnership:** India and Russia share a long-standing relationship dating back to the Cold War, with enduring cooperation in defense, nuclear energy, and education.

Title:

Content: Pilko: India claims the status of a strategic ally of the Russian Federation in the cold war
At the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, it became obvious that China is not Russia ’ s only strategic ally in the next Cold War.
This status claims India, writes in his TG channel historian, Director of the Eurasian communication center Alexei Pilko.
“Now India is a key state in the Indo-Pacific region, which is the main theater of the current geopolitical confrontation.
The European direction in it is secondary.
It is for India that both the front-line states that challenge American hegemony (Russia and China) and the United States are actively fighting, ” writes Pilko.
India is not going to rapprochement with AUKUS and Japan, and without it, the anti-China coalition in Asia is untenable.
On the other hand, India and China are trying to settle the dispute over the border in the Himalayas, and this factor is still a significant obstacle to the birth of a powerful geopolitical triangle Beijing — Delhi — Moscow.
But still, the probability of such a triangle is high, because India in relation to Russia takes a position of benevolent neutrality, like China, and actively develops trade with our country.
“In general, we can see the desire of the government of Narendra Modi to be above the fray as long as possible.
But in general, it is clear that India will not avoid a more active participation in the second Cold War.
And if we talk about the situation, Delhi is closer to the frontiers who want to replace the American-centric unipolarity with a new model of international relations than vice versa, ” Pilko concluded.
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Historical ties—including Moscow’s support for India in past regional conflicts—still influence Indian foreign policy, even as the context evolves.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

- **Defense Relations:** While Russia remains India’s largest arms supplier, its market share has notably dropped (from about 70% to 49%) in recent years.

Title:

