AEX Gold plans to invest in Greenland through a new gold mining project, aiming for production at Nalunaq within five years and using this revenue to fund further exploration in the area.

Olafsson stated the company’s long-term mission is to build local expertise and achieve profitable production across multiple projects in Greenland.

Several deposits have been discovered in Greenland, but development capability is crucial for advancement.

Mining rare earths in Greenland presents environmental challenges, as the ores may be contaminated with radioactive materials like thorium and uranium.

Greenland’s rare earth minerals have attracted international attention, especially during US-China trade tensions, highlighting concerns about secure mineral access.

China currently controls the majority of rare earth supplies globally and has used this position for geopolitical leverage, prompting other countries to diversify sources.

Rare earth elements such as yttrium and europium are vital for modern technology, including iPhone displays and electric vehicles, and are necessary for the green energy transition and wind turbines.

The European Union aims to achieve climate neutrality by 2050, necessitating secure supplies of rare earths, with leaders emphasizing the urgent need to reduce dependence on China and Russia.

Recently, Sweden and Norway have reported significant finds of rare earths and other critical minerals, with Sweden’s LKAB noting a discovery that could benefit Europe, though market availability is at least a decade away.

The Pele Project, located about 60 km southwest of Monte Alto, has revealed promising rare earth, niobium, and scandium mineralization, with initial finds of hard rock monazite and ongoing drilling to expand resource estimates.

Major corporations like Rio Tinto are actively involved in rare earth exploration and resource development in new international locations to expand supply outside China.

AEX Gold plans to invest in Greenland through a new gold mining project, aiming for production at Nalunaq within five years and using this revenue to fund further exploration in the area.

Title:

Content: AEX Gold aims to invest in Greenland through its new gold mining project

Traditionally known for its fishing and hunting industries, Greenland is fast becoming the next significant area of exploration for mining businesses. The largest island in the world, Greenland remains one of the least populated areas worldwide with 56,000 citizens, and it has sought to attract local and foreign investment across a number of new projects.

The island’s current position remains complex. A sovereign government, it is positioned under the Danish kingdom who provide grants to support its local economy. To further its independence and bolster its economy to create increased tax revenue, Greenland has embraced the exploration of new mining projects as well as utilising all the renewable and local resources it has to offer.

Rich in rare-earth minerals, gold, iron-ore, uranium, in addition to hydro and wind power, Greenland’s favourable legal framework and robust infrastructure, particularly in South Greenland, have factored into AEX Gold’s vision to explore through its Greenlandic subsidiary, Nalunaq Gold Mine, situated in the Nanortalik Gold belt, Southern Greenland.

Acquiring an existing Exploitation Licence in 2015, the company is at the advanced exploration stage of its Nalunaq property, including the previously operating Nalunaq Gold Mine.   It also holds Exploration Licences at the early exploration stage Vagar and Tartoq properties.

Hosting a high-grade NI 43-101 compliant gold resource estimate of 263k oz (inferred) at 18.7 g/t and a number of regional exploration targets, AEX Gold has undertaken three years of exploration at Nalunaq, developing an updated geological model and an extension of the main vein strike length up to 1km.

“The government is very supportive, so it's about having a sound exploration strategy. We are very much focused on that, as we have an asset package that we think we can grow and create a lot of value,” explains Chief Executive Officer, Eldur Olafsson.

Originating from Iceland, Olafsson has gained extensive experience of the local geography. Focusing on mining projects in Greenland since 2012, he has analysed the country’s potential against the backdrop of environmental responsibilities and associated legalities with partner SRK Exploration Services. Through this process, the business has turned its attentions solely towards gold exploration.

“The known gold deposits in Greenland are in an area where the climate is mild and, given our experience, logistics are relatively easy. Gold opportunities are easier to finance than larger base metals projects and our perception was that we could fully fund projects like these through our support here in Iceland and in the UK market,” he explains.

“We started looking for opportunities in the South Greenland Gold Province and became aware of this historically producing mine. We were attracted by the extremely high-grade potential of the resource and the fact that the project had significant infrastructure in place.  We believed there were significant opportunities to materially improve the mining operation that had been run by previous operators.”

Extensive exploration

Throughout the exploration of high-grade resources, Olafsson is proud to remain hands on and is regularly seen on site. By undertaking various technical studies, AEX has gained the ability to comprehensively analyse similar types of assets with potential.  After acquiring the Nalunaq project in 2015 the company has continued to expand its portfolio. Whilst Nalunaq encompasses the required licence to explore and recommence production at the old gold mine, they own the larger Vagar exploration licence, situated a few kilometres to the west of the mine, where AEX believes the ground is prospective for the discovery of further Nalunaq-type deposits.  In addition, they also own the early stage Tartoq Project to the North West of Nalunaq. Each licence area is at a different stage of exploration which supports AEX’s aim of having a continuous pipeline of projects being brought into production.

“We have a total of 690sqkm of licences in south Greenland and we're the only active listed gold company in Greenland. Previous operators undertook very little forward-looking exploration once the mine was in production.  It's a very under-explored region so we intend to recommence production within the next two years at Nalunaq in order to support our exploration in the larger licences in the next 5-10 years,” he says.

“Iceland is a short distance from Greenland, so logistically it’s good for us. Additionally, in Iceland you need to be really self-sufficient, and the same can be said for those in Greenland. We don't have as many people or the multitude of services that you would have in other countries which encourages you to think creatively,” he adds.

Consequently, the company has sought to maximise efficiency whilst keeping costs down, yet all the time adding increased value across its operations.

By acquiring a high-grade deposit, less material is needed to be broken down, lowering AEX Gold’s carbon footprint. Everything taken out of the mine from underground will be processed and shipped out to a different processing facility, or processed on site adhering to the current environmental guidelines. Historically, electricity has been generated through the use of traditional fossil fuels, something which is steadily changing throughout Greenland.

“We're using oil to put in generators or to power mobile mining equipment which is high cost both in monetary and environmental terms.   Greenland currently has five hydroelectric power plants and they are looking at building more in south Greenland,” says Olafsson.

Seeing huge opportunities, he explains that the use of hydropower and wind power would complement AEX Gold’s operations, not only in its existing exploration activities, but with the implementation of an electric mining fleet with electricity being obtained from local renewable resources.

Providing local opportunities

In the future, it will be essential for Greenland to gain further revenue to unlock opportunities and services for its citizens. This is something Olafsson believes that AEX Gold can help with due to its knowledge of Iceland as it has many similarities to Greenland and has been through a period of comparable change.

“Greenland is in a similar position to Iceland not so long ago. Iceland didn't have a high education rate and wasn’t wealthy compared to other European countries, with economic and cultural activities that were very insular. We are now at the highest level of all parameters in terms of education, wealth per family, etc. and this has stemmed from improving the breadth of schooling and creating opportunities for people to grow and develop outside of the traditional areas of agriculture and fisheries.

“Our aim is that the majority of employees will be Greenlandic, but it will take time. Greenland has a large number of people competing for jobs in the fisheries and tourist centres. It is important that Greenlanders are able to access programmes that will allow them to consider other career options. In Iceland we are importing a lot of people to work in different industries in our country because we don't have enough people. This might be the case for Greenlanders as well if the anticipated growth of the Mining Sector materialises but we want to ensure that, where possible, we use local people first before looking elsewhere.

“The Greenlandic Government provides good support for those who seek education.  There are an increasing number of Greenlandic students attending Danish Universities so that now, for example, we are seeing well qualified Greenlandic geologists available for employment.  There has been a Mining School at Sisimiut for the last 10 years which provides local qualified labour who can take advantage of opportunities in the Mining sector.  You need skilled labour and as we own a mine that was in production for 10 years previously, there is a fair bit of local knowledge that we have been able to use during our exploration work and which we are keen to utilise going forward,” he says.

“We are creating revenue for local communities, creating highly skilled jobs, and are providing benefits where local communities can live better lives and grow as individuals. We need to create opportunities for young people.”

