**India–Russia Relationship under Prime Minister Modi and President Putin: Key Evolutionary Trends, Especially vis-à-vis China**

- **Enduring Partnership with Deep Roots**: The India-Russia relationship is anchored by Cold War-era ties, robust defense cooperation, and shared geopolitical interests.

Despite shifts in the global order, both countries continue to describe their partnership as a "special and privileged strategic partnership."

- **Expansion of Economic and Energy Cooperation**: Under Modi and Putin, economic engagement has expanded, highlighted by major energy deals since 2022.

India increased imports of discounted Russian oil after the Ukraine invasion, defying Western sanctions and antagonizing Washington, but acting in line with New Delhi’s pursuit of affordable energy security.

- **Strategic Autonomy – The Cornerstone**: India's “strategic autonomy”—the principle of not aligning fully with any power bloc—has shaped its balanced approach.

Russia respects this autonomy and sees it as central to the ongoing close relationship.

- **Multilateralism and Regional Influence**: India and Russia collaborate in multilateral forums such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), even as India simultaneously strengthens its engagement with the US-led Quad (Australia, Japan, US, India).

This dual engagement underscores India's flexible diplomatic strategy in the face of competing global powers.

- **Balancing Act amid US-Russia Rivalry**: As India–US ties have steadily deepened, New Delhi has encountered friction with Washington over its refusal to condemn Russia’s actions in Ukraine and its continued Russia engagement.

However, India skillfully manages these competing partnerships to maximize national interests.

- **China Factor**: The rise of China and New Delhi’s border tensions with Beijing since 2020 have increased the strategic value of India–Russia ties for both sides.

India’s rivalry with China makes Moscow an essential partner for strategic balance.

**India–Russia Relationship under Prime Minister Modi and President Putin: Key Evolutionary Trends, Especially vis-à-vis China**

- **Enduring Partnership with Deep Roots**: The India-Russia relationship is anchored by Cold War-era ties, robust defense cooperation, and shared geopolitical interests.

Title:

Content: Opinion

Treading a fine line

Ajit Doval’s high-stake visits to Russia and the US are reflective of India’s consistent efforts to balance ties with the rival superpowers; writes Vinay Kumar

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India’s security and strategic interests on important global platforms have been in focus over the last month as National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval made hectic trips to the US and Russia.

Doval headed to the United States in late January and held a meeting with his US counterpart, Jake Sullivan. Earlier this month, he paid a visit to Russia where he joined top security officials from China, Iran and a number of Central Asian states to participate in a multilateral meeting on Afghanistan.

NSA’s recent visits to the world’s most important political capitals underlined the importance that India attaches to striking a delicate balance in its relations with both the countries at a time when global security and geopolitical environment appear uncertain. His visits to Washington DC and Moscow show India’s priorities in forging vital initiatives.

In Washington, the two NSAs agreed upon a number of important arrangements under the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) which was launched in 2022 and has the potential to have a transformative impact on India’s partnership with the US in areas like military, science & technology and key high-tech fields.

Considering the fact that Russia and the US have been at loggerheads, more so in the wake of the Ukraine War which has completed one year, Doval’s trip assumes significance. The icing on the cake was that the NSA also had one-on-one meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a rare instance of President Putin meeting a top-ranking official from India. His meeting with Doval also pointed towards the continued importance which both sides accord to each other in taking forward their engagement. At a time when Russia continues to face confrontation with the West over the war in Ukraine, Doval’s meeting with President Putin carries a special context. India, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has lent its voice to the peace-making efforts in Ukraine, stressing that today’s era is not an era of war. In his telephonic conversation with President Putin last September, PM Modi voiced his concern, stressing upon the need to take the path of diplomacy and dialogue, a stance often reiterated at various global forums at the highest level.

While India, having to put up with the Chinese threat, has warmed up to the US, it has also taken pains to maintain its relationship with Russia; though Moscow, facing increased isolation in the global community over the war in Ukraine, does not appear to be too pleased with the initiatives surrounding the Indo-Pacific, with the active involvement of the US and further deepening of strategic defence and technological ties between New Delhi and Washington. India has also stressed upon furthering its cooperation with Russia in sectors such as trade, energy and defence.

With the US, under the iCET initiative, India is poised to forge closer cooperation in the areas of Artificial Intelligence (AI), 6G, quantum technologies etc. Other focus areas include defence innovation, technology cooperation and semiconductor supply chains. Doval stressed upon the need to pin down the deliverables in these key focus areas to ensure that no slip-ups or laxity creeps in. Co-production and technology development have left much to be desired, though India is now billed as a major defence partner of the US

The NSA’s discussions in Washington DC and Moscow also point towards India’s keen desire to safeguard its key interests, make advances in high-tech areas and, at the same time, be ready to hold on to its independent position and avoid landing in confrontationist stance, so far as the two rival powers are concerned, as new dynamics is emerging rather rapidly in the geopolitical arena.

Views expressed are personal

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weapons joint production
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What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

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Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Despite shifts in the global order, both countries continue to describe their partnership as a "special and privileged strategic partnership."

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Is all well in Indo-U.S. partnership?

Updated - July 30, 2024 09:38 am IST

Published - July 29, 2024 02:01 pm IST

The overall trajectory of India’s strategic partnership with the U.S. seems steady. Many U.S. policymakers see the partnership with India as one of the most consequential bilateral relationships of the U.S. in the 21st century.

(This article is part of the View From India newsletter curated by The Hindu’s foreign affairs experts. To get the newsletter in your inbox every Monday, subscribe here.)

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Earlier in July, immediately after Prime Minister Modi wrapped up a bilateral summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow, since first visit to Russia since the Ukraine war began in february 2022, the U.S.’s Ambassador in India made a rare public criticism of India’s Russia policy. “There is no such thing as strategic autonomy in times of conflict; we will, in crisis moments, need to know each other,” Ambassador Eric Garcetti said. In Washington DC, the State Department also expressed “concerns” over India’s ties with Russia, while National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan warned India of Russia’s deepening partnership with China. Public comments did not end there. On July 23, almost two weeks after Mr. Modi’s Russia visit, Donald Lu, Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia, told lawmakers at a Congressional hearing in Washington that the U.S. was “disappointed” about the symbolism and timing of Mr. Modi’s visit.

The overall trajectory of India’s strategic partnership with the U.S. seems steady. Many U.S. policymakers see the partnership with India as one of the most consequential bilateral relationships of the U.S. in the 21st century. They also see an economically growing, democratic India as an effective bulwark against the Communist Party-ruled China. In India, economic, defence and strategic partnership with the U.S. is seen as critical for the country’s continued rise as a major Asian power. But the disagreements lie in the details. India’s refusal to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and its decision to ramp up energy trade with Moscow after it was sanctioned by the West did not go down well with Washington. Russia, cut off from the Western markets, found an economic lifeline in its booming trade with China and India, the world’s second and fifth largest economies, respectively.

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In recent years, the India-U.S. partnership saw stress points in other areas as well. Indian nationals were accused of killing Hardeep Singh Nijjar, a Khalistan separatist, in Canada last year. The U.S. government has also sought accountability from the Indian government over a plot to kill Sikh separatist leader Gurpatwant Singh Pannun in New York. An Indian national is now in jail in the U.S. in connection with the case. India has denied any role in these incidents, but allegations have added to tensions in bilateral relations. And Prime Minister Modi’s visit to Russia, on the eve of a NATO summit in Washington whose main agenda was to strengthen Ukraine against the Russian invasion, seemed to have “disturbed” the Biden administration, as a Washington Post report claimed.

In its response, India’s Ministry of External Affairs said it values its strategic autonomy. “India, like many other countries, values its strategic autonomy. The U.S. Ambassador is entitled to his opinion. Obviously, we have different views,” MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said. “Our comprehensive global strategic partnership with the U.S. gives us the space to agree to disagree on certain issues, while respecting each other’s view-points,” he added.

What’s strategic autonomy, which India is fiercely protective about? “A simple definition of the concept is that countries should be able to make decisions that best serve their national interests, irrespective of the pulls and pressures from other parties,” I wrote in this July 19 Oped in The Hindu. And why is it significant for India? Watch the latest episode of Realpolitik, our video explainer column: What’s strategic autonomy and why is it important for India? | Realpolitik.