Content: Oil, Pharma and the Nuclear Club.
What can the friendship with India give to Ukraine
India, currently the world ’ s sixth economy, manages to maintain friendly relations with Russia, which is at the same time friendly with China, and with the US, which is at war with Russia, which opposes China.
What is New Delhi interested in Ukraine?
Related video
In early October, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy had a telephone conversation with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
They talked, of course, about the war that Russia unleashed against Ukraine, about nuclear blackmail and global food security, as well as about the strengthening of the partnership between the two countries.
The latter is especially interesting, because even after gaining independence, Ukraine for a long time continued to be in the wake of Russian politics.
This was facilitated by the provinciality of our post-imperial elite or by more objective factors – the question of historiosophy.
The fact is that now Ukraine, winning the war "the second army of the world", if it does not break into the center of international relations, it is significantly moving in this direction.
For Kiev, a previously closed door opens - and this must be used.
From Mowgli to the Nuclear Club
One such “door ” is India.
A country that has experienced British supremacy for centuries.
The well-known fairy tale about Mowgli was written by Rudyard Kipling, who was the same British colonizer.
The book became part of the cultural heritage of the British stay in India.
The world political and philosophical heritage was the non-violent struggle of Mahatma Gandhi against the foreign enslavement of his fatherland.
And India is known to everyone as the birthplace of Buddhism and Hinduism, and in the post-Soviet space the country became famous for its films.
But that ’ s all lyric.
What really lives a nuclear state with a billion people and an area larger than Western Europe?
What are its geopolitical goals and challenges?
In all these matters, Focus tried to understand.
In 1947, India gained independence from Britain.
This was a consequence of the non-violent struggle of Mahatma Gandhi, which we have already mentioned.
The young state immediately fell into the maelstrom of a ruthless geopolitical struggle not for life, but for death.
Conflicts with neighbors over the British heritage (the Muslim part of the historical subcontinent was separated into a separate state - Pakistan, but the borders drawn by Europeans did not satisfy either side).
The territories of Indochina (note the first part of the word in the name of this subcontinent), too, according to New Delhi, were torn away from the “mother land ”.
China began to encroach on them as a sphere of influence, and over time these trends only intensified.
Such a tense situation could not but lead to war.
In our case, a whole series of wars broke out, from which India emerged not just "on the shield", but also firmly holding a "nuclear shield" in its hands.
In 1974, after a successful test of atomic weapons, India joined the "nuclear club".
New Delhi ’ s new status has significantly curbed the ambitions of its wayward neighbors, Pakistan and China.
It is important to note that all three currently possess nuclear weapons.
Why India was so close to the Soviet Union
In the middle of the last century, India became one of the initiators of the Non-Aligned Movement.
Its cornerstone was the unification of the former colonies of world empires in order to obtain de facto independence from the former metropolises.
The participants of the movement pledged not to join any of the blocs – participants of the Cold War.
Despite this, India actively cooperated with the USSR, which declared the values of anti-colonialism and the protection of enslaved peoples.
Interestingly, New Delhi and Moscow were friends not only against the United States, as one might think, but not to a lesser extent against communist China.
Senior Research Fellow at the Carnegie Foundation, Asia and the Sub-Indian continent expert Ashley J.
Tellis believes that India still has not forgotten about Moscow ’ s support in conflicts with its neighbors a few decades ago.
Remember in New Delhi and who was supported by the United States at that time.
The USSR blocked UN Security Council resolutions that were unfavorable to India, and New Delhi refrained from condemning the aggressive acts of the Soviet Union.
Dr. Garrett Price, Senior Researcher of the Asia-Pacific Program of Chatham House, notes that this tradition was continued in the cooperation of India with the Russian Federation, in particular, New Delhi chose to remain silent about Moscow ’ s crimes in Chechnya and Abkhazia.
Arab columnist Mihir Sharma notes that in circles close to the Indian establishment, Moscow is considered a reliable partner who can always block a decision that is unprofitable for India in the UN Security Council, which cannot be said about the United States, which can not always go contrary to the declared values.
China: A Dangerous Neighbor
All these factors together form the proximity of India and Russia, but there are other powerful players on the map that influence the coexistence of this tandem.
Thus, China is only intensifying its expansion in the states of Southeast Asia.
Important
The Water Empire: How River Control Gives China Unlimited Power
By controlling the sources of major Indian rivers, Beijing can threaten the population of the state without the use of weapons of mass destruction.
India cannot stand up to it on its own.
Therefore, in New Delhi, looking for an ally against a powerful neighbor, they became closer to the United States, including by entering into a strategic security dialogue - Quad, which also includes the United States, Japan and Australia.
That is, India manages to maintain friendly relations with Russia, while at the same time being friendly with China, and with the United States, which is at odds with Russia and China.
Garrett Price notes that India has been pursuing such a policy for decades, which led it to significant success – from the former poor starving colony, which the country was in the mid-twentieth century, India became the 6th economy in the world and a nuclear power.
So why should New Delhi change anything?
The answer to this question must be found by Ukraine if Kiev wants to get the support of India.
In particular, as an argument can serve as the statement that it is impossible to sit on two chairs forever.
Despite the objective success of this policy, the world and the situation in it is changing.
The USSR is already in the past, and the times of the “potential end of history ” predicted after the end of the Cold War are becoming the past.
The risk of being in the orbit of the losing side is quite high.
Fighting with the United States and losing the sea
Important
India and Pakistan, all against all: why in the 21st century it is important to be upstream
Now India on land is squeezed by hostile and not too friendly states.
Its only outlet to the world is the Indian Ocean.
Through it, India conducts active trade with Arab countries.
He is trying to establish political and economic ties with Africa.
These two areas represent a competitive space with the “old familiar ” – the People ’ s Republic of China.
The security of the sea routes vital for the state of the Indian subcontinent is the preservation of the current global world order and friendship with the United States.
Also, the United States is the main importer of Indian goods (interestingly, India imports most of the goods from China).
Therefore, cooperation with the United States is important for India both geopolitically and economically.
India ’ s third largest foreign trade partner is the EU.
Foreign Policy columnist Michael Kugelman notes that India ’ s cooperation with a united Europe is only growing.
In addition to trade, cooperation in the areas of climate, modern technologies and migration is an important aspect.
Indian migrants are sending large sums of money back to their home countries, thus investing in their economy.
Therefore, breaking off for the sake of ephemeral support of the Russian Federation with its key partners, India can remain face to face with China and Pakistan (the latter in this case can count on US support in this confrontation) with closed sea routes that can be taken under the control of the enemies, with the tacit consent of Washington.
Moscow and New Delhi: Friendship Involved in Oil
What, in addition to sentimental memories, does Moscow give India?
First of all, it is oil (the last 20 years in the Indian subcontinent there has been almost relentless frenzied GDP growth, and energy resources are needed for production) and weapons.
Russia remains India ’ s largest arms supplier, although its share has fallen from 70% to 49% in recent years.
Russia is popular among the Indian right, which, in particular, relies on the current Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
This is something that a democratically elected government should take into account.
Director of the Institute of Management and Mass Communication Jagrana Nalin Ranjan Mohanty also noted that Russia smoothes the corners in relations between India and China.
However, in the context of intensifying competition with Beijing, which is growing from a border into a global one, relations between India and China will become more and more aggravated.
In such a situation, New Delhi will need not a mediator, but a powerful ally.
And Russia is more likely to choose a more powerful in all respects China than India.
In recent years, Washington has increasingly put New Delhi before a choice in the issue of weapons.
It will not be possible to combine the American and Russian assortment.
It is interesting that the weapons of the Soviet model can fully serve only Ukraine and the Russian Federation, so in the event of a military catastrophe in Moscow, the Indian defense can experience a tangible blow.
Of course, provided that New Delhi stays with the Kremlin to the last.
What might India be interested in?
A significant factor in India ’ s foreign policy is its ambition to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council.
The United States is the shadow instigator of UN reform, and Ukraine is the main mouthpiece of this idea.
A good basis for increasing cooperation.
In general, within the framework of the war, the key point of contact between Kiev and New Delhi was the issue of the evacuation from Ukraine of about 20,000 Indian students who were hostages of hostilities.
This aspect is mentioned by the Indian media in the context of the last conversation between the leaders of the states.
In general, the background of relations between our countries is not the best.
New Delhi remembers Ukraine ’ s criticism of India ’ s nuclear tests back in 1998.
Kiev remembers New Delhi ’ s neutrality over the annexation of Crimea.
These are the main positions where India and Ukraine intersected in world diplomacy – in general, relations are sluggish (Ukraine has never even been visited by the country ’ s prime minister, in whose hands all political power is concentrated).
Now India is in favor of preserving the world order (a thesis that benefits India itself in the context of free navigation in the world's oceans).
After all, this is a system in which India has succeeded.
At the same time, New Delhi is interested in its reformatting in order to become one of the “chosen ones ”.
This walking on the rope is called "strategic ambivalence."
A significant factor in the rapprochement of Kiev with New Delhi may be the economy.
Now India is the second importer of Ukrainian goods in Asia (the state receives 4% of all Ukrainian exports).
Basically, we are talking about agricultural and food products and military-technical cooperation.
Ukraine imports Indian pharmaceutical products.
Education is a major area of cooperation.
As already mentioned, there were 18095 Indian students studying in Ukraine before the war.
And what about the famous Indian cinema?
Bollywood has become a significant component of the Indian economy in recent decades.
Its producers liked the Ukrainian locations, and the scenes of some films in recent years were shot in Ukraine.
In particular, the key scenes of the blockbuster RRR were shot in Kiev.
The film is called the best blockbuster of 2022 - it became the most expensive film in the history of Indian filmmaking.
The main thing is not to stop
All these areas of cooperation can be expanded.
The key for our state remains to win the war - this will significantly change the attitude towards Kiev around the world and open previously unpromising doors.
The conversation itself with Narendra Modi became possible after the Ukrainian successes in the counter-offensive.
It ’ s time for India to finally choose a chair.
What was possible in the past is not always optimal in the present and in the future.
Important
The G20 Summit and the Widodo Doctrine.
Why Indonesia wants to be a mediator in the Russian-Ukrainian war

How has Russia/ India arms trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

The dilution is due to India’s moves to diversify arms imports and strengthen domestic production, underpinned by U.S. and Israeli arms deals.