Additionally, by working with local businesses as well as those who have been operating in Greenland for some time, AEX has made a conscious effort to hire companies which can support its growth. AEX have therefore acquired a longstanding relationship with Cartwright Drilling, due to the company’s extensive experience in Greenland and subsequent knowledge of the island’s government systems, processes and practices.

Planning to mine high-grade resources using significant infrastructure already in place, AEX Gold holds extensive licences managed by an experienced team. Previous operations produced between 50,000 to 100,000 ounces a year at 15.4 grams/ton produced and this has provided a benchmark for the company, who will utilise this cash flow to explore the wider region in the long-term.

“We have a five-year plan where we want to get into production at Nalunaq and use the cash generated to fund exploration in the wider district.   We envisage investing a significant amount in exploration assets to provide a portfolio of different deposits that we can bring into production. We are creating a company that has a long-term mission in Greenland to build up local know how to support our aim of ramping up to very profitable production across a number of projects,” notes Olafsson.

“It will create a dramatic effect on the local community and hopefully be a springboard for unlocking much larger potential in Greenland. There are plenty of deposits that have been found, but you have to be able to develop them. You can only do that that with support and cooperation from the local people who believe in your vision.”

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Executives
Eldur Olafsson

Olafsson stated the company’s long-term mission is to build local expertise and achieve profitable production across multiple projects in Greenland.

Several deposits have been discovered in Greenland, but development capability is crucial for advancement.

Mining rare earths in Greenland presents environmental challenges, as the ores may be contaminated with radioactive materials like thorium and uranium.

Title:

Content: Sweden's new rare-earth metal find likely big deal for Western consumers

Sweden has discovered what is billed as Europe's biggest deposit of rare earth minerals - a crucial component of electronics and clean energy technology - giving a significant boost to the continent's hunt for trade security.

LKAB, the Swedish state-owned mining company, announced Thursday that it found deposits of more than 1 million tonnes of rare earth metals in the country's far northern Lapland province.

Products ranging from smartphones to electric vehicles and even military jets require these rare earth elements, which are not currently mined in Europe, the company said. Much of the world's supply comes from China, which has used them as a geopolitical tool.

LKAB president Jan Mostrom said in a statement that the find could be a "significant building block" for Europe, which faces a "supply problem." But the company also said that it would take at least a decade before the rare earth minerals discovered hit the market.

READ MORE:
* GM reaches supply deals for electric vehicle motor magnets
* Why rare earths are a Five Eyes hot topic
* The race against China's 'rare earths weapon'
* Rare earth could be common in NZ

Here's what to know about this major discovery and what it means for Western consumers.

What are rare earth minerals and where are they found?

Rare earths are not actually that rare. They are a group of 17 chemical elements, composed of scandium, yttrium and lanthanides, according to the US Geological Survey.

But mining rare earth minerals is complex, as supply is not concentrated in one location. Mining them also affects the environment, since their ores can be laced with radioactive materials such as thorium and uranium. Refining the minerals can generate toxic and radioactive waste, which poses environmental and health risks if not properly disposed of.

China hosts the majority of the world's reserve of rare earth minerals and is the world's leading supplier. (The United States was the largest producer several decades ago.) While Brazil and Vietnam have significant reserves, they lag far behind in mining them.

Access to the minerals became an issue in the trade war with China during the administration of US President Donald Trump. Beijing threatened to cut off exports to the United States in 2019 to retaliate against Trump's measures, pushing prices up and prompting Trump to sign an executive order increasing domestic production. The Biden administration has also pushed for investments in that supply chain.

Other countries have also moved to reduce their reliance on China. Australia is spending millions to develop a rare earths mine and processing plant in its Northern Territory.

What are rare earth minerals used for?

Multiple household goods, including televisions, computers, smartphones and lighting use rare earth minerals. Yttrium and europium, for instance, light up iPhone displays and allow them to vibrate.

They are also key elements of US-made defence systems, including night-vision technology, jets and armoured-vehicle alloys.

Rare earth minerals are critical for the global clean energy transition, as they are components of the magnets used in electric vehicles and wind turbines - although recently some companies have developed motors for electric vehicles that do not require rare earths.

What does Sweden's discovery mean for the climate?

LKAB's find was welcomed in Europe, which has faced energy challenges amid the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The European Union also has a goal of becoming climate neutral by 2050.

In September, a senior EU official said Europe's climate ambitions were at risk without reliable supply chains. "Take China, with its quasi-monopoly on rare earths and permanent magnets and prices rising by 50-90% in the past year alone," wrote Thierry Breton, an EU commissioner. "Supply of raw materials has become a real geopolitical tool."

The European Raw Materials Alliance notes that while the European Union has a massive electric-motor manufacturing sector, "it is almost fully import dependent" when it comes to rare earth permanent magnets.

Swedish Deputy Prime Minister Ebba Busch said Thursday that Europe's independence from Russia and China would begin with this mine.

Political leadership in the continent, she said, "must give the industry the conditions to switch to green and fossil-free production."

The Washington Post

Greenland’s rare earth minerals have attracted international attention, especially during US-China trade tensions, highlighting concerns about secure mineral access.

Title:

Content: Democracy Dies in Darkness

Sweden’s new rare-earth metal find likely big deal for Western consumers

Sweden has discovered what is billed as Europe’s biggest deposit of rare earth minerals — a crucial component for electronics and clean energy needs — giving a significant boost to the continent’s hunt for trade security.

LKAB, the Swedish state-owned mining company, announced Thursday that it found deposits of more than 1 million tons of rare earth metals in the country’s far northern Lapland province.

Products ranging from smartphones to electric vehicles and even military jets require these rare earth elements which are not currently mined in Europe, the company said. Much of the world’s supply comes from China, which has used them as a geopolitical tool.

LKAB President Jan Mostrom said in a statement that the find could be a “significant building block” for Europe, which faces a “supply problem.” But the company also said that it would take at least a decade before rare earth minerals from the find hit market.

Here’s what to know about this major discovery and what it means for Western consumers.

What are rare earth minerals and where are they found?

Rare earths are not actually that rare. They are a group of 17 chemical elements, composed of scandium, yttrium and lanthanides, according to the U.S. Geological Survey.

But mining rare earth minerals is complex, as supply is not concentrated in one location. Mining them also impacts the environment, since their ores can be laced with radioactive materials such as thorium and uranium. Refining the minerals can also generate toxic and radioactive waste, which poses environmental and health risks if not properly disposed of.

China hosts a majority of the world’s reserve of rare earth minerals and is the world’s leading supplier of the product. (The United States was the largest producer several decades ago.) While Brazil and Vietnam have significant reserves, they lag far behind in mining it.

China hints it will choke off U.S. ‘rare earths’ access. But it’s not that easy.

Access to the minerals became an issue during the Trump administration’s trade war with China. Beijing threatened to cut off exports to the United States in 2019 to retaliate against Trump’s measures, pushing prices up, prompting Trump to sign an executive order increasing domestic production. The Biden administration has also pushed for investments in that supply chain.

Other countries have also moved to reduce their reliance on China. Australia is spending millions to develop a rare earths mine and processing plant in its Northern Territory.

What are rare earth minerals used for?

Multiple household goods, including televisions, computers, smartphones, and lighting use rare earth minerals. Yttrium and europium, for instance, light up iPhone displays and allow them to vibrate.

They are also key elements of U.S.-made defense systems, including night vision technology, jets and armored vehicle alloys.

Rare earth minerals are critical for the global clean energy transition, as they are components of the magnets used in electric vehicles and wind turbines. Though recently, some companies have developed motors for electric vehicles that do not require rare earths.

What does Sweden’s discovery mean for the climate?

LKAB’s find was welcomed in Europe, which has faced energy challenges amid the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The European Union also has a goal of becoming climate neutral by 2050.