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‘Victory for Maduro’

Nicolas Maduro, Venezuela’s President who claims to be a successor of Chavismo, the socialist ideology championed by the late, charismatic President, Hugo Chavez, “won” a third consecutive term in Sunday’s election, according to Venezuela’s election authorities. Mr. Maduro, a former bus driver-tuned-politician, won 51% of the vote, while his main rival Edmundo Gonzalez garnered 44%. Before the vote, opinion polls had stated that Mr. Maduro, who rose to power after Chavez died of cancer in 2013, was trailing. And he had warned of a civil war and bloodbath if he lost the election. Mr. Gonzalez was not the opposition’s original pick against Mr. Maduro. Maria Corina Machado, arguably the most popular opposition leader who won the opposition primaries, was disqualified by the Supreme Court for supporting another opposition figure Juan Guaido’s rebellion against Mr. Maduro.

On Mr. Maduro’s watch, Venezuela’s economy, also battered by U.S. sanctions, contracted by 80% in 10 years. According to UNHCR, more than 7.7 million Venezuelans fled the country in a decade. In 2013, when Chanez passed away, Venezuela had a household poverty rate of 33.1% and extreme poverty at 11.4%, down from 61.5% and 30%, respectively, in 2003. In 10 years, the figures jumped to 82% and 53%, respectively. In other words, Mr. Maduro oversaw the total collapse of Venezuela’s economy. And he still managed to “win’ another term, extending his rule for six more years. What’s Maduro’s politics and how did he emerge as a strong man? Read this profile of the Venezuelan leader, written by my colleague Srinivasan Ramani: Nicolas Maduro | Chavism’s designated successor.

Sri Lanka to hold elections

Sri Lanka’s presidential elections will be held on September 21, the Election Commission announced on July 26. Some 17 million voters will have their first chance of electing the country’s leader, after a mass people’s uprising ousted former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa two years ago. President Ranil Wickremesinghe was among the first to formally get into the fray. His office announced making a cash deposit at the Commission for his candidacy as an independent, although he has relied on the Rajapaksas’ Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP or People’s Front) since his rise to Presidency through an urgent parliamentary vote, after Mr. Gotabaya’s resignation, reports Meera Srinivasan, from Colombo.

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The Top Five

1. The ‘geo-calculus’ of the Moscow visit

There was one clear message — of the sure bet the Narendra Modi government has placed on India-Russia ties, writes Suhasini Haidar.

2. The importance of both Quad and BRICS

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With India being the only country common to both Quad and BRICS and a founding member of both, it cannot afford to downplay one for the other, writes retired diplomat T.S. Tirumurti.

3. Between a fascist past and Right-wing present, Italy is fighting its many battles

Bursting at its seams with immigrants from the Global South and with a Right-wing government in power, Italy under Meloni finds itself in the eye of the identity politics storm; what complicates the matter further is the country’s perception as being on the wrong side of the not-so-long-ago history, Nishtha Gautam reports from Rome.

4. A new push in the Bay of Bengal

The intent of BIMSTEC member states to push forth with a bold vision for the region was evident at the 2nd Foreign Ministers’ Retreat, write Harsh V Pant and Sohini Bose.

5. Special relationship: On U.S. policy on Israel

The welcome Mr. Netanyahu received at Congress shows that he has the support of the elites. But the protest on the streets and the dissenting voices even among lawmakers suggest that the national consensus on Israel is eroding in the U.S., The Hindu writes in this editorial.

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What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

- **Expansion of Economic and Energy Cooperation**: Under Modi and Putin, economic engagement has expanded, highlighted by major energy deals since 2022.

Title:

Content:
India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday. At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

The 22nd Russia-India Annual Summit will lead to a greater collaboration between the two countries in Russian Far East and the Eurasian space, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), according to experts.

The 81-paragraphbilateral Joint Statement underscored the "shared vision" to enhance transport and connectivity cooperation, as well as a "solid commitment" to enhance economic linkages in Russia's resource-rich Far East, Pravesh Kumar Gupta, an Associate Fellow at New Delhi-based think tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), told Sputnik India.

The 22nd Annual Summit, a "unique and pivotal event in the current global geopolitical context" according to Gupta, exposed the disappointment of Western countries.

"Amidst global turbulence, the summit served as a crucial platform for leaders to engage in constructive discussions and strategic dialogues, with the aim of bolstering cooperation in vital areas such as trade, energy, connectivity, defence, and technology. This event has been widely acknowledged as a significant milestone in the ongoing development of the close ties between India and Russia, a success that stood in stark contrast to the disappointment felt by the Western world," the Indian think-tanker asserted.

Lauding the Summit outcomes, Gupta remarked that the leaders would intensify effort to develop "promising production and marketing chains in Eurasia" and stick to the new plan for the Far East in providing enhanced cooperation in different sectors, including transport and connectivity.

Specifically both leaders shared a vision pointing to three projects – International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor as well as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), or the Polar Route.

"Most importantly, these connectivity projects are free from any political agenda, unlike the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as clearly mentioned in the joint statement. Their implementation will be based on the principles of transparency, broad participation, local priorities, financial sustainability, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations," the VIF pundit underlined.

Gupta expressed confidence that the proposal to establish a joint working group on developing the NSR would speed up the project, which promised "significant cost savings and reduced shipping times" for goods traveling between Europe and Asia.

"The route's increased accessibility due to melting Arctic ice has sparked increased interest in its potential for commercial shipping and trade, offering a bright future for global trade," Gupta stated.

In the context of the INSTC, the expert underscored that it could turn out to be the most "cost-effective and favourable" connectivity project to increase Indian exports to Eurasia and vice-versa. He explained that the 7,200-kilometre-long multimodal corridor was in line with Moscow's geo-economic focus on Asia-Pacific following the Ukraine conflict.

Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'

In terms of bolstering cooperation in Asia-Pacific, or near India's own neighbourhood, Modi and Putin shared approaches on building a "new architecture" of a 'Greater Eurasian space'.

Although, initially Russia was focused primarily on the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, the Ukrainian conflict completely changed the situation, Alexey Kupriyanov, an expert in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) at Moscow-based think tank IMEMO RAS told Sputnik India.

At the same time, the think-tanker highlighted that a growing trade turnover between Russia and India was pushing Moscow to return to the Indian Ocean Region, primarily to ensure the protecting of Russian vessels in areas not covered by Indian Navy's operations, which include the Red Sea and the Mediterranean region.

"In the long term, this means that Russian ships will soon operate more intensively in the Indian Ocean and expand their presence," Kupriyanov stressed.

It would bolster India's security efforts and help it manage the power competition between China and the US, even as Indian Navy has intensified inter-operability with western maritime forces in recent years, the expert asserted.

"Since India's focus is primarily on the eastern part of the region, Russian ships in the western part could help fill the vacuum of security there. This will reduce the need for East African countries to seek help from China and the US to combat pirates, smugglers and drug traffickers," Kupriyanov concluded.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India increased imports of discounted Russian oil after the Ukraine invasion, defying Western sanctions and antagonizing Washington, but acting in line with New Delhi’s pursuit of affordable energy security.

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Content: Homepage

Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad

  • In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia.
  • The move signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow, and shows the world India is pursuing its own agenda.
  • Modi is aiming to correct the trade imbalance and address China's Indo-Pacific activities.
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In a move likely to anger the US, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is visiting Russia on Monday for his first bilateral trip after winning a historic third term in office.

Modi's two-day visit to Russia — where he is scheduled to meet with President Vladimir Putin — is significant in that it signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow. It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

Vinay Kwatra, India's foreign secretary, told reporters in New Delhi that issues between Russia and India have "piled up" and "need to be addressed," per Bloomberg.

Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine. India is a major buyer of Russian oil. Russia is also India's biggest arms supplier.

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Kwatra underscored that the two countries' trade relationship has remained "resilient."

Still, Modi's trip will "rankle many Western observers," Ved Shinde, a researcher and contributor to Australia's Lowy Institute think tank, wrote in a note on Wednesday.