Title:

Content: All news
Updated
Russia and India expect to sign agreements on defense, space, transport
Russian Ambassador to India Nikolai Kudashev noted that Moscow and New Delhi are increasingly moving to joint production
NEW DELHI, December 4.
/ TASS /.
The signing of bilateral agreements between Russia and India in the areas of defense, space, transport, science and technology, education and other areas is expected during the visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to India on December 6.
This was stated on Saturday by Russian Ambassador to India Nikolai Kudashev to Russian journalists in New Delhi.
We should expect to reach agreements in such areas as connectivity and transport, science and technology, space, military and military-technical cooperation, culture, and education.
This is far from a complete list, ” the head of the diplomatic mission said.
"As for such a traditionally sensitive area of our relations as military-technical ties, we can expect progress here," Kudashev added.
He noted that Moscow and New Delhi from the relations of "supplier - buyer", are increasingly moving to joint production, joint development and joint development of new promising weapons.
"The Great Political Event"
The Russian Ambassador noted the importance of the upcoming meeting of the leaders of the two countries.
“This will be a great political event, especially in demand now, when the demand for the development of bilateral relations and the formation of a space of trust and cooperation in Eurasia is growing.
We can reasonably expect a major joint political statement following the summit.
It will be a document of great importance, covering almost all sides of bilateral relations - from international cooperation, the UN agenda, the reform of this organization, the settlement of regional crises to progress in the bilateral dimension, "the diplomat said.
He added that this document will voice the traditional values of bilateral relations between Moscow and New Delhi.
"This is respect for the central role of the UN, commitment to multipolarity, preservation of strategic stability, joint contribution to the fight against new challenges and threats, interest in continuing interaction and consolidation on such platforms as BRICS, SCO, RIC, G20, and, of course, a significant bilateral agenda," Kudashev said.

How has Russia/ India arms trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

- **Energy and Economic Engagement:** India has increased purchases of discounted Russian oil after the Ukraine war, but payments have been complicated by Western sanctions and currency conversion issues.

Title:

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Why India is walking the tightrope between the US and Russia
12: 56 7 / 6 / 2024
Why India is walking the tightrope between the US and Russia
05.07.2024
After the Cold War, which began in the 1950s, split the world into two camps, the newly independent India became the founder of the Non-Aligned Movement, a group of countries that did not side with either Washington or Moscow.
Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India retained some elements of this policy unchanged, while abandoning others.
In particular, Modi has strengthened ties with the United States, in which he sees a partner in the confrontation with a more assertive China.
At the same time, he continued to develop his country ’ s long-standing ties with Russia.
As a sign of Russia ’ s important role for India, Modi will meet with President Vladimir Putin on July 8 during his first foreign visit to a fellow leader after being elected for a third term.
But these relations are becoming increasingly complex as Russia strengthens ties with China, seeking its broader support.
China and India are not allies.
1.
Is India an ally of the United States?
India and the United States have been strategic partners for at least two decades, which means they can build relationships and cooperate militarily, but are not official treaty bound allies.
Although they have much in common – both countries are large and diverse democracies – New Delhi pursues its own interests in ways that sometimes conflict with US interests.
For example, India has refused to condemn Russia in the conflict with Ukraine, while an alleged plot of assassins in the United States has triggered a criminal investigation in which senior Indian officials are implicated, according to prosecutors.
The basis of relations remains the transformation of China into an assertive regional power.
China and India are long-time rivals with a bitter border dispute, and the US is seeking to draw India as a counterweight to Beijing ’ s rise.
India is part of the Quartet, a regional security dialogue with the United States, Japan and Australia.
A group of senior U.S. officials recently visited India to discuss cooperation in technology, security and foreign investment.
2.
What is India ’ s relationship with Russia?
Although India openly declared its non-alignment during the Cold War, it maintained warm relations with Moscow and was wary of the United States, which was closer to India ’ s main rival, Pakistan.
India and Russia maintain strong ties to this day.
The basis of this relationship is India ’ s status as a reliable buyer of Russian arms and crude oil.
Today, Russia remains India ’ s largest arms supplier, although, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, shipments have declined from about two-thirds of India ’ s arms imports more than a decade ago to just over one-third today as India seeks to diversify its sources of arms supplies.
Russia also remains India ’ s largest oil supplier, although sanctions imposed on Russian oil exports have affected Russian oil imports to India.
India also stands out among the leading democracies for its unwillingness to criticize Russia and abstained from voting at the United Nations, which condemned Russia for the conflict in Ukraine.
3.
What is India ’ s relationship with China?
Relations have been tense for years.
The source of tension was a territorial dispute along their common border that lasted decades and over which the two countries fought a war in 1962.
The dispute flared up again in 2020, culminating in a series of deadly skirmishes and prompting New Delhi to ban Chinese smartphone apps and limit Chinese investment in India.
Recently, there have been rumors of a relaxation of tension.
In May, Beijing appointed its first ambassador to India in 18 months.
After his arrival, he expressed a desire to improve relations between the two countries.
China also congratulated Modi on winning the election in June, and a Chinese official said the countries were on a "healthy and stable path."
The two countries agreed on further negotiations to resolve the border dispute.
4.
How are relations between Russia and China changing?
Russia and China have been rivals since the Sino-Soviet split during the Cold War (a rivalry that also brought Russia and India closer together).
But relations have noticeably warmed as both countries united in their opposition to the US-led international order.
The Russian president made his first foreign trip to Beijing after he was re-elected for a third presidential term in March.
At the July summit on security in Kazakhstan, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin said that relations between them are “the best in history, ” and both sides vowed to jointly defend“ calm and stability in the region. ”
China has become another major buyer of Russian oil, gas and coal, helping Russia counter Western sanctions.
5.
How does the United States view relations between India and Russia?
Washington still views India as a bulwark preventing China from spreading its influence in the Indo-Pacific region.
While he has occasionally criticized India for alleged human rights abuses and the treatment of minorities, India ’ s ties with Moscow have come at minimal political cost.
Following a recent visit by senior US officials, Deputy Secretary of State Kurt Campbell said the US side had raised the issue of India ’ s ties with Russia, as well as accusations of India ’ s involvement in a plot to murder for hire.
But he also said that the United States is confident in its relations with India and wants to expand cooperation between the two countries.
According to some analysts, the US sees India as an important ally in its quest to contain China, so it does not want to risk antagonizing officials in New Delhi.
Prepared by ProFinance.Ru based on Bloomberg materials.
Source - ProFinance.Ru
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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Huge accumulated rupee reserves highlight unresolved bilateral trade and financial issues.