In September, a senior E.U. official said that Europe’s climate ambitions were at risk without reliable supply chains. “Take China, with its quasi-monopoly on rare earths and permanent magnets and prices rising by 50-90% in the past year alone,” wrote Thierry Breton, an E.U. commissioner. “Supply of raw materials has become a real geopolitical tool.”

The European Raw Material Alliance notes that while the European Union has a massive electric-motor manufacturing sector, “it is almost fully import dependent” when it came to rare earth permanent magnets.

Swedish Deputy Prime Minister Ebba Busch said Thursday that Europe’s independence from Russia and China will begin with this mine.

Political leadership in the continent, she said, “must give the industry the conditions to switch to green and fossil-free production.”

China currently controls the majority of rare earth supplies globally and has used this position for geopolitical leverage, prompting other countries to diversify sources.

Rare earth elements such as yttrium and europium are vital for modern technology, including iPhone displays and electric vehicles, and are necessary for the green energy transition and wind turbines.

The European Union aims to achieve climate neutrality by 2050, necessitating secure supplies of rare earths, with leaders emphasizing the urgent need to reduce dependence on China and Russia.

Recently, Sweden and Norway have reported significant finds of rare earths and other critical minerals, with Sweden’s LKAB noting a discovery that could benefit Europe, though market availability is at least a decade away.

The Pele Project, located about 60 km southwest of Monte Alto, has revealed promising rare earth, niobium, and scandium mineralization, with initial finds of hard rock monazite and ongoing drilling to expand resource estimates.

Title:

Content:
Brazilian Rare Earths Limited (ASX:BRE) Announces New Rare Earth Discovery - The Pele Project

(MENAFN- ABN Newswire)

Brazilian Rare Earths Limited (ASX:BRE) is pleased to report the first batch of re-assay results from the Rio Tinto exploration dataset and the receipt of new assays from BRE drilling across the Rocha da Rocha Rare Earth Province in Bahia, Brazil.
- Discovery of a new district-scale rare earth exploration project, named the 'Pele Project', located circa 60km southwest of Monte Alto
- The Pele Project is highly prospective for ultra-high grade REE-Nb-Sc mineralisation with a district-scale exploration target area that is +30 times larger than Monte Alto
- Pele discovered using the exploration pathfinders that successfully delineated the world-class ultra-high grade Monte Alto Project, including intense geophysical anomalies, confirmed hard rock REE outcrops and high-grade monazite sands at surface
- Initial ground reconnaissance at Pele Target 1 has discovered the largest continuous hard rock monazite outcrop found since exploration commenced at the province, and it currently extends over a strike of ~30m (open) within a larger 1km NNE potential outcrop trendline
- This large-scale monazite outcrop recorded gamma readings comparable to the ultra-high grade REENb-Sc mineralisation at Monte Alto, which returned exceptional grades of up to 5.9% (59,100ppm) NdPr, 3,229ppm DyTb , 1.5% niobium and 352ppm scandium
- High-grade monazite sand intercepts of up to 11.5% TREO from the first batch of re-assays from Rio Tinto drill holes across the Pele exploration target, with assays pending for 220 high-priority drill holes (2,700m) that cover Pele's intense geophysical anomalies
- Comprehensive gamma line surveys will be expedited over the highly prospective 15km exploration corridors on Pele Targets 1-4 in preparation for a maiden diamond drilling program
A new rare earth discovery, the Pele Project, has been made ~60km southwest of Monte Alto. This greenfield discovery is highly prospective for ultra-high grade REE-Nb-Sc mineralisation, with multiple exploration pathfinders indicating the scale of a world-class rare earth mineralised system.
Pele contains the most extensive area of intense geophysical anomalies within BRE's province-scale ~4,000km2 landholdings. Pele Target 1 is distinguished by the largest continuous hard rock monazite cumulate outcrop discovered since exploration commenced at the province, and it currently extends over a strike of ~30m (open) within a larger 1km NNE potential hard rock outcrop trendline.
The latest assay results from the wider regional exploration program and the initial results from the Rio Tinto re-assay program confirm the exceptional potential for new rare earth discoveries across BRE's landholdings.
These exploration landholdings were strategically acquired to secure control of the Volta do Rio Plutonic Suite mineralised trendline that stretches over 160km down the spine of the Rocha da Rocha Rare Earth Province (Figure 2*).
The Volta do Rio Plutonic Suite (VRPS) is hosted within the Archean age Jequie Complex and forms the prime exploration target zone for ultra-high grade REE-Nb-Sc mineralisation. The VRPS is distinguished by a bimodal formation of granitoids and REE-Nb-Sc rich leucogranites. The high-grade REE-Nb-Sc leucogranites are layered within the province scale VRPS from the separation progression of the parent magma.
Brazilian Rare Earths' CEO and MD, Bernardo da Veiga, commented:
"Less than two years after the discovery of the Monte Alto project we are pleased to announce our fourth greenfield rare earth project at this world-class rare earth province.
The Pele Project is district-scale rare earth project with an exploration target area that is over 30 times larger than the Monte Alto Project. The scale of the exploration opportunity is exceptional and the recent discovery of a massive monazite mineralised outcrop at Pele Target 1 indicates the potential for a major rare earth endowment.
With the proven Monte Alto exploration pathfinders already at hand at Pele, and the extensive assay results from the Rio Tinto dataset now imminent, we now intend to accelerate plans for a maiden diamond drilling program at Pele."
Monte Alto Project - Successful Exploration Pathfinders
The discovery of the world-class Monte Alto project was based on three key exploration pathfinders:
- Geophysical anomaly: BRE's proprietary airborne radiometric survey defined an intense geophysical anomaly over Monte Alto
- Monazite sands: Auger drilling at Monte Alto intersected high grade (+1% TREO) monazite sands near surface. These monazite sands represent a highly weathered 'outcrop' of REE-Nb-Sc mineralisation and a significant indicator for potential ultra-high grade REE-Nb-Sc mineralisation at depth
- Hard rock REE-Nb-Sc outcrops: The discovery of REE-Nb-Sc boulders and outcrops supported the exploration model for ultra-high grade REE-Nb-Sc mineralisation at depth
BRE completed a comprehensive gamma line survey at Monte Alto to map a high-grade monazite sand corridor which then underpinned the design of the maiden diamond drilling program. This maiden diamond drilling program successfully discovered ultra-high grade REE-Nb-Sc mineralisation at Monte Alto.
Pele Project Discovery - Confirmed Exploration Pathfinders
The Pele Project has been discovered using the same exploration pathfinders that were successfully proven at the ultra-high grade Monte Alto Project.
- Geophysical anomaly: Airborne radiometric survey data across the Pele Project area defines a cumulative 15km chain of intense geophysical anomalies for targeted exploration
- Monazite sands: The first batch of re-assays from Rio Tinto auger drilling returned high grades of up to 11.5% TREO. As with Monte Alto, the exploration model is that these monazite sands represent highly weathered 'outcrops' of REE-Nb-Sc mineralisation
- Hard rock outcrops: Initial field reconnaissance at Pele discovered extensive monazite cumulate outcrops with comparable gamma readings to the ultra-high grade mineralisation at Monte Alto
Pele Geophysical Anomaly
Analysis of the airborne radiometric data over the Pele Project identified an extensive chain of intense anomalies recurring on the eastern and western limbs of the regional Tres Bracos syncline. These anomalies across Pele Targets 1-4 have a cumulative strike of ~15km and define a highly prospective exploration target area that is over 30 times larger than the Monte Alto project (Figure 4*).
Pele Ground Reconnaissance - Large-scale Monazite Outcrop Discovery
The BRE exploration team recently conducted initial ground reconnaissance exploration over the southern zone of the Pele Project area (Pele Target 1). A gamma spectrometry survey quickly discovered the largest continuous hard rock monazite outcrop found since exploration commenced at the province, which currently extends over a strike of ~30m (open) within a larger 1km NNE potential outcrop trendline (Figure 4 and 5*).
BRE geophysicists used a RS-230 Portable Gamma Spectrometer positioned over the outcrops to measure a Count of gamma particles Per Second (CPS). There is an established strong correlation between high CPS readings and the high grade REE-Nb-Sc mineralisation at the Monte Alto project.
Gamma spectrometry has thus proven to be an effective method to identify primary high-grade REE-Nb-Sc mineralisation throughout the entire province. This ground based geophysical survey method led to the discovery of REE-Nb-Sc mineralisation at the Monte Alto, Velhinhas and Sulista projects.
High CPS values were recorded at multiple outcrops along an extensive 1km trendline at Pele Target 1, located at the south-western extent of the Pele Project exploration area (Figure 4*). Ground based surveys recorded CPS values ranging from 12,000 to the maximum detectible level of 65,500 at sites R589 and R590 (see Figure 6*).
These gamma survey sites define a large-scale monazite cumulate outcrop that currently strikes ~30m and is open (Figure 7*), within a larger 1km NNE potential hard rock outcrop trendline. The recorded CPS values are comparable to those measured for the ultra-high grade REE-Nb-Sc mineralisation at Monte Alto and represent an intensity of ~20 to 50 times the background CPS values for the region.
Rio Tinto Re-Assay Program
The highest priority Rio Tinto auger drill samples that cover the VRPS and key geophysical anomalies have now been dispatched for re-assay. Exploration assay results for over 11,000m of these high-priority drill holes are expected in the coming months.
The first batch of the rare earth re-assays that cover the Pele target confirmed shallow mineralisation with grades of +1% TREO, and monazite sands have been visually confirmed in the drill hole samples. Significant assays from the surface saprolite include:
- 19m at 4.2% TREO from 0.5m, with 20.8% of NdPr and 1.2% of DyTb (AMBX3124)
- 14m at 0.5% TREO from surface, with 19.4% of NdPr and 0.9% of DyTb (AMBX3141)
- Including 3.5m at 10.7% TREO from 3.5m, with 19.2% of NdPr and 0.9% of DyTb, and
- 1m at 10.4% TREO from 13m, with 20.8% of NdPr and 1.1% of DyTb (AMBX3141 - open at depth)
- 2m at 1.1% TREO from 9m, with 19.5% of NdPr and 0.6% of DyTb (AMBX1492)
The first batch of re-assays included results from 152 Rio Tinto drill holes at the Pele target with an average depth of 14m. These holes targeted the upper laterite layer and, as such, the REE enriched saprolite horizons below this depth remain largely untested. The highest-grade rare earth assay value of 0.5m at 11.5% TREO was intersected at the end of hole MBX3141 at 13, with the mineralisation open at depth. BRE will deploy auger and sonic drilling to extend the exploration into the REE enriched saprolite horizons.
As illustrated in Figure 8* below, the Pele exploration target area is extensively covered by shallow Rio Tinto auger drilling and there are 220 pending re-assay results (~2,700m) that are expected to be received in the coming months.
Surface Drilling at Monte Alto and Velhinhas Projects
In addition to the Phase II diamond drilling campaign underway at the Monte Alto project, an auger drilling program has advanced across the project area to extend the monazite sand resource estimate of 25.2 Mt at 1.0% TREO.
Auger drilling across the Monte Alto exploration project area continues to discover shallow high-grade rare earth mineralisation. Significant new rare earth assays include:
- 21 at 1.9% TREO from surface, with 13.3% of NdPr and 0.7% of DyTb (STU0957)
- Including 1.9m at 10.4% TREO from 20m, with 14.4% of NdPr and 0.8% of DyTb (STU0957 - open at depth)
- 19m at 4.8% TREO from surface with 14.9% of NdPr and 0.8% of DyTb (STU0969 - open at depth)
- Including 7.5m at 10.5% TREO from 0.5m, with 14.5% of NdPr and 0.8% of DyTb (STU0969)
- 15m at 2.6% TREO from 9m, with 18.1% of NdPr and 0.9% of DyTb (STU0551)
Significant new assays from the shallow auger drilling exploration program at the Velhinhas project include:
- 13 at 0.9% TREO from surface, with 17.8% of NdPr and 0.9% of DyTb (STU0596 - open at depth)
- Including 4m at 2.8% TREO from 4m, with 18.0% of NdPr and 0.9% of DyTb (SSU0097)
- 19m at 1.3% TREO from surface, with 17.1% of NdPr and 0.7% of DyTb (STU0867)
- Including 5m at 4.6% TREO from 4m, with 17.3% of NdPr and 0.6% of DyTb (STU0867)
Next Steps
The highest priority Rio Tinto auger drill samples that cover the VRPS and key geophysical anomalies have now been dispatched for re-assay. Exploration assay results for over 11,000m from these high-priority drill holes are expected in the coming months.
At Pele Target 1, detailed ground reconnaissance and gamma line surveys will be expedited over the potential 1km monazite cumulate outcrop trendline. Once the extensive outcrops and surface rock formations are systematically mapped, this highly prospective exploration trendline will be drill ready for step-back holes to explore the full extent of the mineralised system at depth.
Comprehensive gamma line surveys will be conducted over the highly prospective ~15km exploration corridors at Pele Targets 2, 3 and 4 to assist with the design of targeted diamond drilling exploration programs.
The Phase II extension and infill diamond drilling campaign at the Monte Alto project remains on schedule and is expected to be completed by mid-year.
At the Sulista Project, the diamond drillhole to twin the historical high-grade REE-Nb-Sc intercept has been completed and dispatched with the historical core samples for laboratory assays. Mineralized intercepts +1% TREO from within the historical database of ~5,000m of auger drill holes have also been sent for laboratory reassay with results expected early in the second quarter. Ground based reconnaissance and gamma line surveys are now underway across the Sulista exploration project area to map the full extent of surface rare earth mineralisation.
*To view tables and figures, please visit:
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Bernardo da Veiga MD and CEO Brazilian Rare Earths ...