"Since the Ukraine war began, India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in the heart of Europe," Shinde added.

Modi's visit to Russia will make the US look bad

Just like Putin's visit to supply-chain hot spot Vietnam, India's engagement with Russia isn't a good look for the US, as it comes while Washington is isolating Putin's regime.

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The US has raised "some concerns" about India's relationship with Russia with New Delhi, Kurt Campbell, the US Deputy Secretary of State, said last month.

However, Washington acknowledges that India's ties with Russia are different from its ties with the US.

"We have many areas of alignment, but it is not surprising that there would be areas where we've had perhaps different perspectives, views, historical ties," Campbell said about America's relationship with India.

India, for its part, is looking to balance its relationship with the world's key powerbrokers — the US, Russia, and China.

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"There are different degrees in India's multi-alignment. Make no mistake — the United States and its allies are more consequential for India's future than its relationship with Russia," wrote Shinde.

India needs to leverage its historical ties with Russia to secure its economy and security, so Modi isn't just in Russia for a goodwill trip.

Reducing the trade imbalance

A key agenda item for the visit is to reduce a huge bilateral trade imbalance, said Kwatra.

India imports about $60 billion of goods a year from Russia, but Russia buys less than 10% of this amount from India, per Bloomberg.

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Modi may also touch on China's activities in the Indo-Pacific region, said Kwatra.

India is trying to manage its relationship with China, which has been testy since a border dispute in 2020. Modi skipped the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kazakhstan last week.

There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

At the summit last week, Putin said Russia's relationship with China is in the "best period in history."

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Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

"The reason for the time-tested stability in India-Russia ties is to maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland. That is, to balance China," wrote Shinde.

"Or to put it another way, don't go around making new adversaries when there are already two open fronts — China and Pakistan," Shinde added.

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

- **Strategic Autonomy – The Cornerstone**: India's “strategic autonomy”—the principle of not aligning fully with any power bloc—has shaped its balanced approach.

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France and India: Two Nuances of 'Strategic Autonomy'

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Published July 13, 2023

“We know India will be a very difficult superpower—like a big France.” This comment by a former deputy national security advisor of Japanese prime minister Abe Shinzo echoes a widely shared sentiment across G7 capitals. This is also certainly what many think in the United States vis-à-vis these two indispensable, yet volatile partners.

In collective fora, France and India indeed take pride in not being free riders, as nuclear powers with robust national militaries and capacities, as well as in being free thinkers, developing an outlook of their own on global issues. French president Emmanuel Macron’s motto “allied, but not aligned” echoes Indian external affairs minister Dr. S. Jaishankar’s insistence that India is “entitled to have its own side” This posture is best encapsulated in a concept that both countries have regularly been using: “strategic autonomy,” defined as the capability to make decisions independent from external pressure, especially from great powers, in the main policy areas. This commonality is regularly emphasized in bilateral encounters between the two states.

The visit of Indian prime minister Narendra Modi as a guest of honor for France’s National Day on July 14, also known as Bastille Day, will be an occasion to showcase the strength and depth of the bilateral relationship. France and India established a strategic partnership in 1998, but this partnership has really gained traction in the past decade, with close cooperation initiated or enhanced on a wide range of issues, including in sensitive and sovereign domains, buttressed by a flourishing defense trade cooperation that has placed France as India’s second-largest arms supplier after Russia. Modi’s visit will be the occasion for new announcements in the fields of defense, space, and nuclear technology.

The visit will also be an occasion for both countries to reaffirm how a shared quest for strategic autonomy is guiding this partnership. Their differing histories and geographies bring nuances and distinct threat perceptions, notably regarding the war in Ukraine and relations with Russia and China. But their overall like-minded vision on multipolarity and multilateralism offers great potential to expand cooperation and advance an original outlook, with one eye in Europe and the other in Asia.

The Roots of French and Indian Strategic Autonomy
Strategic autonomy has been central to the two states’ foreign policies since the late 1940s. In the French context, French president Charles de Gaulle wanted more autonomy vis-à-vis the United States. One direct application of this was France’s decision to leave NATO’s military command structure in 1966, though it remained a member of the alliance. In addition, de Gaulle pleaded for a dialogue with the Soviet Union, recognized the People’s Republic of China in 1964, and argued for the need for France to maintain the control of the strike capacity of its nuclear weapons.

Following independence, India, under Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, espoused a similar conviction in absolute sovereignty to maintain complete autonomy in international affairs, put into practice through the doctrine of nonalignment and neutrality from great power politics. India also developed its own indigenous nuclear program with an aim to develop energy and strategic autonomy. While contributing to the creation of the Non-Aligned Movement, India also remained a member of the British Commonwealth, negotiated defense equipment procurement from the United Kingdom and the United States, and later developed a strong partnership with the Soviet Union.

Concurrently, the shared understanding that strategic autonomy and sovereignty is only possible with strong indigenous capacities in key sectors has led to Indo-French cooperation in nuclear and space research since the 1950s. India’s defense contracts with France illustrated New Delhi and Paris’s common aim at maximizing their strategic autonomy. From India’s perspective, there has been a willingness to diversify its procurement sources beyond Russia. Political reliability and trust have been decisive criteria in choosing France as a prime partner. Defense deals have been determined not solely on the basis of the operational qualities of French equipment, but on guarantees that France will not stop the supply of spare parts and weapons, which other suppliers have not guaranteed. Third, India has wanted to transform its defense ties beyond buyer-seller relationships and to pursue opportunities for technological cooperation for co-development and coproduction of defense equipment, notably with France.

Over the last three decades, strategic autonomy has therefore been a feature of Indian and French foreign policies and has led both states to pursue closer, but not exclusive, ties with Washington while at times also developing ties with states that have been at odds with the United States, like Iran or Russia. Both states have historically lamented the rise of a bipolar order during the Cold War and of a unipolar order in the 1990s, while selectively aligning with great powers on specific instances, such as India’s support for the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979, or France’s participation in the Iraq war in 1991 (but not in 2003).

Strategic Autonomy in the Modi and Macron Era
Like their predecessors, Modi and Macron have fostered strong links with major powers without becoming overly dependent on any one of them, maintaining distance from Cold War–style bloc competition. Both countries are more integrated in collective defense or security frameworks than they used to be 70 years ago, but Modi’s India remains formally opposed to joining a military alliance, while Macron’s is regularly critical of NATO, in a very Gaullist manner.

Modi has pursued autonomy by enhancing India’s nuclear weapons profile and building military and economic networks with multiple great powers such as the United States, France, and Japan. The resultant escalation of India’s standing from a struggling developing nation to an emerging economy and further to a rising power has given it a seat at numerous tables such as the four-nation Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (or “Quad,” with Australia, Japan, and the United States), the BRICS grouping (with Brazil, Russia, China, and South Africa), the G20, and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and bolstered its claim to permanent membership of the UN Security Council. France is in an opposite position of having to justify its presence at almost every table, being today the only country that is a member of the G7, the UN Security Council, NATO, and the European Union. Paris thus compensates for its relative economic decline with important diplomatic activism, which has included a flurry of initiatives such as the European Political Community, the Paris Call for Trust and Security in Cyberspace, and the recently held Paris Summit for a New Global Financial Pact, to name a few.

Modi and Macron also have a shared aspiration to be “balance shapers,” not followers. Like Nehru and de Gaulle earlier, they favor a multipolar international order—one that allows no single power to be dominant and offers New Delhi and Paris the prospects of a major role in shaping the global agenda. To help them achieve their ambitions and to diminish their dependence on great powers, France and India both strive to build new, flexible partnerships. Indian policy has focused on a network of strategic partnerships characterized by defense cooperation that encompasses arms transfers, military exercises, and intelligence sharing but steers clear of integrating forces and war plans. Similarly, France is also closing ranks with selected partners to complement collective commitments within NATO or the European Union, via bilateral mutual defense clauses and via coalitions of European countries outside of the EU framework, such as the former Takuba grouping of special forces in the Sahel or the European Maritime Awareness operation in the Strait of Hormuz (EMASOH).