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Bloomberg: India will prevent Putin from getting closer to China
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has launched the plan.
Russia ’ s active rapprochement with China worries India, which is countering its growing influence in the region.
Concerned about the expansion of the “limitless partnership ”, Prime Minister Narendra Modi next week will go to Moscow for talks with Vladimir Putin, writes Bloomberg.
It will be his first visit to Russia since the start of Putin ’ s war in Ukraine and his first trip abroad since Modi took office as prime minister for the third time.
While Moscow will try to present the meeting as proof that Russia has not been isolated since Western sanctions were imposed, Modi ’ s trip is more motivated by a desire to reaffirm the status quo in bilateral relations and limit China ’ s influence, experts and experts close to the Indian government say.
India is wary of Moscow ’ s growing dependence on Beijing, says Swasti Rao, a research fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defense Studies and Analysis at the Indian Ministry of Defense:
The deepening of strategic interaction between Russia and China makes New Delhi uncomfortable, as it is like a best friend sleeping with the enemy.
Given our concerns, it makes sense for the prime minister to go there and talk to Putin at the highest level.
Like China, India has taken advantage of the difficult situation that Russia has found itself in because of the sanctions.
It has more than 20 times increased purchases of Russian oil compared to 2021, saving 13 billion thanks to discounts on it, according to the April report of the rating agency ICRA.
It continues to purchase services and components from Russia to service previously purchased weapons, although major deals do not seem to be going any more.
In 2019-2023, according to the Stockholm Peace Research Institute, India for the first time since the early 1960s purchased less than half of the weapons from Russia / the USSR: the share of imports was only 36% compared to 76% in 2009-2013.
Russia has lost the Indian arms market, which has dominated for more than half a century
Russia has lost the Indian arms market, which has dominated for more than half a century
The meeting between Modi and Putin is expected to discuss the supply of logistics to India to strengthen cooperation between the armed forces of the two countries and resume discussions on joint development of a fifth-generation fighter, but breakthrough agreements in either this or other areas are likely not, informed Indian officials told Bloomberg.
Also, according to them, cooperation in nuclear energy will be discussed.
Payments in rupees for Russian oil for a long time hung on accounts in Indian banks, all of them accumulated by $8 billion.
Although the countries agreed to continue to pay for oil in UAE dirhams and increase purchases of Indian goods, their annual exports to Russia still do not exceed $5 billion.
Fearing sanctions and difficulties with calculations, Indian business is not eager to increase turnover.
Modi ’ s visit is “maintaining the status quo, ” Alexei Zakharov, an expert on India at HSE, told Bloomberg:“ Relations are not deteriorating, but there is no particular desire to improve them. ”
This is the second time that Putin ’ s turn to the East has caused concern among the leading countries in the region.
Thus, Chinese leaders may believe that Putin ’ s rapprochement with North Korea and the conclusion of a military alliance with it during a recent visit to Pyongyang may reduce the dependence of Russia and North Korea on Beijing and provoke unnecessary tension in the region.
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- **High-Level Diplomacy:** Despite global tension from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, Modi remains engaged with Putin.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Recent summits (including Modi’s first visit to Russia since the Ukraine war) underscore India’s desire to sustain robust ties amidst global polarization.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

- **Balancing Act between U.S. and Russia:** India’s foreign policy, especially under Modi, is shaped by a careful balancing act: deepening ties with the U.S. and Quad partners for strategic and technological gains, while maintaining old Russian links for legacy, energy, and defense needs.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

energy
security & military
weapons supply

U.S. officials routinely raise India-Russia relations, but India seeks “strategic autonomy” and avoids taking sides.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

- **Multilateral Forums and Regional Architecture:** India and Russia collaborate in SCO, BRICS, and G20, using these platforms to promote multipolarity and joint Eurasian interests.

Title:

Content: Operates with the financial support of the Ministry of Digital Development, Communications and Mass Media of the Russian Federation
Region
Bright steps and a new golden age: What political scientists say about Modi ’ s visit to Russia
Orientalist Nobles: Russia and India can lay the foundation for a new golden age
July 9, 13: 02
Narendra Modi and Vladimir Putin in the Kremlin.
Photo © Life.ru
On July 8 and 9, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is in the capital of Russia: he has already held an informal meeting with President Vladimir Putin, and bilateral talks have also been held in the Kremlin.
What this visit means for Moscow, Delhi and the world, Life.ru learned from political scientists.
Thus, political scientist, orientalist Sergei Dvoryanov pointed out that in the modern political history of India, Narendra Modi is the second Prime Minister of India after Jawaharlal Nehru, who holds this post for the third consecutive term.
And his trip to Russia took place immediately after the elections and inauguration as the head of the Indian government.
According to the interlocutor Life.ru, now Modi needs bright steps.
According to Dvortsov, Moscow and Delhi share common interests: India has huge human resources, Russia has territories and natural resources.
In addition, the expert is sure that India supports Russia in ideological terms, as both countries have strong spiritual traditions.
In fact, both Modi and Putin are believers.
Our president demonstrates his spiritual beliefs in the same way that Modi does.
Not to mention China.
China is an ancient civilization, but now it is in fact atheistic, because the Communist Party rules.
And this ideology of atheism ultimately reduces everything to economic indicators.
That is, China spiritually, ideologically is not so close to India and Russia.
Sergey Dvoryanov
Political scientist, orientalist
Therefore, the orientalist concludes that on the platform of understanding the commonality in the spiritual mission, the Russian Federation can, together with India, launch new global processes of reorganizing the world.
“The fact that the world needs to be rebuilt is obvious to everyone.
It is India and Russia that today can launch a new model based on spirituality, humanity and the moral principles of justice.
The cornerstones of this model are justice plus mercy.
These two principles are the fundamental basis for building a civilization of the future, a new golden age, ” the political scientist concluded.
Political scientist, associate professor of the Department of Political Science of the Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation Evgenia Voiko states that the visit of Narendra Modi shows that India considers Russia as one of the key partners.
Moreover, now the diplomatic activity of the Russian president is almost at its peak for the entire period of the special military operation, and Delhi is trying not to stay aside.
Moreover, the topic of security, and not only such military-strategic security and nuclear security, but also the topic of transport and logistics security is also on the agenda today.
In addition, India and Russia are members of many integration associations.
This is the SCO, this is BRICS, of course, and the G20.
I mean, there's something to discuss.
Evgenia Voiko
Political scientist, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation
According to Voiko, India in the person of Modi is trying to declare itself, to show that it has the opportunity to communicate with Russia, to convey its position and, perhaps, even try to influence the current situation and enter into a certain negotiation process, which is what China and Hungary are doing today.
Therefore, from the point of view of the global agenda, the visit is quite significant, the political scientist concludes.
As for bilateral issues, the expert highlights the North-South transport corridor as a key topic on the agenda of Putin and Modi.
According to her, in the conditions of sanctions, Russia gave this project a new life.
The leaders can also discuss cooperation in nuclear and hydrocarbon energy.
As for the reaction of the West to the negotiations, Voiko believes that the countries are looking at the meeting of Putin and Modi with great interest and attention, perhaps even with some fear.
In addition, the visit of the Prime Minister of India to Moscow dispels the myth of the “isolation ” of the Russian Federation.
Evgenia Vanina, chief researcher at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, believes that after the meeting between Putin and Modi in Moscow, relations between the countries will reach a new level, as it is expected to sign a number of agreements related to military, economic, financial and logistics cooperation and many other points.
Speaking about the reaction of the West to this visit, the expert recalled what hysteria caused the trip to the Russian Federation of the Prime Minister of Hungary Orban.
However, Modi no one will be able to "call on the carpet".
"What a noise, a cry, what a whistle-blower there was as a result of his visit.
Life.ru).
"How could he, yes, how dare he?"
He was just being chastised like a boy.
That is, he, the leader of a sovereign country, dared to come to another sovereign country, without receiving permission from a failed gynecologist (head of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen – Prim.
Life.ru).
Of course, the West will be dissatisfied, but India, like our country, is always guided by its national interests, and this is normal and beautiful.
The West will be dissatisfied, but no one will dare to call Modi on the carpet, ” said Vanina.
Recall that the Indian Prime Minister arrived in Russia on July 8, and in the evening of the same day in Novo-Ogaryov held their informal talks with Vladimir Putin.
Modi thanked the Russian leader for his hospitality.
Today, July 9, the official part of the talks started, the leaders met in the Kremlin.
During the conversation, Modi offered the Russian president assistance in establishing peace in Ukraine as soon as possible.
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What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