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Major corporations like Rio Tinto are actively involved in rare earth exploration and resource development in new international locations to expand supply outside China.


India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday.

They agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and the Indian and Pacific Oceans.

Both countries plan to implement the idea of a 'Greater Eurasian Space.'

There is a deep mutual reliance between New Delhi and Moscow beyond mere diplomacy.

Although Modi and Putin could have met at the BRICS or G20 summits, Putin did not attend either, highlighting their preference for bilateral engagement.

Modi's policies are seen as the main guarantor of developing ties between the two countries.

India is a member of the Quad and supports the Indo-Pacific concept, both aimed at deterring China’s regional ambitions.

A core element is Russia’s respect for India’s strategic autonomy.

In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia, showing India’s intention to pursue its own agenda.

Russia's relationship with India dates back to the Cold War, and trade has grown since the Ukraine war began.

India has become a major buyer of Russian oil, and its cheap purchases are seen as profiting from Europe's troubles.

Modi's visit to Russia is positioned as a counter to China's advances in the region.

India’s engagement with Russia is partly to balance China.

India is seen as an emerging global geopolitical power, with recent foreign policy moves by Modi’s government attracting worldwide attention.

Past Indian governments limited ties with the US and Europe to avoid upsetting Moscow and Beijing.

Now, a rising India enjoys greater global maneuverability.

India is rethinking its ties with China and aligning more closely with the US and its allies, with China continuing to be a key driver of India-US relations.

Maritime security has become a joint focus, especially involving India, the US, and their partners.

Defence cooperation has emerged as a major point of convergence.

Title:

Content:
India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday. At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

The 22nd Russia-India Annual Summit will lead to a greater collaboration between the two countries in Russian Far East and the Eurasian space, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), according to experts.

The 81-paragraphbilateral Joint Statement underscored the "shared vision" to enhance transport and connectivity cooperation, as well as a "solid commitment" to enhance economic linkages in Russia's resource-rich Far East, Pravesh Kumar Gupta, an Associate Fellow at New Delhi-based think tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), told Sputnik India.