Strategic convergence between France and India is therefore obvious, but there are some limitations and nuances. First, although President Macron is keen on insisting on French history and advancing French soft power, Macron’s vision does not parallel the ideological revivalism of Modi’s India as a civilizational state through Hindutva (a right-wing ideology seeking to define Indian culture and nation around the values of Hinduism, literally meaning Hindu-ness). Second, and more practically, in terms of military readiness, though the contemporary Indian state has tended to be coercive internally, its external policies have been the opposite. India has not hesitated to employ force against combative neighbors like China and Pakistan, but it has exercised remarkable constraint, eschewing external intervention. By contrast, France has deployed its troops in numerous missions and operations through the European Union, NATO, and ad hoc coalitions.

Applied Strategic Autonomy
The conceptual like-mindedness around strategic autonomy translates into comparable foreign policies for France and India, especially in regard to their relations with major powers including the United States, China, and Russia.

Both countries have complex, often misunderstood relationships with the United States. They both aspire to a degree of independence from Washington policies, while being aware of their reliance on the United States for their defense and security. Therefore, critics of U.S. policies within Paris and Delhi are often seen as ungrateful by advocates of consolidated transatlantic and Indo-Pacific ties. But what the latter fail to capture is the vested U.S. interest in having capable and autonomous partners in key regions, even at the cost of painful diplomatic engagement and coordination. The best testament to this need to carefully cultivate these partnerships is that Macron and Modi are two of the three world leaders that have been invited by the Biden administration for state visits in Washington (along with South Korean president Yoon Suk Yeol).

Modi’s visit to Paris is expected to give a boost to India’s quest for equipment diversification and defense indigenization. There is widespread speculation over possible announcements on India’s procurement of Dassault Rafale multirole fighters and Scorpène-class submarines, as well as agreements on technology transfer.

The real stress test for Franco-Indian strategic cohesion lies in their respective assessment of how to engage other major, problematic, powers such as China and Russia. Locked in a military stand-off with Beijing in the Himalayas since April 2020, India has admitted that its relations with China are “not normal.” In April, President Macron sparked a major controversy across Western capitals and drew praise from Beijing when he reinvoked the idea of strategic autonomy following his pomp-heavy state visit to China. Notably, Macron suggested that Europe should not adapt itself to an American pace and a Chinese overreaction over the Taiwan issue, effectively calling on the European Union to steer clear of “crises that are not ours.” In addition to Macron displaying openness to expanding business ties with China and seeking China’s mediatory role in the Ukraine conflict, this visit has been portrayed as a form of French leniency toward Beijing, which could be a source of concern for Delhi. But reactions in Washington and New Delhi were mild as, in practice they work together closely on balancing their shared rival, China, in this region.

In fact, the Indo-Pacific concept has provided a useful frame for the thriving Franco-Indian relations. France, more than the other Quad partners, has a direct interest in the stability of the Indian Ocean, thanks to its overseas territories in the southern Indian Ocean and military bases in the northern Indian Ocean, Djibouti, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE). This has given way to fruitful bilateral cooperation, enshrined in the Joint Strategic Vision of India-France Cooperation in the Indian Ocean Region adopted in 2018. Paris and New Delhi are also stepping up their joint engagement with like-minded partners, through trilateral formats with Australia and the UAE and strategic partnerships with countries such as Greece and Egypt. Not only do these Indo-French partnerships underline linkages between the Indo-Pacific and the Mediterranean, they also complement a traditionally Washington-led security architecture in the region, while enhancing regional economic integration, together with “mini-lateral” partnerships such as the I2U2 (India, Israel, the UAE, and the United States).

Respective strategic autonomy can also lead to dissonance, such as in France’s and India’s positions on the war in Ukraine. France has continued to extend political, financial, humanitarian, and military support to Ukraine. It has vociferously condemned Russia’s military intervention and supported multiple rounds of sanctions against Moscow. Concurrently, President Macron has repeatedly called on “fence sitters” to take sides in this conflict of global implications, including in a resounding speech to the UN General Assembly. Despite its rapidly growing ties with the United States and Europe, India, as an energy-deficient developing country, resisted pressure to stop purchases of discounted oil from its traditional partner, Russia. At the same time, in veiled attempts to criticize Russia, Prime Minister Modi told President Putin that today’s era is not one of war and has repeatedly called for peaceful resolution to the conflict, including from the floor of the U.S. Congress.

Beyond strategic competition, the two countries also strive to be identified as leaders among the “middle powers” and in redefining multilateralism. While India has been strengthening its partnerships with countries identified as part of “the West,” it continues to safeguard its diplomatic maneuverability by remaining actively involved in organizations such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization where Moscow and Beijing hold significant sway. India has been attending G7 meetings of advanced economies while using its G20 presidency to champion the interests of the developing world. Earlier this year, India hosted a first-of-a-kind summit of 125 Global South countries, which aimed to shed light on the disproportionate impact of global shock—from Covid-19 to the war in Ukraine—felt by the Global South. Even as France faces challenges in its ties with the Global South, particularly its former African colonies, it has been working on addressing gaps in the global financial architecture that disadvantage the developing world with the New Global Financing Pact. Together, the two are strengthening the multilateral architecture through organizations such as the International Solar Alliance, with a focus on transnational challenges.

Conclusion
A shared historical struggle to maintain strategic autonomy in a complex geopolitical landscape has helped both powers develop a degree of trust and a pragmatic partnership. Interestingly, both find the other partner valuable but not enough to develop a relationship of interdependence.

France is strong enough to have something to offer on the diplomatic, military, space, and nuclear sectors to India, but not strong enough to shape international order, norms, or rules, or to balance China if tensions escalate. For France, India is important, but not the most important partner when it comes to trade and defense cooperation in the context of threats like Russian aggression or terrorism in Africa.

Modi’s visit to Paris is therefore another important milestone to consolidate the Franco-Indian special relationship, but the latter remains unlikely to evolve into a proper military alliance. This fits with the objective of both states to maintain some strategic flexibility. Indeed, genuine strategic autonomy implies restrictions even to the closest of partnerships.

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

Russia respects this autonomy and sees it as central to the ongoing close relationship.

Title:

Content: 31 Dec, 2023 08:46

Deeper than diplomacy: There is a reason why New Delhi and Moscow rely on each other

Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy is the core strength of bilateral ties, as the Indian foreign minister’s latest visit proves

Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar’s five-day official visit to Russia was timely and significant for more than one reason.

India and Russia had held annual summits at the leadership level since 2000. This sent an important message in terms of the value attached by the two countries to bilateral ties, but it also conveyed a broader geopolitical message to other international partners of the two countries.

But this practice was broken largely because of Russia’s pre-occupation with the Ukraine conflict and its fallout. The last annual summit took place in 2021.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin could have held a summit on the margins of the BRICS summit in Johannesburg in South Africa or the G20 summit in New Delhi, but Putin did not attend either. While Jaishankar’s visit does not substitute for a summit meeting, it was intended to fill a political gap.

Jaishankar and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov have met six times during the year, and the Indian external affairs minister also met with Russian Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov during the year on the economic agenda. For Jaishankar to visit Russia before the end of the year, undeterred by the Russian winter and holiday season, reflects the importance both sides attach to the further expansion of ties.

Putin has on several occasions praised the Indian prime minister and positively noted the country’s economic progress. At the ‘Russia Calling’ Forum in early December this year, he said that despite pressure from others, he “cannot imagine that Modi could be frightened, intimidated or forced to take any actions, steps, decisions that would at variance with the national interest of India and the Indian people.” He noted that sometimes he is surprised at Modi’s tough stance on Indian national interests. He added that the policy pursued by Modi is the “main guarantor” of the developing bilateral ties.

This is high and unusual praise by Putin. It can be interpreted on several levels – particularly as an acknowledgement that India has resisted pressure from the US and others to condemn Russia over the Ukraine conflict, impose sanctions, and reduce defense ties with Russia. India has, on the contrary, bought discounted Russian oil to the point that Russia has become its biggest oil supplier. It has argued that ensuring this market flow of Russian oil has helped avoid a major spike in oil prices and checked global inflation. Indian-Russian trade has expanded, while the G7 has broken economic and trade ties with Russia.