What vision of global dynamics do India and Russia share?

polycentric system of international relations

- **The China Factor:**
    - **India–China Tension:** Despite diplomatic efforts, India and China’s rivalry persists—exacerbated by border disputes and Beijing’s growing influence in South and Central Asia.

- **Russia–China Rapprochement:** Moscow’s strategic tilt toward Beijing in response to Western sanctions worries India, which fears being caught in a China-centric Eurasian order.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

- **India’s Leverage:** India is keen to prevent Russia and China from becoming too close.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Maintaining strong ties with Moscow is both a hedge and a way to keep Russia’s engagement “balanced,” avoiding an exclusive Russia–China axis.

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

- **Geostrategic Initiatives:** India pursues regional projects—like the Chennai–Vladivostok sea route and investments in Russia’s Far East (sometimes involving Japan)—to enhance connectivity, expand its clout, and offer alternatives to China’s Belt and Road.

Title:

Content: Reviving Russia ’ s Role in the Indo-Pacific
Raj Kumar Sharma
Fifty years ago, India and the former Soviet Union signed the Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation on 9 August 1971.
In addition to changing the characteristics of South Asian and world politics, the treaty can also be seen as a harbinger of this idea.
From the Indo-Pacific region between India and Russia.
Despite disagreements over this concept these days, it is easy to forget that India-Russia cooperation in the Indo-Pacific and Eurasia preceded India ’ s engagement with most other major powers.
1971 is known for another reason: China decided to abandon its ideological mentor, the Soviet Union, and allied itself with the United States to balance the Soviet Union.
Thus, India faced security threats from Pakistan ’ s allies – the United States and China – during the Indo-Pakistani War in 1971.
However, when the Indo-Pakistani War broke out in December 1971 and US naval forces attempted to threaten India ’ s security, the Soviet Union sent a nuclear-armed fleet from the Pacific Fleet stationed in Vladivostok to support India – this could be considered the beginning of the Indo-Pacific concept between India and Russia.
To silence China, the Soviet Union moved 40 military divisions to the Xinjiang border with China and 7 divisions to the Manchuria border.
These events 50 years ago showed that cooperation between India and Russia (the two Eurasian and Pacific powers) was an important component of the Indo-Pacific region long before the US supported the idea of the Indo-Pacific region.
However, geopolitics has now changed as the US now sees India as a partner in its fight against China.
On the other hand, Beijing has partnered with Moscow to challenge Washington.
Russia has expressed some doubts about the Indo-Pacific region.
First, the Indo-Pacific region is perceived by Russia as American, so Moscow completely rejects it.
However, the Asia-Pacific region that preceded the Indo-Pacific region was also an American construction that Russia adopted.
At the governmental level, Russia continues to oppose the Indo-Pacific region, but academia, think tanks, and even the media are starting to get involved in the idea, debates, discussions, seminars, and conferences on the subject.
From time to time, India assured Russia that New Delhi ’ s rapprochement with Washington would not come at Moscow ’ s expense.
In contrast to the United States ’ understanding of the concept of “free and open ” in the Indo-Pacific region, India has always indicated that it is interested in“ free, open and inclusive ” in the Indo-Pacific region, an understanding that reflects India ’ s desire for Russia.
be an active player in the region.
In fact, India has tried to link Russia with its Indo-Pacific initiatives so that the latter would look like an independent pole outside of China ’ s shadow, which has given the nature of the Indo-Pacific region a multipolarity.
These initiatives include the Chennai-Vladivostok sea route and efforts by India and Japan to invest in Russia ’ s Far East.
These initiatives are part of India ’ s policy in the Far East to reach the Asian part of Russia.
It is important to emphasize here that people-to-people contacts have been a key area of success in India ’ s relationship with the United States.
However, in relations between India and Russia, the situation is different.
As Russia has concerns about Chinese immigration to the Far East, state-facilitated immigration of Indian labor to Russia could bring political and economic benefits to both sides.
The Russian economy is recovering, but the epidemic is not over - Putin - Business and economy
From India ’ s perspective, the Indo-Pacific region is similar to the Great Russian-Eurasian Partnership aimed at avoiding Chinese domination of Eurasia.
This policy contains elements of cooperation as well as competition with China.
Faced with China ’ s advancement through the Silk Road Economic Belt in Russia ’ s sphere of influence in Eurasia, Russia has agreed to align its own initiative, the Eurasian Economic Union, with China ’ s Belt and Road Initiative, though there are more contradictions than similarities in these efforts.
Similarly, the Indo-Pacific region is India ’ s attempt to protect its neighbors from China ’ s assertive behavior.
Russia has the opportunity to cooperate with India in shaping the emerging order in the Indo-Pacific region, which can be done with historical trust between the two sides.
India pays more attention to the Indian Ocean, while the United States and its allies favor the Pacific, highlighting another difference in the Indo-American conceptual understanding of the Indo-Pacific.
India is not yet a major military power in the Pacific, but helping its naval forces achieve this goal will also help Russia meet China ’ s challenge to its dominance in the Arctic.
China defines itself as “close to the Arctic country, ” although it does not have a coastline in the Arctic.
Within the framework of the Polar Silk Road, China ’ s activity in the Arctic will increase in the coming years.
Even Chinese strategists have argued that whoever controls the Arctic sea route will control the global economy, and China should play an active role in this area.
Consequently, the Indo-Pacific region is an idea that can add value to Russian diplomacy in various regions, including the Asia-Pacific region and the Arctic.
After all, the Russian worldview is manifested in the symbol of the coat of arms, where the two-headed eagle looks simultaneously at the West and East.
Traditionally, Russian elites considered their country European, but it also has an Asia-Pacific character.
These elites, based in Moscow, which has been the traditional center of power in Russia, can compete with others who want Russia to be more active in the Pacific through its base in Vladivostok.
The Indo-Pacific region is not just the United States, and Russia ’ s worldview is likely to be incomplete without considering the Indo-Pacific region, where there is a potential risk of making it dependent on China.
Russia proposes new US administration not to publish INF Treaty - Business and economy
The author is a researcher at the Bharat Al Kindi Center.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