The 22nd Annual Summit, a "unique and pivotal event in the current global geopolitical context" according to Gupta, exposed the disappointment of Western countries.

"Amidst global turbulence, the summit served as a crucial platform for leaders to engage in constructive discussions and strategic dialogues, with the aim of bolstering cooperation in vital areas such as trade, energy, connectivity, defence, and technology. This event has been widely acknowledged as a significant milestone in the ongoing development of the close ties between India and Russia, a success that stood in stark contrast to the disappointment felt by the Western world," the Indian think-tanker asserted.

Lauding the Summit outcomes, Gupta remarked that the leaders would intensify effort to develop "promising production and marketing chains in Eurasia" and stick to the new plan for the Far East in providing enhanced cooperation in different sectors, including transport and connectivity.

Specifically both leaders shared a vision pointing to three projects – International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor as well as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), or the Polar Route.

"Most importantly, these connectivity projects are free from any political agenda, unlike the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as clearly mentioned in the joint statement. Their implementation will be based on the principles of transparency, broad participation, local priorities, financial sustainability, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations," the VIF pundit underlined.

Gupta expressed confidence that the proposal to establish a joint working group on developing the NSR would speed up the project, which promised "significant cost savings and reduced shipping times" for goods traveling between Europe and Asia.

"The route's increased accessibility due to melting Arctic ice has sparked increased interest in its potential for commercial shipping and trade, offering a bright future for global trade," Gupta stated.

In the context of the INSTC, the expert underscored that it could turn out to be the most "cost-effective and favourable" connectivity project to increase Indian exports to Eurasia and vice-versa. He explained that the 7,200-kilometre-long multimodal corridor was in line with Moscow's geo-economic focus on Asia-Pacific following the Ukraine conflict.

Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'

In terms of bolstering cooperation in Asia-Pacific, or near India's own neighbourhood, Modi and Putin shared approaches on building a "new architecture" of a 'Greater Eurasian space'.

Although, initially Russia was focused primarily on the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, the Ukrainian conflict completely changed the situation, Alexey Kupriyanov, an expert in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) at Moscow-based think tank IMEMO RAS told Sputnik India.

At the same time, the think-tanker highlighted that a growing trade turnover between Russia and India was pushing Moscow to return to the Indian Ocean Region, primarily to ensure the protecting of Russian vessels in areas not covered by Indian Navy's operations, which include the Red Sea and the Mediterranean region.

"In the long term, this means that Russian ships will soon operate more intensively in the Indian Ocean and expand their presence," Kupriyanov stressed.

It would bolster India's security efforts and help it manage the power competition between China and the US, even as Indian Navy has intensified inter-operability with western maritime forces in recent years, the expert asserted.

"Since India's focus is primarily on the eastern part of the region, Russian ships in the western part could help fill the vacuum of security there. This will reduce the need for East African countries to seek help from China and the US to combat pirates, smugglers and drug traffickers," Kupriyanov concluded.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

They agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and the Indian and Pacific Oceans.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Both countries plan to implement the idea of a 'Greater Eurasian Space.'

There is a deep mutual reliance between New Delhi and Moscow beyond mere diplomacy.

Title:

Content: 31 Dec, 2023 08:46

Deeper than diplomacy: There is a reason why New Delhi and Moscow rely on each other

Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy is the core strength of bilateral ties, as the Indian foreign minister’s latest visit proves

Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar’s five-day official visit to Russia was timely and significant for more than one reason.

India and Russia had held annual summits at the leadership level since 2000. This sent an important message in terms of the value attached by the two countries to bilateral ties, but it also conveyed a broader geopolitical message to other international partners of the two countries.

But this practice was broken largely because of Russia’s pre-occupation with the Ukraine conflict and its fallout. The last annual summit took place in 2021.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin could have held a summit on the margins of the BRICS summit in Johannesburg in South Africa or the G20 summit in New Delhi, but Putin did not attend either. While Jaishankar’s visit does not substitute for a summit meeting, it was intended to fill a political gap.

Jaishankar and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov have met six times during the year, and the Indian external affairs minister also met with Russian Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov during the year on the economic agenda. For Jaishankar to visit Russia before the end of the year, undeterred by the Russian winter and holiday season, reflects the importance both sides attach to the further expansion of ties.

Putin has on several occasions praised the Indian prime minister and positively noted the country’s economic progress. At the ‘Russia Calling’ Forum in early December this year, he said that despite pressure from others, he “cannot imagine that Modi could be frightened, intimidated or forced to take any actions, steps, decisions that would at variance with the national interest of India and the Indian people.” He noted that sometimes he is surprised at Modi’s tough stance on Indian national interests. He added that the policy pursued by Modi is the “main guarantor” of the developing bilateral ties.

This is high and unusual praise by Putin. It can be interpreted on several levels – particularly as an acknowledgement that India has resisted pressure from the US and others to condemn Russia over the Ukraine conflict, impose sanctions, and reduce defense ties with Russia. India has, on the contrary, bought discounted Russian oil to the point that Russia has become its biggest oil supplier. It has argued that ensuring this market flow of Russian oil has helped avoid a major spike in oil prices and checked global inflation. Indian-Russian trade has expanded, while the G7 has broken economic and trade ties with Russia.

India played a major role as G20 president in negotiating the part in the Leaders’ Declaration on the Ukraine conflict despite the hardening of the G7 position and that of Russia and China after the G20 summit in Bali. The final text does not mention Russia by name, while the G7 was satisfied that the general formulations in it could be sold as being directed at Russia’s military operation in Ukraine.

Not surprisingly, Putin complimented India for de-politicizing the G20. India chaired the SCO summit in July 2023 and participated in the BRICS summit in South Africa in August 2023. This countered G7 attempts to isolate Russia diplomatically. In fact, the New Delhi SCO Declaration spoke of more effective global institutions, a more representative, just, and multipolar world order based on international law and multilateralism, and criticized the unilateral application of economic sanctions – a clear critique of the Western-dominated global system.

It is against this backdrop that Putin received Jaishankar at the Kremlin, the first time that such a gesture has been made to him personally. The general unavailability of Putin to visiting foreign ministers is well-known.

Jaishankar delivered a personal message from Modi to Putin. During the meeting, Putin invited his “friend Modi” to visit Russia in 2024 and noted that Indian-Russian ties were on the whole developing well. He said that he had been briefing Modi on developments in Ukraine, remarking that he understands the Indian prime minister is willing to do his utmost to resolve the matter by peaceful means. He added that he would give additional information to Jaishankar on Ukraine.

India has continued to strengthen ties with the US, including in the defense domain. It is a member of the Quad and a strong supporter of the Indo-Pacific concept, both of which are intended to deter China’s regional ambitions. Russia has reservations about the Quad and the Indo-Pacific concept, which it sees as the US engaging in bloc politics in Asia.

Putin’s praise for Modi and India and the gesture of receiving Jaishankar takes into consideration these realities of India’s foreign policy which are meant to safeguard the larger national interests. At the core of this is Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy. Jaishankar’s high-profile visit and the vigorous language used to mark the importance of India’s traditional ties with Russia would have caught Washington’s attention.

Jaishankar noted that after talks with Lavrov, “what clearly came out was that India-Russia relations remain very steady, remain very strong, they are based on our strategic convergence, on our geopolitical interests, and because they are mutually beneficial.” The two leaders discussed political cooperation within international organizations such as BRICS, the SCO, etc.

Indian-Russian trade is at an all-time high, exceeding $50 billion last year, and should pass that figure this year. It includes energy, fertilizers, coking coal, and other items, for which long term arrangements were discussed. India intends to expand investments in Russia’s oil and gas sector.

On the nuclear side, two important amendments were agreed to which will take the Kudankulam nuclear power project forward. Mutual investments, progress on a bilateral investment treaty, and the resumption of negotiations between India and the Eurasian Economic Union for a free trade agreement will be resumed in the second half of January 2024.