India played a major role as G20 president in negotiating the part in the Leaders’ Declaration on the Ukraine conflict despite the hardening of the G7 position and that of Russia and China after the G20 summit in Bali. The final text does not mention Russia by name, while the G7 was satisfied that the general formulations in it could be sold as being directed at Russia’s military operation in Ukraine.

Not surprisingly, Putin complimented India for de-politicizing the G20. India chaired the SCO summit in July 2023 and participated in the BRICS summit in South Africa in August 2023. This countered G7 attempts to isolate Russia diplomatically. In fact, the New Delhi SCO Declaration spoke of more effective global institutions, a more representative, just, and multipolar world order based on international law and multilateralism, and criticized the unilateral application of economic sanctions – a clear critique of the Western-dominated global system.

It is against this backdrop that Putin received Jaishankar at the Kremlin, the first time that such a gesture has been made to him personally. The general unavailability of Putin to visiting foreign ministers is well-known.

Jaishankar delivered a personal message from Modi to Putin. During the meeting, Putin invited his “friend Modi” to visit Russia in 2024 and noted that Indian-Russian ties were on the whole developing well. He said that he had been briefing Modi on developments in Ukraine, remarking that he understands the Indian prime minister is willing to do his utmost to resolve the matter by peaceful means. He added that he would give additional information to Jaishankar on Ukraine.

India has continued to strengthen ties with the US, including in the defense domain. It is a member of the Quad and a strong supporter of the Indo-Pacific concept, both of which are intended to deter China’s regional ambitions. Russia has reservations about the Quad and the Indo-Pacific concept, which it sees as the US engaging in bloc politics in Asia.

Putin’s praise for Modi and India and the gesture of receiving Jaishankar takes into consideration these realities of India’s foreign policy which are meant to safeguard the larger national interests. At the core of this is Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy. Jaishankar’s high-profile visit and the vigorous language used to mark the importance of India’s traditional ties with Russia would have caught Washington’s attention.

Jaishankar noted that after talks with Lavrov, “what clearly came out was that India-Russia relations remain very steady, remain very strong, they are based on our strategic convergence, on our geopolitical interests, and because they are mutually beneficial.” The two leaders discussed political cooperation within international organizations such as BRICS, the SCO, etc.

Indian-Russian trade is at an all-time high, exceeding $50 billion last year, and should pass that figure this year. It includes energy, fertilizers, coking coal, and other items, for which long term arrangements were discussed. India intends to expand investments in Russia’s oil and gas sector.

On the nuclear side, two important amendments were agreed to which will take the Kudankulam nuclear power project forward. Mutual investments, progress on a bilateral investment treaty, and the resumption of negotiations between India and the Eurasian Economic Union for a free trade agreement will be resumed in the second half of January 2024.

Moscow and New Delhi will expand cooperation in the Russian Far East. India expects a large representation from this region at the Vibrant Gujarat Summit in January 2024.

Connectivity between India and Russia will be critical for expanding trade ties – connectivity from western India through the International North-South Transport Corridor, and connectivity from eastern India, from Chennai to Vladivostok, and the polar route. To promote tourism, India is open to increasing the number of flights from India every week.

The talks between Jaishankar and Lavrov were comprehensive. They discussed the global strategic situation, Ukraine, Gaza, the Indo-Pacific, ASEAN, Afghanistan, UN-related matters, the challenges facing the Global South, and the building of a multipolar order. China would undoubtedly have been discussed, but diplomatic discretion here would be normal.

In the joint press conference, Lavrov spoke of prospects for more defense cooperation, including joint production of modern weapons under New Delhi’s ‘Make in India’ program, and, importantly, expressed respect for India’s efforts to diversify its defense ties. He noted bilateral cooperation in rocket engine manufacturing and satellite navigation systems.

Jaishankar’s visit was productive in maintaining the momentum of Indian-Russian ties, which have been built over 60 years, a relationship that he believes is not just about politics, diplomacy, or economics, but is much deeper.

Where India Meets Russia – We are now on WhatsApp! Follow and share RT India in English and in Hindi

The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RT.

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- **Multilateralism and Regional Influence**: India and Russia collaborate in multilateral forums such as BRICS and the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), even as India simultaneously strengthens its engagement with the US-led Quad (Australia, Japan, US, India).

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

What vision of global dynamics do India and Russia share?

polycentric system of international relations

This dual engagement underscores India's flexible diplomatic strategy in the face of competing global powers.

- **Balancing Act amid US-Russia Rivalry**: As India–US ties have steadily deepened, New Delhi has encountered friction with Washington over its refusal to condemn Russia’s actions in Ukraine and its continued Russia engagement.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

However, India skillfully manages these competing partnerships to maximize national interests.

- **China Factor**: The rise of China and New Delhi’s border tensions with Beijing since 2020 have increased the strategic value of India–Russia ties for both sides.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India’s rivalry with China makes Moscow an essential partner for strategic balance.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?


- **Government Policy is Key**: Transitioning to sustainable systems such as clean energy and waste management relies heavily on government intervention.

U.S. progress in energy transitions (e.g., wind/solar vs. coal) parallels waste and recycling success stories elsewhere; incentives and regulations drive big changes.

- **Local Engagement and Incentives**: The expansion of EV infrastructure in New York State (EVolve NY) and local projects (like accessible tiny homes) show that targeted government programs, partnerships, and grants are crucial.

These encourage adoption of new practices—mirrored in successful recycling/waste-sorting efforts abroad.

- **Public Dialogue and Consultation**: Broad public input (as sought in urban development projects and workshops) is foundational in high-performing waste management systems.

For example, European models often involve citizen feedback to shape initiatives and ensure community buy-in.

- **Technology and Infrastructure Upgrades**: Investment in modern control systems (Rawd El Farag water plant in Egypt) demonstrates the importance of up-to-date infrastructure and digital solutions for efficient resource and waste management.

Countries leading in recycling often deploy advanced separation technologies.

- **EU and Global Collaboration**: Latvia’s push for Baltic-Central Asia cooperation highlights international exchange and cross-border learning, common among top recycling nations (e.g., Sweden, Germany, South Korea, and Japanese cities) which frequently share standards and research via the EU or global partnerships.

- **Food and Resource Resilience**: The UK’s focus on food security, national production, and central strategies reflects similar frameworks used for waste sorting/recycling—long-term planning, stakeholder partnerships, and resiliency building are integral to their success.

**Best Practices Noted in Leading Countries**:

1.

Robust enforceable laws, fee structures, and regular feedback involve citizens at all stages.

- **Government Policy is Key**: Transitioning to sustainable systems such as clean energy and waste management relies heavily on government intervention.

Title:

Content: Shifting Trends in U.S. Electricity Production: A Comprehensive Analysis

Recent statistics from the United States show a big change in where we get our electricity from. It turns out that coal is not the top source anymore. Now, renewable energies like solar and wind have taken the lead.

Major Decline of Coal and Rise of Renewables

  • In October, wind and solar energy together produced 16.8% of the US’s electricity, slightly more than coal’s 15.2%.
  • This change is a big deal because coal used to be way ahead of wind and solar.
  • From January to October this year, coal was barely ahead of wind and solar in energy production, but it’s clear that coal is losing ground.

Renewables vs. Fossil Fuels

  • Renewable energy made up 23.7% of the electricity produced in October, noticeably more than the 15.2% from coal.
  • But if you add up all the fossil fuels like natural gas, they lead with 57.2%, showing we still depend on them heavily.
  • Still, renewable energy is steadily increasing, hinting that we’re moving toward a greener future.

Analysis of 2023 Trends and Predictions

Data from the U.S. Energy Information Agency up to October gives us a good idea of the energy trends for 2023.

Stabilizing Renewable Growth and Electricity Consumption

  • Electricity production didn’t change much from last year, with demand being a little higher in October.
  • Renewable energies are catching up to coal and might even pass it by the end of the year.
  • Particularly, solar power is doing really well and now accounts for 6% of total electricity.