infrastructure commerce transportation investment

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

- **Global Power Dynamics:** As shifting alliances evolve (NATO vs. Russia, U.S.–China tensions), India aspires to a “third pole”—making itself indispensable to both Western and Eurasian powers, and pushing for a bigger role (e.g., in UNSC reform).

- **Cultural and Education Ties:** Soft power and educational exchanges continue alongside blockbuster Indian film production in locations like Kiev, showing multidimensional societal links.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

- **Looking Forward:** India strives to sustain and recalibrate its Russia ties—seeking technological cooperation, affordable energy, and strategic leverage—without jeopardizing its evolving partnership with the West or exacerbating China’s strategic ambitions in the region.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

**In sum:** Under Modi and Putin, the India–Russia relationship has remained resilient but more pragmatic, with new constraints from a shifting global order and India’s rivalry with China.

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

The partnership is shaped by India’s search for autonomy, desire to avoid overdependence on any major power, and intent to keep Russia from deepening ties excessively with China.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India’s “tightrope” walk between the U.S. and Russia, with an eye on China’s moves, will likely define the partnership for the foreseeable future.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

**Nugget Summary: The Evolution of India–Russia Relations under Modi and Putin with Reference to the China Factor**

- **Continued Diplomatic Priority for India**: Russia’s updated foreign policy, amidst Western tensions, classifies India as a key diplomatic priority along with China and other South Asian nations, reflecting strategic recalibration as Russia distances from the West and emphasizes multipolarity.

Title:

Content: Chairman of the Board of Directors and Editors
I'm sorry.
Mohamad Elbaz
Chairman of the Board of Directors and Editors
I'm sorry.
Mohamad Elbaz
Russia ’ s new Southeast Asian plan to bolster its stance against the West
The rapid growth in Asia has fuelled Russia ’ s eastward drift, and this axis has now been incorporated into official policy.
According to China ’ s Asia Times, Russia ’ s new foreign policy concept may classify China, India and South Asia as diplomatic priorities, as the West slides over Antarctica.
Russia prioritizes global regions in its foreign policy concept, and the West has fallen to the penultimate rank in Antarctica, signaling a 180-degree coup, and Moscow asserts its desire for “peaceful coexistence ” but the ball is in the West ’ s court.
Russia ’ s first strategic priority after the former Soviet Union is the Arctic, and it is only now taking its plans for the North Sea route out of the cold, as Russia ’ s moves in the North Sea will have a direct impact on logistics from China, easing its geographical and economic difficulties and allowing more efficient passage of goods through Southeast Asia.
The Arctic is also a point of confrontation with polar states, which is likely to delay the thaw in relations with the West.
While Russia seeks “peaceful coexistence, ” it does not see a breakthrough with the United States and other Western countries in the foreseeable future, and this sentiment is evidenced by senior officials including Deputy Security Council Secretary Dmitry Medvedev.
Russia ’ s foreign policy concept lists China and India as its first and second relations with Southeast Asia as its third, since its relations with China are clear, deep and enduring.
As with India, given the close relationship between Moscow and New Delhi since India ’ s independence, the long history of cooperation in the military and economic spheres has led to the establishment of important cooperation institutions, for example, the BrahMos joint missile program requires deep mutual trust in all sectors of the government.

What vision of global dynamics do India and Russia share?

polycentric system of international relations

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

- **Depth of Historical Ties**: The India–Russia partnership has deep historical roots, notably in defense and nuclear technology.

Title:

Content: Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s recent two-day visit to Russia may have been watched more in the West than in India itself.
Modi received an official reception in Russia, where President Vladimir Putin, who faces Western sanctions over the war in Ukraine, described the Indian prime minister as his “best friend. ”
The visit, Modi ’ s first overseas trip after taking office for a new term, has been described as of international significance.
India is in a unique position as it enjoys long-term relations with Russia while at the same time getting closer to the United States and is now in a position to win the trust of both sides.
Thus, while India is unlikely to play the role of mediator, the South Asian country, during the crisis period, could play some role in helping to find a solution to the war in Ukraine.
But throughout the visit, Modi was clearly balancing India ’ s position between the two sides.
He has described Russia as a friend at all times, referring to how Moscow has advanced in the past to help New Delhi.
Russia shared nuclear technology with India at a time when no other country was willing to do so.
It is also supplying arms to India and helping to strengthen its defence deterrence amid border problems with neighbouring countries.
While India is now diversifying its defense purchases from Israel, the United States, and France, among others, 80 percent of India ’ s military equipment to date comes from Russia.
Russia has also become important since the outbreak of the Ukrainian war, to provide fuel at reduced prices, which is crucial for India, whose energy needs are growing exponentially.
Cheap fuel helped New Delhi adjust inflation in India.
At the same time, India ’ s relations with the United States have grown at a rapid pace in recent times.
Against this backdrop, the visit was also a lesson in skilful diplomatic manoeuvres, as Modi managed to strike a good balance between the two sides.
During the visit, Modi noted that his 17 meetings with Putin over the past decade have strengthened mutual trust and respect between the two sides.
The Indian prime minister not only called Russia a friend at all times, but also a “partner for better or worse. ”
The two leaders also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis.
The Indian prime minister reiterated his country's position that there could be no solutions to the crisis amid "guns, bullets and bombs".
"Whether it is a war, a conflict or a terrorist attack, anyone who believes in humanity suffers when there is a loss of life," he said, stressing that "when innocent children are killed, the heart bleeds and this pain is very frightening."
There is no doubt that Modi ’ s visit to Russia was significant.
Apart from the international attention from a political point of view on its outcome, the visit is seen as adding to the continued momentum in relations between the two countries.
Economic relations in particular have received a boost since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis, mainly due to India ’ s imports of oil, fertilizers and gas at reduced prices.
Trade between India and Russia, which has been stagnant for years, rose from $15 billion in 2021-2022 to $65 billion in 2023-2024 after the outbreak of the Ukrainian war in 2022.
So, during Modi ’ s visit, the two sides also discussed ways to strengthen economic ties.
The two countries agreed to boost trade to $100 billion by 2030, reduce non-tariff barriers, reduce trade imbalances in Russia ’ s favor, improve connectivity and increase trade in agricultural goods.
They also discussed some outstanding problems that remain unresolved between the two countries, such as the issue of the growing trade imbalance.
The outbreak of the Ukrainian war, which was the reason for the strengthening of energy ties between the two countries, put pressure on the military relationship, delaying shipments of spare parts and new weapons.
For example, Russia has so far delivered only three of the five S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile systems, while the other two are behind schedule.
The delivery of spare parts and other military equipment remained an essential part of the discussions.
The two sides are now exploring the possibility of establishing partnerships in joint ventures in India for some important parts of arms.
Modi ’ s visit to Russia, while surprising to the West, was of great importance to India in pushing forward its relations with Russia.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
security & military
weapons supply

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Russia provided India with critical technology and military hardware when other powers were reluctant, which fosters deep trust and strategic comfort.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons joint production
security & military
weapons supply

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

- **Enduring Defense Interdependence**: Over 60% of India’s weapons still come from Russia, making Moscow critical to India’s military maintenance and modernization.

Title:

Content: ...
...
...
...
India between Russia and America
I'm sorry.
The Merciful
Posted in: Last Updated:
As a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, India abstained last week to condemn Russia, the largest and most capable country in Europe and Asia, for its military operation in Ukraine.
Western countries voted in the Security Council to demand that Russia stop its operation in Ukraine and withdraw its troops immediately, but Russia responded by vetoing a council resolution.
The reason for India's abstention was that it believed that non-alignment on this issue was in its national interests, while siding with one side meant harassing the other in a situation where both the United States and Russia were important to India and its national interests.
Abstaining in the Security Council has thus allowed India to avoid taking sides and being dragged into a crisis in distant places.
The challenge for India, which has no direct interests in Ukraine apart from evacuating its mostly student citizens there, is to make sure there is no reaction to the crisis on its relations with Russia, a key defense partner, or with the United States, which is crucial to addressing growing problems with China in the region.
The Ukraine crisis also comes at a time when India is in the process of acquiring five S-400 Triumph air defense missile systems from Russia and needs an exception from the United States, which has already sanctioned Turkey under the Countering America ’ s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) for possessing the same S-400 missiles from Russia.
Moscow has already begun delivering missiles to New Delhi, which is seen as an important element of defence readiness for India, which has an unstable border with both Pakistan and China.
Russia and India have been allies since the Cold War, and defense cooperation has long been a cornerstone of their relationship.
India has sought to diversify its defense purchases outside of Russia, from countries such as Israel, the United States and others.
But more than 60 percent of India ’ s weapons continue to come from Russia, which means India needs to continue to get spare parts from Moscow.
There is no doubt that the relationship between India and Russia has come under strain, as New Delhi has become closer to Washington, amid mutual concerns over a range of issues, including the rise of China.
Their relationship has deepened over the past decade and they are now partners, along with Japan and Australia, in the Quadripartite Security Forum.
Russia, in turn, has become closer to China and Pakistan even as its relations with the United States and the West deteriorate.
But developments in Afghanistan, where the withdrawal of U.S. troops has brought the Taliban back to power, have led to New Delhi ’ s increased political engagement with Moscow as India seeks access to Central Asia.
There is no doubt that India is trying to maintain a delicate balance between Russia and the United States, taking sides in the Ukraine conflict will only lead to problems for India, especially since it has no direct interests in Ukraine.
There have also been reports that Russia has quietly worked behind the scenes to defuse tensions between India and China following the 2020 border clashes.
As a result, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was among the few world leaders to have spoken by phone with President Vladimir Putin in the midst of the Ukraine crisis.
Modi appealed to President Putin for an immediate halt to military actions and “called on all parties to return to diplomatic negotiations and dialogue. ”
At the same time, Modi also spoke to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and expressed “readiness to contribute in any way to the peace efforts. ”
For India, the sooner this crisis is resolved, the better, especially because of its fears that the focus of the United States and its other allies may shift from the Indo-Pacific and the China Sea to a crisis in Europe over the dispute over Ukraine ’ s accession to NATO.
It is clear, however, that the United States and its NATO allies will avoid indulging in a direct armed conflict in Ukraine.
While the EU has imposed some sanctions, including closing airspace to Russian aircraft, New Delhi ’ s biggest concern is that it will not get an exemption from Washington over the Triumph missile system and that tougher economic sanctions could lead to a spike in oil prices.
Although the Russian and Ukrainian delegates have agreed to meet to discuss and resolve the conflict, an early resolution of the crisis seems elusive.
It is clear that Moscow is determined to create a demilitarized buffer zone between Russia and NATO member states.
But there is no doubt that a peaceful solution is the best way forward to end a crisis of this magnitude.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi
Quote from "The Union"
Disclaimer: All published articles represent the opinion of their authors only.
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Despite growing Western options, this legacy supply chain creates a strong ongoing dependency.