Moscow and New Delhi will expand cooperation in the Russian Far East. India expects a large representation from this region at the Vibrant Gujarat Summit in January 2024.

Connectivity between India and Russia will be critical for expanding trade ties – connectivity from western India through the International North-South Transport Corridor, and connectivity from eastern India, from Chennai to Vladivostok, and the polar route. To promote tourism, India is open to increasing the number of flights from India every week.

The talks between Jaishankar and Lavrov were comprehensive. They discussed the global strategic situation, Ukraine, Gaza, the Indo-Pacific, ASEAN, Afghanistan, UN-related matters, the challenges facing the Global South, and the building of a multipolar order. China would undoubtedly have been discussed, but diplomatic discretion here would be normal.

In the joint press conference, Lavrov spoke of prospects for more defense cooperation, including joint production of modern weapons under New Delhi’s ‘Make in India’ program, and, importantly, expressed respect for India’s efforts to diversify its defense ties. He noted bilateral cooperation in rocket engine manufacturing and satellite navigation systems.

Jaishankar’s visit was productive in maintaining the momentum of Indian-Russian ties, which have been built over 60 years, a relationship that he believes is not just about politics, diplomacy, or economics, but is much deeper.

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How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

Although Modi and Putin could have met at the BRICS or G20 summits, Putin did not attend either, highlighting their preference for bilateral engagement.

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

Modi's policies are seen as the main guarantor of developing ties between the two countries.

India is a member of the Quad and supports the Indo-Pacific concept, both aimed at deterring China’s regional ambitions.

A core element is Russia’s respect for India’s strategic autonomy.

In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia, showing India’s intention to pursue its own agenda.

Title:

Content: Homepage

Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad

  • In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia.
  • The move signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow, and shows the world India is pursuing its own agenda.
  • Modi is aiming to correct the trade imbalance and address China's Indo-Pacific activities.
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In a move likely to anger the US, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is visiting Russia on Monday for his first bilateral trip after winning a historic third term in office.

Modi's two-day visit to Russia — where he is scheduled to meet with President Vladimir Putin — is significant in that it signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow. It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

Vinay Kwatra, India's foreign secretary, told reporters in New Delhi that issues between Russia and India have "piled up" and "need to be addressed," per Bloomberg.

Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine. India is a major buyer of Russian oil. Russia is also India's biggest arms supplier.

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Kwatra underscored that the two countries' trade relationship has remained "resilient."

Still, Modi's trip will "rankle many Western observers," Ved Shinde, a researcher and contributor to Australia's Lowy Institute think tank, wrote in a note on Wednesday.

"Since the Ukraine war began, India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in the heart of Europe," Shinde added.

Modi's visit to Russia will make the US look bad

Just like Putin's visit to supply-chain hot spot Vietnam, India's engagement with Russia isn't a good look for the US, as it comes while Washington is isolating Putin's regime.

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The US has raised "some concerns" about India's relationship with Russia with New Delhi, Kurt Campbell, the US Deputy Secretary of State, said last month.

However, Washington acknowledges that India's ties with Russia are different from its ties with the US.

"We have many areas of alignment, but it is not surprising that there would be areas where we've had perhaps different perspectives, views, historical ties," Campbell said about America's relationship with India.

India, for its part, is looking to balance its relationship with the world's key powerbrokers — the US, Russia, and China.

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"There are different degrees in India's multi-alignment. Make no mistake — the United States and its allies are more consequential for India's future than its relationship with Russia," wrote Shinde.

India needs to leverage its historical ties with Russia to secure its economy and security, so Modi isn't just in Russia for a goodwill trip.

Reducing the trade imbalance

A key agenda item for the visit is to reduce a huge bilateral trade imbalance, said Kwatra.

India imports about $60 billion of goods a year from Russia, but Russia buys less than 10% of this amount from India, per Bloomberg.

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Modi may also touch on China's activities in the Indo-Pacific region, said Kwatra.

India is trying to manage its relationship with China, which has been testy since a border dispute in 2020. Modi skipped the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kazakhstan last week.

There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

At the summit last week, Putin said Russia's relationship with China is in the "best period in history."

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Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

"The reason for the time-tested stability in India-Russia ties is to maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland. That is, to balance China," wrote Shinde.

"Or to put it another way, don't go around making new adversaries when there are already two open fronts — China and Pakistan," Shinde added.

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

Russia's relationship with India dates back to the Cold War, and trade has grown since the Ukraine war began.

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

India has become a major buyer of Russian oil, and its cheap purchases are seen as profiting from Europe's troubles.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Modi's visit to Russia is positioned as a counter to China's advances in the region.

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India’s engagement with Russia is partly to balance China.

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India is seen as an emerging global geopolitical power, with recent foreign policy moves by Modi’s government attracting worldwide attention.

Title:

Content: Why the US needs India more than India needs the US?

New Delhi, India Written By: Manoj GuptaUpdated: Jun 18, 2023, 09:35 PM IST

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi with US President Joe Biden Photograph:(Reuters)

Story highlights

The enchanting bond between India and the United States has blossomed in the vibrant tapestry of recent times. These two nations have transcended the shadows of Cold War-era mistrust. Their shared journey is now adorned with a dazzling array of vibrant threads, as they embark on a waltz of robust collaboration in defence, trade, technology, and climate action, painting the world with a captivating symphony of progress and camaraderie.

The White House faces many challenges from Putin to Trump & Xi Jinping to Kim Jong-un. But among the Oval Office's concern is the Indian Prime Minister's charisma. Last month during the Quad meeting in Japan, Biden confessed to Modi that 'I am getting phone calls from people, I have never heard of before. Everyone from movie stars to relatives.'

In a fast-fragmenting world fraught with geopolitical instability, both Modi and Biden have demonstrated a mutual desire to draw their countries closer. But it is Washington which needs New Delhi firmly in its embrace. Aside from the pomp & pageantry Modi's State visit to the US highlights the trajectory of India-US relations which has witnessed a significant shift, marked by a burgeoning partnership built on mutual respect and shared objectives.

India's big no to NATO entry offer

Times have changed. Such is New Delhi's stature today, that the US wants it to be part of the world's most coveted security alliance i.e. NATO Plus, but India's reply was prompt: Thanks, but no thanks. Modi administration feels that joining the Western military powers would hinder its independent diplomatic manoeuvres.

Kargil War and the Bangladesh Liberation War have played pivotal roles in shaping India-US relations. In 1999 when Pakistan's troops took vantage positions in the high Himalayan mountains, Indian armed forces wanted the GPS data of the conflict zone. But the Americans ditched. A quarter century later India is self-reliant, it has developed NavIC, an indigenous GPS. India turned an obstacle into an opportunity.

Many Western critics question New Delhi's nuanced stance over the Russia-Ukraine war. 'Today's era must not be of war', that's Prime Minister Narendra Modi's message to Russian President Vladimir Putin. But the West isn't impressed with India's oil imports from Russia.

But turning the pages of history could reveal the reasons. In 1971, when Pakistan's military was being hammered in East Pakistan, US President Richard Nixon ordered the US Seventh Fleet, led by the nuclear-powered aircraft carrier Enterprise, to proceed towards the Bay of Bengal. The intent was clear to back Islamabad and put pressure on New Delhi. But it was the Soviet Union which stood against the US belligerence and thwarted the move to help Pakistan.

Today the US is singing all praise for the world's largest democracy. There are its own interests when the Biden administration growing willingness to share advanced technologies with India. A significant turning point in bilateral relations. The United States recognises India's potential as a strategic ally, a bulwark against the Chinese.

India: Rise of a new global geopolitical power

The balance of power and influence between the two countries has shifted over time, especially in the twenty-first century. India has emerged as a leading global power and a vital partner for the United States in safeguarding the Indo-Pacific region from China’s growing assertiveness and aggression. India has also diversified its foreign policy and strategic partnerships with other countries, such as Russia, Japan, Australia, France, and Israel, to enhance its autonomy and leverage in the international arena.