Hydroelectric and Nuclear Power

  • Hydroelectric production witnessed a slight decline, potentially allowing solar to surpass it among renewable sources.
  • Nuclear power remains stable, with new additions like the 1.1 Gigawatt reactor at Vogtle in Georgia.
  • Together, nuclear and renewables are closing in on accounting for 40% of U.S. electricity production, a milestone in carbon-free generation.

Opportunities and Challenges

Moving away from coal affects the economy, especially in places that rely on mining coal or coal power plants for jobs and money. On the flip side, the boom in renewable energy is sparking new tech developments and job openings in making and looking after green energy setups. There’s been great progress, but hitting a fully green energy grid isn’t easy. One big hurdle is how unpredictable renewable energy can be. To deal with this, we’re looking at things like better batteries and updating our power grids to keep our energy flow steady and sure.

Economic Implications

Rules and decisions made by the government play a big role in how quickly and where our energy systems change. Things like rewards for using renewable energy, putting a price on carbon, and rules about how much pollution is allowed are key in deciding what the energy world will look like tomorrow. The part that the US government, both at the federal and state levels, has in all this is super important.

Policy and Regulatory Landscape

The rules set by the government really steer where our energy future is headed. Things like tax breaks for green energy, charging for carbon emissions, and rules about pollution are key players in changing how we get and use our power. The role of both the federal and state governments in America is big here.

Conclusion and Future Outlook

The energy scene in the U.S. is really changing. Wind and solar power are stepping up their game while we’re still using a lot of natural gas. We’re clearly moving towards less polluting energy, and that’s a good thing to see. We’re a bit concerned about our pace. We need to hasten if we aim for a zero-emission electric grid by the late 2020s. It’s vital to keep up-to-date and involved in this key shift. Digging into the information and stats on the U.S. Energy Information Agency’s site is crucial for anyone keen on the energy prospects in the U.S. and around the world.

U.S. progress in energy transitions (e.g., wind/solar vs. coal) parallels waste and recycling success stories elsewhere; incentives and regulations drive big changes.

- **Local Engagement and Incentives**: The expansion of EV infrastructure in New York State (EVolve NY) and local projects (like accessible tiny homes) show that targeted government programs, partnerships, and grants are crucial.

Title:

Content: PLATTSBURGH — The New York Power Authority announced this week the Town of Plattsburgh's first open-access, fast-charging stations for any make or model of electric vehicles.

The four parking lot chargers, installed by NYPA, are located at the Consumer Square shopping center and mark one of the northernmost sites in New York State for NYPA’s EVolve NY high-speed charging network, according to a press release.

“Being Clinton County’s first community designated by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority as a Clean Energy Community, we celebrate the new installation of NYPA’s EVolve NY charging stations in the Town of Plattsburgh," Town Supervisor Michael Cashman said in a statement.

"Conveniently located in the core of our town center and the economic hub of our region, it is a great service to residents and visitors. The chargers fit well within our adopted smart growth plan — Elevate Plattsburgh — which leads to a greener and more sustainable future. Public-private partnerships like this will no doubt enable New York State to meet its climate agenda goals.”

FIRST OF THREE SITES

The Consumer Square location is the first of three Benderson Development sites that will host NYPA fast charging stations, the release said.

The other two, which should be operational in the first quarter of 2022, will be in Niagara Falls and Victor, located in the Finger Lakes region.

The four chargers at the Plattsburgh site consist of three 150kW Direct Current Fast Charger (DCFC) stations and one 350kW charger, which is capable of charging a compatible vehicle at speeds up to 20 miles per minute.

Two of the charging stations are equipped with both fast charging connectors, Combined Charging System (CCS) and CHAdeMO, so all electric vehicles can plug in and charge.

The town also has about 35 public level 2 chargers, which are used for charging during a longer stop.

CLEAN ENERGY GOALS

NYPA Interim President and CEO Justin E. Driscoll said his agency's EVolve NY network now has dozens of sites throughout the state.

"The Plattsburgh station will help advance New York’s clean energy goals by supporting the decarbonization of the transportation sector and reduction of overall greenhouse gas emissions 85% by 2050,” he added.

“NYPA is leading the charge, quite literally, in developing New York’s electric vehicle infrastructure, and we’re proud to partner in this innovative and important pilot program at several of our properties in upstate New York — starting with this Plattsburgh location,” Benderson Development Vice President of Development and Leasing Eric Recoon said in a statement.

New York State Electric and Gas provided financial assistance through the EV Make-Ready Program and completed the grid interconnection to power the equipment at Consumer Square, the release said.

“Providing expanded access to EV charging stations is important as we seek to support the state’s clean energy goals and is just one of the many ways we are helping customers and local communities build a more sustainable future," NYSEG President and CEO Carl Taylor said.

LEGISLATION

The clean energy initiative supports New York’s Climate Act (the Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act), which sets targets for decreasing greenhouse gas emissions and air pollution from the transportation sector.

Gov. Kathy Hochul recently signed legislation setting a goal for all new passenger cars and trucks sold in New York to be zero-emissions by 2035, the release said.

As part of Charge NY, other EV charging and deployment initiatives aim to get 850,000 zero-emission vehicles on the road by 2025.

Hochul also announced that utility companies can fully implement the EV Make-Ready infrastructure program, which will deploy more than 50,000 new public and commercial charging ports across the state by 2025.

EV owners can locate public chargers using smartphone apps such as Greenlots, PlugShare, ChargeHub, ChargeWay, Electrify America, Google Maps or the U.S. Department of Energy’s Alternative Fuels Data Center.

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These encourage adoption of new practices—mirrored in successful recycling/waste-sorting efforts abroad.

- **Public Dialogue and Consultation**: Broad public input (as sought in urban development projects and workshops) is foundational in high-performing waste management systems.

Title:

Content: Advertisement

Early proposal for Jericho Lands development includes three, 38-storey towers, and 10,000 new homes

After years of consultation and anticipation over the future of this prime site, the public got a look at what could be built in one of the most expensive and least developed parts of the city, and what it might look like

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The City of Vancouver is seeking feedback on bold, but preliminary ideas for the Jericho Lands, 90 acres in the city’s West Point Grey area that is owned and will be developed by three Indigenous Nations and a federal Crown corp.

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After years of consultation and anticipation over the future of the prime site, a sketch of what could be built and what it might look like was presented Monday. It showed the building of 10 million square feet of floor area with three, tall, condo towers of up to 38-storeys and some 10,000 new homes in one of the most expensive and least-developed parts of the city, near the University of B.C. and overlooking Jericho Beach Park.

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By comparison, the expansive Oakridge Centre redevelopment at 41st Avenue and Cambie Street is building 5.5 million square feet in floor area and about 2,330 new homes.

The Jericho project is a partnership between MST Development Corp., which is run by the Musqueam, Squamish and Tsleil-Waututh Nations, and Canada Lands Co.

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“It is still an early stage of the overall development process,” said Elisa Campbell, who is leading the project for CLC and working with MST.

The public has until Nov. 14 to comment on two options, named “Eagle” and “Weave,” which each offer different design features. Both include dozens of shorter buildings, community centres, parkland and the potential for a SkyTrain station.

“What I like about it is we’re not saying, ‘This is what is going to be done on the site.’ We’re saying, ‘Here’s two examples of what it could be like. We really want to hear from you,’ ” said Campbell.

She added: “Our work with the Musqueam, Squamish, Tsleil-Waututh is really at the core of this and when you listen to their culture, their tradition, it’s fascinating to then take some of those stories and apply it to this development.”

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West Point Grey is currently home to about 13,000 residents. The Jericho lands house a former army garrison, some low-rise homes rented to military families and an independent school.

“I think they were all shocked at the size of the (proposed) development,” said Murray Hendren, president of the strata for Mayfair House condo, which is on Highbury Street across from the Jericho Lands.

He’s also a member of the West Point Grey Residents Association but said he was speaking about his own, initial feelings and those of others in his building.

“It’s just completely out-of-context with the rest of West Point Grey. It’s not to say, some time in the future, the whole city isn’t going to be like this and there would be a different standard,” Hendren said.