- **India’s Tightrope: Balancing Russia and the West**: Under Modi, India has substantially expanded ties with the US, Europe, and Middle Eastern powers (such as Israel, UAE, Saudi Arabia), but maintains an independent foreign policy—India sees Russia as an “all-weather friend” and has abstained from UN votes that directly condemn Moscow during the Ukraine crisis.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

- **Strategic Autonomy in a Polarizing World**: India resists being locked into any singular bloc (pro-Western or anti-Western) and rather pursues “partnerships” over “alliances.” This stance preserves maneuverability as global blocs re-form and allows engagement with both Russian and Western structures.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

- **Multipolarity as Shared Goal**: Modi and Putin share an interest in promoting a multipolar world order against Western (especially US) unipolarity.

Title:

Content: The 20th in India.
One Pole End Alarm
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ISTANBUL – Imre Bacharan: A huge impact on the current global order could be borne by the G20 summit to be held in New Delhi on Saturday and Sunday.
The talk to experts who spoke to Anadolu about their readings of the role of the current G20 summit on international changes in terms of control, influence and polarity.
Comprising 19 countries and the European Union, the group represents the world ’ s largest economies and contributes more than 85 percent of its total output and 75 percent of its trade.
The meeting of leaders of the world ’ s richest and most powerful nations in New Delhi is expected to be a unique event due to several factors, including the absence of Chinese President Xi Jinping and his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin, the two superpowers allied to the West.
A second feature of the event is the fact that the summit is hosted by India, a rising force of the Non-Aligned Movement in Asia.
Monopolar Decline
Husamuddin Inak, a professor of international relations at Domlupinar University in Turkey, said the summit “comes at a time when the US-led unipolar world order that emerged after World War II is no longer dominant. ”
“At present, there are several countries that stand against the neoliberal world order, such as Brazil, India, Mexico and others. ”
"The United States is losing its influence on all fronts, which in turn is changing the nature of the G20," he said.
As an example, Inac cited “the efforts of several countries to get rid of the US dollar, ” saying that“ the superiority of the US currency is in a deplorable state. ”
Pravin Donthe, a senior analyst at the International Crisis Group, also said the Russian-Ukrainian war would “cast a shadow over the summit. ”
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict, he said, “is leading to a pluralistic crisis in the world order today, because it is a direct result of the conflict between the West led by the United States and the Russian-Chinese bloc. ”
He said India ’ s goal was to “try to inject some oxygen into multilateralism. ”
“India is a rising middle power, one of the fastest-growing economies, and represents what is called a geopolitical swing state trying to chart its own course, trying to influence the regional and global systems at the same time. ”
A Multipolar World
In Enak ’ s view, neoliberalism and the “political economy of the West and its institutions ” are losing their credibility, while the dollar is losing its status as the world ’ s reserve currency.
He added that one of the biggest threats in this area is the BRICS group, which includes Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, which recently invited six other countries to join its ranks starting in early 2024: Saudi Arabia, Iran, the UAE, Egypt, Ethiopia and Argentina.
“The BRICS group is also leading a campaign to replace the US dollar with its own common currency by 2030. ”
This week, Russia ’ s ambassador to South Africa, Ilya Rogachev, presented a symbolic BRICS banknote to Mohash Saeed Al Hamli, head of the UAE diplomatic mission.
“How the war in Ukraine ends will be a key factor in determining what the future world order will look like.
“If Putin manages to hold on to power against all odds, the world order will collapse and a new order will emerge from under its ashes, in which China will have a lot of power. ”
According to Donthe, this scenario “is exactly what India wants to prevent.
India does not want a unipolar Asia where China dominates.
New Delhi will use the summit to flex its political muscle. ”
“India wants a multipolar Asia, which it says will lead to a multipolar world. ”
“Bilateral relations between India and China are also under severe pressure at the moment due to the border crisis, which may explain President Xi Jinping ’ s decision to stay away from the summit, ” he said.
Moreover, according to Donthy, “New Delhi seemed to have sought to get closer to Washington, as evidenced by the visit of its Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the United States last June. ”
"The arrival of US President Joe Biden in New Delhi signals the great rapprochement between India and the United States," he said.
“Beijing is trying to send a signal that they are not satisfied with the way things are going, ” he said, but he added that India“ remains in a difficult position as it tries to balance its relations with Russia and the West. ”
“In every UN resolution, India abstained from voting to condemn Russia ’ s invasion of Ukraine, because India has a deep long-term strategic relationship with Russia, ” he said,“ but at the same time it is working to strengthen its relations with the United States and the West. ”
Turkey will find its right place.
Speaking about Turkey ’ s role in the changing world order, Inak said it “plays a big role in the economic model proposed by the non-aligned countries, led by the members of the BRICS alliance. ”
He added that Turkey “also plays a big role in China ’ s Belt and Road Initiative. ”
“The G20 summit will also show how the United States and the European Union are dealing with their relations with Turkey, ” Inak said.
“New models of global integration will emerge, and Turkey will find its rightful place in the new world order. ”
(Anatolia)
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What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

What vision of global dynamics do India and Russia share?

polycentric system of international relations

India’s policy aligns with Russian efforts to reassert its position and diminish Western influence.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

What vision of global dynamics do India and Russia share?

polycentric system of international relations

- **China as a Complicating Factor**:
    - **India–China Rivalry**: India–China ties have deteriorated significantly (notably over border disputes), making Moscow’s “strategic triangle” diplomacy (Russia–India–China) more complex.

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Russia is careful not to alienate India, even as it grows closer to China.

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

- **Russia–China Synergy**: Russia and China’s growing convergence (fueled by Western isolation) is a source of Indian concern.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

While Russia is not “equal” to China and tries to maintain balance, Moscow’s need for Beijing (especially since 2022) could potentially limit Russia's willingness to fully support India against China.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

- **Regional Security**: India’s China challenge increases New Delhi’s interest in sustaining strong ties with Russia, both for defense supplies and to avoid a Russia–China condominium that could marginalize Indian interests.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?