From estrangement to engagement

The transformation of India-US defence ties over the past decade is remarkable, given their history of estrangement and suspicion. During the Cold War, India pursued a policy of non-alignment, while the United States aligned with Pakistan and China against the Soviet Union. The two countries also had differences over issues such as nuclear proliferation, human rights, and regional conflicts.

Watch | Narendra Modi`s US Visit: A watershed moment for India-US ties

A paradigm shift: Sharing technologies

Today, the United States has exhibited a growing willingness to share advanced technologies with India. This marks a significant turning point in bilateral relations. The United States recognises India's potential as a strategic ally and has extended its hand in fostering technological collaboration. The two countries have signed a series of landmark agreements that have enhanced their defence cooperation, such as the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (2016), which enables mutual access to each other's military facilities; the Communications Compatibility and Security Agreement (2018), which facilitates secure communication and transfer of high-end technology; and the Basic Exchange and Cooperation Agreement (2020), which allows sharing of geospatial data and intelligence. The two countries have launched a new initiative to work together on cutting-edge technologies such as AI, quantum computing, biotechnology, semiconductors, 6G telecommunications and cyber security.

The road ahead for India-US relations

Clearly the remarkable transformation of the US-India relationship from a distant and distrustful one to a close and cooperative one and Prime Minister Modi's US visit will only bolster it. The US needs India more than India needs the US, not only because of the strategic significance of the Indo-Pacific region, but also because of the shared commitment to a free, open, and democratic world order. India, on the other hand, can benefit from the US's support and cooperation in enhancing its economic, technological, and social development.

Moreover, India is also a prominent voice for the global South, championing the causes of justice, equity, and sustainability for the developing world. The US and India can be natural allies and partners in creating a more peaceful and prosperous world for themselves and others.

(Disclaimer: The views of the writer do not represent the views of WION or ZMCL. Nor does WION or ZMCL endorse the views of the writer.)

You can now write for wionews.com and be a part of the community. Share your stories and opinions with us here.

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Past Indian governments limited ties with the US and Europe to avoid upsetting Moscow and Beijing.

Title:

Content: Monday, Oct 31, 2022

Why foreign capitals are taking note of Modi government’s foreign policy

As the world's fifth largest economy with the third largest defence budget, India’s material capabilities gives it an opportunity to influence the international order. South Block has been aligning the national political will with new international possibilities.

Under previous governments, Delhi was often tempted to limit its relationship with the US and Europe for fear of offending the sensitivities of Moscow and Beijing. (Illustration by C R Sasikumar)

International approbation for Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s independent foreign policy is coming thick and fast. Despite the presumed Indian love for external validation, the new compliments from abroad are unlikely to swell the chests in South Block.

India’s mandarins know that foreign leaders are not in the business of giving free praise. Most of the time, compliments say more about the state offering them rather than the one receiving it. Last week, Imran Khan was at it again, commending India’s foreign policy as he launched the promised “long march” from Lahore to Islamabad.

Khan pointed to Delhi’s continuing purchase of oil from global markets while Islamabad is unable to do so. Recall that Imran Khan had pushed for oil and grain purchases from Russia before he was ousted from power in April just weeks after Moscow’s aggression against Ukraine. Beyond oil purchases, praising India is less about foreign policy than attacking what he calls the “imported government” of Pakistan. Khan had accused the Joe Biden Administration of a “conspiracy” to dethrone him because of his effort to pursue an independent foreign policy. Imran’s attack on the US conspiracy is directed at the army chief, General Qamar Javed Bajwa, who withdrew his patronage to Khan and facilitated the election of Shehbaz Sharif of the Pakistan Muslim League as the new prime minister.

Notwithstanding his seemingly revolutionary rhetoric, Imran Khan is not an ideological opponent of the US. After returning from a meeting with President Donald Trump in 2019, Khan was rather chuffed with himself. On his return to Islamabad, Khan had declared that he felt like he had “won the (cricket) world cup again”.

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Last week also saw the UAE’s minister for artificial intelligence, Omar Sultan Al Olama, praise External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar’s stewardship of Indian diplomacy for deftly navigating the recent geopolitical headwinds. That the UAE is now talking about “not choosing sides” is certainly interesting. The Gulf kingdoms like the UAE and Saudi Arabia have long relied on the United States for their security. But the recent US moves to revive the nuclear deal with Iran have generated much unease among the Gulf Arabs.

The Biden Administration’s rough handling of the Saudi Crown prince on human rights issues has made it harder for Riyadh to oblige Washington on the question of isolating Russia in the oil market amidst the war in Ukraine. The determination of the Gulf countries to put their own interests first is a reminder to the major powers that foreign policy in the end is about give and take and not a one-sided relationship even between the powerful and not-so-powerful.

Addressing an international gathering last week, the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, offered handsome personal praise to PM Modi and his independent foreign policy. Russia, of course, has not been too happy with India’s deepening ties with the US, but Putin recognises that there is a new paradigm in India’s foreign policy — Delhi now has the confidence to do its own thing.

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That is not always obvious from what the Russian foreign minister, Sergey Lavrov, says. Just a few months after the Chinese aggression in Ladakh in 2020, Lavrov had a condescending take on India’s China policy. Lavrov accused Western powers of pursuing an “aggressive and devious” policy to draw India into “anti-China games” by promoting the Indo-Pacific strategy. A spokesperson of the Ministry of External Affairs in Delhi was quick to dismiss Lavrov’s mischievous line by underlining India’s independent foreign policy and expanding on India’s own approach to the Indo-Pacific.

The idea of an “innocent India” being hijacked by the “evil West” has been a popular trope not only in the discourse on India-Russia relations but also in Sino-Indian relations. Many in Delhi were long willing to suspend their disbelief in accepting the argument that India and China would get along happily forever but for “Western manipulation”. Delhi and Beijing don’t need third parties to create trouble between them — there is enough natural friction between the two large Asian giants that are also neighbours. Their unresolved boundary dispute has always been the biggest source of the conflict between the two. Over the decades additional problems have cropped up, including the Chinese strategic expansion into the Subcontinent and the Indian Ocean as well as massive trade deficits.

Today’s India might be accused of many things, but not “strategic innocence”. It is pursuing great power relations, with each on its own merit. It is not willing to cede a veto to any power over its relations with its rivals. Delhi does not let Moscow define India’s relations with the US: Similarly, Delhi can’t let Washington limit the character of India’s engagement with Russia. This was not always the case.

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Under previous governments, Delhi was often tempted to limit its relationship with the US and Europe for fear of offending the sensitivities of Moscow and Beijing. This was done either in the name of ideology or the fear that there will be unpleasant consequences in relations with Russia and China. The Modi government has broken out of that defensive and deferential mindset. Putting national interests above political correctness has given much strategic dividend for Delhi.

It has been evident for quite a while that a rising India has greater room for global manoeuvre. As the fifth-largest economy with the third largest defence budget, India’s material capabilities make it an increasingly attractive partner to others and give it an opportunity to shape the international system. But they did not automatically translate into strategic gains.

PM Modi’s real contribution has been in aligning the national political will with new international possibilities. India’s new diplomacy is not about doing whatever you like or saying what you please. It is about a careful judgement of the shifting global correlation of forces and the skill to adapt to the dynamic international environment.

Translating the objective possibilities generated by India’s rise into tangible strategic outcomes is what Indian diplomacy is beginning to get good at amidst extremely challenging external circumstances — including the Covid pandemic, the Chinese aggression and the war in Ukraine. Notwithstanding external encomiums, South Block knows that coping with this unstable world remains a relentless challenge.

The writer is senior fellow, Asia Society Policy Institute, Delhi and contributing editor on international affairs for The Indian Express

First published on: 01-11-2022 at 04:28:15 am
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What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Now, a rising India enjoys greater global maneuverability.

India is rethinking its ties with China and aligning more closely with the US and its allies, with China continuing to be a key driver of India-US relations.