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Campbell said, “We’ve heard really positive response to the concept of using this site as an example of how to, through development, address reconciliation, how to address the climate emergency and so overall, we’ve been really happy with the positive tone. That doesn’t mean there aren’t people who are concerned about transformation because transformation can be hard.”

The Jericho Lands development must comply with city policies and regulations unlike the Senakw development that the Squamish Nation is planning near the Burrard Bridge, which is on reserve land.

MST bought the part of Jericho Lands owned by the B.C. government, a 39-acre site, in 2016 for $480 million. MST had previously partnered with Canada Lands to buy a 52-acre portion owned by the federal government in 2014 for $237 million.

jlee-young@postmedia.com

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For example, European models often involve citizen feedback to shape initiatives and ensure community buy-in.

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Latvia looks to connect TRACECA and Baltic countries via co-op with Central Asia, MFA says

Central Asia Materials 14 September 2023 09:01 (UTC +04:00)
Maryana Ahmadova
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BAKU, Azerbaijan, September 14. Latvia is actively cooperating with Central Asia, in order to connect the TRACECA corridor with the Baltic States, including connections to Scandinavia and Western Europe with regular ferry lines, a source at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Latvia told Trend.

"Our transport and logistics systems continue to serve as a gateway for Central Asian export to Europe. Cargo turnover between the Central Asian countries and Latvia is growing and Latvian ports are actively providing cargo distribution services of bulk, liquid and general cargoes from Central Asia. Also, road carriers from Central Asia are actively using the route via Latvian ports to access Northern and Western Europe," the ministry said.

According to the MFA, secure, stable and reliable supply chains between the EU and Central Asia have become the highest priority, since traditional logistics chains are broken. In this regard, trade and transport connectivity issues have to be addressed immediately.

"We eagerly awaited the results of the EBRD Study, since the development of alternative routes stands high on our agenda already for a while. Together with the industry we are actively identifying new clients, who can use new alternative routes. Moreover, in a long term we also are looking forward to see the Rail Baltica project to be implemented, which will open new possibilities for the transport connectivity," the source added.

Moreover, as the ministry pointed out, Latvia is one of the EU Member States that is actively committed to strengthening relations between the EU and Central Asia.

"We welcome the active dialogue and the regular exchange of high-level visits between the EU and Central Asia and we are truly glad to see that Central Asia is also interested to deepen cooperation with the EU. We should take advantage of the Global Gateway that aims to create smart, sustainable and secure links with countries around the world in the thematic areas of digitalization, energy, transport, education," the ministry said.

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- **Technology and Infrastructure Upgrades**: Investment in modern control systems (Rawd El Farag water plant in Egypt) demonstrates the importance of up-to-date infrastructure and digital solutions for efficient resource and waste management.

Title:

Content: Cairo, Egypt – Contributing towards the realization of Egypt's Vision 2030, Giza Systems proudly announces the successful completion of the Rawd El Farag water plant SCADA system and control center revamp project for the Greater Cairo Water Company (GCWC).

This transformative project represents a significant milestone, encompassing cutting-edge solutions, including the latest in Supervisory Control and Data Acquisition (SCADA) systems. Notably, this initiative stands out as the first large-scale implementation of a fully Egypt-developed SCADA solution in the country.

Giza Systems, renowned for its digital transformation enablement, also provided GCWC with remote workstations and mobile applications, enabling seamless remote monitoring of the water plant. To bolster communication capabilities, 4G communication protocol was deployed, offering diverse links and protocols for robust communication.

The Rawd El Farag project was driven by a multitude of challenges, including the scarcity of software and hardware spare parts for obsolete systems. With the integration of various communication links, particularly the 4G communication technology, the project significantly mitigates the risk of data loss. Additionally, the incorporation of remote monitoring tools has expedited issue identification and response, rendering the system more agile and efficient.

Despite the complexity and challenges inherent in the project, GCWC placed its trust in Giza Systems, cementing their decade-long business relationship and Giza Systems' commendable track record in similar projects. The project, originally slated for a one-year timeline, was completed successfully despite all obstacles, demonstrating the unwavering commitment and capability of Giza Systems.

This project stands as a crucial steppingstone towards the realization of Egypt's Minister of Housing, Utilities, and Urban Communities, Dr. Assem El Gazzar's vision to automate work systems and enhance citizen services. Leveraging its extensive knowledge and expertise in digital transformation, Giza Systems remains dedicated to envisioning a digital Egypt through further innovative solutions and integrations.

Sherif Elshimy, Giza Systems Customer Value Proposition Director, stated, "Our commitment to advancing Egypt's infrastructure and services is unwavering. The Rawd El Farag project is a testament to our dedication and ability to deliver transformative solutions that pave the way for a more connected and efficient Egypt."

About Giza Systems

Giza Systems, a leading digital transformation enabler and systems integrator in the MEA region, designs and deploys industry-specific technology solutions for asset-intensive industries such as the Telecoms, Utilities, Oil & Gas, Transportation and other market sectors. Giza Systems helps its clients streamline their operations and businesses through their portfolio of solutions, managed services, and consultancy practice. Giza Systems’ team of 2000 professionals are spread throughout the region with anchor offices in Cairo, Riyadh, Dubai, Doha, Nairobi, Dar es Salaam, Kampala and New Jersey, allowing the Company to service an ever-increasing client base in over 25 countries.

About the Greater Cairo Water Company (GCWC)

As a result of the state’s sense of the great necessity to restructure the drinking water and sanitation sector, in order to ensure the achievement of the strategic goals that are hoped to be implemented for the benefit of the Egyptian citizen; The state decided to establish the Holding Company for Water and Wastewater and the regulatory body for drinking water, sanitation, and consumer protection, by presidential decree in 2004.

The Holding Company for Water and Wastewater was established by Presidential Decree No. 135 of 2004 to establish a Holding Company for Potable Water and Wastewater and its subsidiaries, which shall have a legal personality and be subject to the provisions of Law No. 203 of 1991 and its executive regulations.

Pursuant to the third paragraph of the stated presidential decree, public economic authorities and public sector companies for drinking water and sanitation were transformed into subsidiaries of the holding company, subject to the provisions of the Public Business Sector Companies Law promulgated by Law No. 203 of 1991, so that the number of subsidiaries became 25 subsidiaries serving 27 governorates.

Countries leading in recycling often deploy advanced separation technologies.

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Content: Comment

British tech can solve the world’s food crises

From disease resistance to heat resilience, our agritech innovations will make food production more secure

The Russian blockade of Ukrainian ports has prevented food, including wheat, from reaching the global market. The UK is taking a lead and supporting Ukrainian efforts to find and develop alternative routes out of the country. My own department is using its expertise to help detect Ukrainian grain that has been illegally taken by the Russians.

It has become clear in recent weeks that Russia is forcibly seizing the Ukrainian harvest or purchasing it at artificially low prices in the east and south of the country. We are getting first-hand reports from Ukraine on the scale of this theft, which are corroborated by satellite imagery and vessel tracking data.

Russia’s actions are putting tens of millions of people at risk of hunger. We want to work with international partners to put in place a programme which will verify and identify seized grain upon import and deter these illegal activities. Indeed the UK has committed to providing £1.5 million to set up the sampling of grain, using an approach currently taken to identify illegally harvested timber. Once that is in place it will be possible to share this intelligence around the world.

But with agriculture being a devolved policy area, I want us to be able to share scientific ideas and solutions to the challenges faced across the UK as well. A few months ago, I set up the UK Agriculture Partnership. Today, this forum of farmers, businesses, researchers and policy makers will be meeting at the James Hutton Institute in Scotland. It is only right that we come together now to discuss food security.

Global gas prices have led to increased input costs for farmers, particularly for manufactured fertilisers, livestock feed, energy and fuel. We need to look at the full range of solutions available to us, and we must work alongside our world-leading agricultural research institutes to do so.

Those include the John Innes Centre in Norwich with its focus on agricultural technology, the work of the National Institute of Agricultural Botany with its work on climate resilient crops, the James Hutton Institute with its pioneering work on vertical farming, the work done by Aberystwyth on grassland management, and the work of Rothamsted Research on genetic technologies.

Through these technologies, we will have the power to develop crops that are more resistant to pests and diseases, less reliant on fertilisers and pesticides – which will cut costs to farmers – and more resilient to climate change. With water scarcity likely to become an increasingly pressing issue across the world, the ability to develop plants that cope better with water stress will be all-important for global food security.

The recent introduction of our Genetic Technology (Precision Breeding) Bill gives us the opportunity to make the UK the best place in the world to invest in agritech innovation. Through the Bill, we are going to remove unnecessary barriers inherited from the EU to enable the development and marketing of precision-bred plants and animals.

We have the chance to breed disease-resistant crops and reduce reliance on pesticides. One example is virus yellows, a group of viruses that can cause yield losses of up to 50 per cent in sugar beet. Boosting resistance to those viruses would be a game changer and a study funded by UK Research and Innovation has identified several promising sources of genetic resistance that can be introduced through precision breeding.

Moreover, developing wheat that is resilient to climate change will help to increase food production from a crop that 2.5 billion people are dependent on globally. Researchers at the John Innes Centre have used gene editing techniques to identify a key gene in wheat that can be used to introduce traits such as heat resilience whilst maintaining high yield.

Domestic food producers give us national resilience and that is why we put UK food production at the heart of our Food Strategy. At the same time, global food security requires open markets and the transfer of technical knowledge and innovation. Here, the UK has a world-leading role to play.

George Eustice is the Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs

- **EU and Global Collaboration**: Latvia’s push for Baltic-Central Asia cooperation highlights international exchange and cross-border learning, common among top recycling nations (e.g., Sweden, Germany, South Korea, and Japanese cities) which frequently share standards and research via the EU or global partnerships.

- **Food and Resource Resilience**: The UK’s focus on food security, national production, and central strategies reflects similar frameworks used for waste sorting/recycling—long-term planning, stakeholder partnerships, and resiliency building are integral to their success.

**Best Practices Noted in Leading Countries**:

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Climate Connection

The Climate Connection: A plant-rich Thanksgiving

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According to Sarah Bridle, a researcher at the University of Manchester and author of "Food and Climate Change Without the Hot Air," “a traditional Thanksgiving dinner for an eight-person family — the turkey, the stuffing, the hours of oven time — is as harmful to the planet as a three-hour car trip.” But how can we embrace one of our favorite holidays and minimize our impact to the planet?

As big and complex as the climate change issue is, a growing body of research shows that we can make a tremendous impact on our planet’s future by switching to a plant-rich diet. A study described in the journal, Nature Food, found that food production accounts for 35 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions.

According to Project Drawdown, Paul Hawken’s compendium of climate solutions, “If cattle were their own nation, they would be the world’s third-largest emitter of greenhouse gases.” It’s for this reason that of the 80 ranked solutions proposed in Project Drawdown, adopting a plant-rich diet was number four on the most important and impactful changes to be made.

This means that cutting your meat intake, or taking the full plunge and becoming a vegetarian, could make a bigger dent in your personal carbon footprint than buying an electric vehicle, installing solar panels, or upgrading the efficiency of your home.

Note that Project Drawdown encourages a plant-rich diet; it doesn't recommend that everyone become a vegan. It is about a shift, not a complete overhaul, of our behavior. But it won’t work if business continues as usual, which means that we should not only retrain our palettes, but also bring an end to government subsidies that benefit the U.S. livestock market, so that the prices of meat more accurately reflect their husbandry and processing costs as well as their planetary impact.

Starting at your own table, adopting a plant-rich diet has tons of other benefits, as well: better gut health, lower blood pressure, lower cholesterol and a cheaper price tag. And unlike some other climate actions, a plant-rich diet can be implemented today with zero switching costs. No need to install anything, buy anything, or retrofit a grid. Climate action has never been so easy.

As a “flexitarian” (someone who sometimes eats vegetarian) myself though, I would add one final benefit that is particularly apparent at Thanksgiving: it’s flippin’ delicious!

Departing from the traditional meat-focused meal gave my family permission to experiment with other things as well. So while I would fully recommend a vegetarian or vegan Thanksgiving as a fresh take on a known menu, with things like spinach puffs, crispy potato skillet, green bean casseroles, cauliflower stuffing and mushroom wellington, I’d also say that you can dress the table up however you want.

In my household, we’ve decided to explore a different vegetarian cuisine every year and have (so far) hosted a Middle Eastern Thanksgiving meal, a Polynesian Thanksgiving meal, and this year a Mexican Thanksgiving feast.

For us, the thing that made the Thanksgiving meal “traditional” was sitting around a table, passing plates hand-over-wrist, telling stories and eating so much food that we had to lie down gasping with laughter. Everything else was just an opportunity to explore new culinary frontiers, play new music and unpack seldom-used tablecloths.

So give yourself permission to try something new and remake the holiday in a new light, both for yourself and the planet. You can find some napkin-dropping vegetarian recipe options at the Napa Climate NOW! website for inspiration: http://napa.350bayarea.org/thanksgiving-vegetarian-recipes

Actions you can take:• Host a vegetarian Thanksgiving or minimize the meat dishes on your table and rotate in some new veggie ones. After all, this is an opportunity to get creative and have fun! Share the results with Napa Climate NOW! on our Facebook or Instagram pages. Check out some recipes at http://napa.350bayarea.org/thanksgiving-vegetarian-recipes.

• If a vegetarian meal doesn’t seem possible, consider serving smaller portions or eat less meat ahead of the holiday splurge (basically you’re balancing the cost in your carbon wallet).

• Track the US Food & Agriculture bills here and contact committee members about supporting a climate-friendly Farm Bill at http://bit.ly/agandfoodbills

• Contact places where you dine (your favorite restaurant, your cafeteria) and encourage them to provide more meatless options or institute Meatless Monday.

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Jessica Day, is co-founder and chief marketing officer at IdeaScale - a crowdsourcing software. She holds an MFA in creative writing, is a member of Napa Climate NOW! and regularly speaks about climate action.

Napa Climate NOW! is a local non-profit citizens’ group advocating for smart climate solutions based on the latest climate science, part of 350 Bay Area. Like, comment, and share our daily Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter posts @napaclimatenow or visit us at: http://napa.350bayarea.org.

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Napa Climate NOW! has drafted a proposed mandate for adoption county-wide Reusable Foodware and Waste Reduction Ordinance to transition food establishments and customers from disposable plates, cups, straws, napkins, condiment packages, and so on to reusable and compostable foodware.

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Essex Region Conservation Authority Approves 2023 Draft Budget Priorities

Sunday April 16th, 2023, 9:03pm

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The Essex Region Conservation Authority has unanimously approved its 2023 Draft Budget for circulation to its governing municipalities. The budget totals under $9.7 million and includes a levy request of $3,768,235. This is equivalent to $24.33 per household, based on a $300,000 current value assessment, and represents a slight increase of $1.17 per household.

“The 2023 draft budget prioritizes repair and replacement of greenway infrastructure like bridges and culverts, and urgent repairs needed to the museum and heritage buildings at the John R. Park Homestead which were identified in preliminary asset condition reports last year,” said Tim Byrne, CAO. “While still subject to further analysis, these reports and cost estimates reveal a potential infrastructure deficit that exceeds $1million at the Homestead and $ 1.8 million for replacement of Greenway crossings over the next five years.” This budget directly responds to these infrastructure needs and risks with a $325,000 budgeted transfer to the infrastructure reserve and a redirection of $500,000 of levy from land acquisition to the Homestead Preservation reserve fund.

ERCA is also experiencing inflationary pressures, escalating insurance costs and declines in permit application fees. Budget pressures related to mandatory services exceeded $600,000 but between offsetting items of $282,250 and levy savings of $144,303 related to non-mandatory programs, the total levy increase was limited to $227,932.

The $9.7 million budget includes mandatory program expenses of nearly $6.2 million, funded with approximately $2.9 million of municipal levy. Operating expenses of approximately $2.6 million are included for projects and programs identified as non-mandatory such as tree planting on non-conservation authority-owned lands, operations at Holiday Beach and the John R. Park Homestead, water quality monitoring, agricultural extension services, community outreach programs and others.

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