Title:

Content: ISSN 2330-717X

India Rethinks Ties With China – Analysis

By

By B R Deepak*

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The rise of China triggered a regional power shift that has been felt across East Asia and into the Himalayas. As China changes the status quo of the Indo-Pacific, it talks of promoting a multipolar world. But in practice it has a problem with multipolar Asia and is unwilling to accommodate India’s interests. In response to this, India is aligning itself more closely with the United States and its allies.

When evaluating India’s policy choices in East Asia, history cannot be overlooked. India–China rapprochement in the late 1970s, amid the Cold War and the rise of globalisation, saw the two countries grow closer. Their budding relationship found common ground in being at the same stage of development.

It was through this parity that a series of confidence-building measures (CBMs) were signed, enabling India and China to normalise and diversify their relationship into other areas. They became part of various multilateral mechanisms such as the Asia Infrastructure Investment Bank, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, East Asia Summit and the BRICS grouping (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa).

Trade flourished and Chinese investment in India’s telecom, electronics, solar and, most notably, digital sectors increased by leaps and bounds. While India had a twinge of envy for China’s rise, it saw opportunities for win–win cooperation. Yet over the past two decades, India has become increasingly wary of the dangers of widening economic, military and technological asymmetries between the two countries.

The power shift in Asia has resulted in Chinese behavioural changes. With its growing regional power, China has felt less compulsion to abide by the CBMs. It has started flexing its muscles along the disputed border regions between India and China, resulting in bloodshed and prolonged standoffs.

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Until very recently, India acted like a ‘swing state’ between major powers in the region and avoided taking sides. This can be gleaned from India’s initial lukewarm reception to the idea of the Quad. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s keynote address at the 2018 Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore wished for India and China to ‘work together in trust and confidence, sensitive to each other’s interests’.

Many believe it was the 2017 border standoff in Doklam that pushed India to rethink its involvement in the Quad. If that is the case, the 2020 border clash in Galwan likely played a decisive role in India’s move to incorporate the Quad and the Indo-Pacific Strategy into its military and foreign policy.

It is unsurprising that Chinese scholars now see India’s ‘Act East Policy’ and other sub-regional and multilateral mechanisms as subservient to the Indo-Pacific strategy. These multilaterals include the Bay of Bengal Initiative for Multi-Sectoral Technical and Economic Cooperation, the Security and Growth for All in the Region vision and the Indian Ocean Rim Association — many of which are designed to counterbalance China’s growing influence.

Whether or not these mechanisms serve the goals of the Indo-Pacific strategy, India has indeed shifted its gaze away from China and towards Southeast Asia to initiate connectivity projects. One of them — the India–Myanmar–Thailand Trilateral Highway — has been extended to run through Cambodia and Vietnam and is expected to be completed by 2023

India supports the idea of ‘ASEAN centrality’ and envisages a free, open and inclusive Indo-Pacific region built on a rules-based international order. This obvious rebalancing has enhanced India’s security cooperation with the United States and other regional middle powers. The institutionalisation of the India–US 2+2 dialogue, the Quad, the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework and the US–India Malabar exercises point to this growing cooperation.

The growing India–US partnership has riled China. Some Chinese scholars have claimed that India refuses to support the ‘One China Policy’ over the Kashmir issue, which is home to a long-standing territorial dispute between India and China. But the late Indian minister of external affairs Sushma Swaraj has also called upon China to respect its own ‘One India Policy’.

Compared to China, India is relatively weak in economic and political power. In 2021, China–ASEAN trade accounted for US$878.2 billion, outstripping India–ASEAN trade, which stood at US$78 billion. But East Asian countries have always been positively inclined towards India’s engagement in the region, though most do not support India’s self-proclaimed role as a ‘net security provider’ — a role that they believe should be reserved for the United States.

China believes that India’s Act East Policy ‘will allow India to intervene’ and ‘warm up’ to other countries on issues surrounding the South China Sea. This may become a drag on China–ASEAN relations in future. But China will not cede the space it once did before its rise.

Similar anxieties have been expressed by India over China’s attempts to increase its footprints in the Indian Ocean. The docking of the Yuan Wang 5 — a Chinese ‘spy ship’ — at Hambantota, Sri Lanka, was particularly concerning for India.

In the face of a prolonged standoff on the India–China border and the growing US–China rivalry, India finds itself leaning more towards the United States and its allies. India sees this as best for its economic and technological advancement and for the realisation of its larger global aspirations.

*About the author: B R Deepak is Professor of Chinese and China Studies at the Centre of Chinese and Southeast Asian Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

Source: This article was published by East Asia Forum

East Asia Forum

East Asia Forum is a platform for analysis and research on politics, economics, business, law, security, international relations and society relevant to public policy, centred on the Asia Pacific region. It consists of an online publication and a quarterly magazine, East Asia Forum Quarterly, which aim to provide clear and original analysis from the leading minds in the region and beyond.

Maritime security has become a joint focus, especially involving India, the US, and their partners.

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Content: Modi in US: Why Washington is rolling out the red carpet for Indian PM

·7 min read

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to the US has assumed huge significance amid global economic and geopolitical headwinds.

The White House is pulling out all the stops to welcome Mr Modi - it's a state visit, the highest level of diplomatic protocol the US accords to visiting leaders. Mr Modi will be given a ceremonial welcome at the White House on Thursday before he holds direct talks with President Joe Biden.

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Then there is the state dinner, a meeting with CEOs, an address to the joint session of the Congress and speeches to Indian-Americans, which have been highlights of Mr Modi's past US visits.

But behind the carefully crafted ceremonies lie discussions that have the potential to not only infuse new energy into India-US relations but also have an impact on the global order.

The Indo-Pacific is where the US possibly needs India's influence more than anywhere else right now.

The US has long viewed India as a counterbalance to China's growing influence in the region, but Delhi has never been fully comfortable with owning the tag.

It may still be reluctant to do so but China continues to be one of the main catalysts driving India-US relations.

But India has not shied away from taking decisions that irk China. It held a military drill with US forces last year in Uttarakhand state, which shares a Himalayan border with China. Delhi has also continued to actively participate in the Quad - which also includes the US, Australia and Japan - despite angry reactions from Beijing.

Indian diplomacy has been getting more assertive about saying that this is the country's moment on the global stage. It has good reason - India is one of the few economic bright spots in the world right now.Geopolitics is also in its favour - most countries want a manufacturing alternative to China, and India also has a huge market with a burgeoning middle class. This makes it a good option for countries and global firms pursuing a China plus one policy.

Tanvi Madan, director of The India Project at the Brookings Institution in Washington, DC, says that what matters to the US is what India does and not what it publicly says about China.

"At the end of the day, whether or not India has publicly embraced the tag, it is very clear that Indian governments have seen the US relationship as helpful as they deal with China," she said.

Michael Kugelman, director of the South Asia Institute at the Wilson Center think-tank in Washington, added that the two countries had now started "seeing eye to eye on the broader Indo-Pacific theatre".

"We are starting to see the US recognise the importance of western components of the Indian Ocean region. For many years, India's main concern, for good reason, was the Indian Ocean region. Whereas for the US, it was the Pacific and the South China Sea. They will look at maritime security for the region now," he said.

The joint statement may not mention China directly but it will be high on the agenda as the two leaders discuss ways to consolidate their presence in the Indo-Pacific.

But while they agree on China, the two countries have had differing approaches to the Ukraine war.

Delhi has not directly criticised Russia, which analysts say is largely due to its huge dependency on Russian defence imports and its "time-tested ties" with Moscow.

India relies on Moscow for nearly 50% of its defence needs, but that's not the only reason. India has always taken pride in following its policy of non-alignment - or strategic autonomy, as it has been called in recent years. It doesn't want to be confined to a specific power centre in the global order, which irked Washington diplomats in the early months of the invasion.

But the US has softened its stance in recent months - it has even overlooked India's continuous purchase of crude oil from Russia.

India too has gone a step forward by publicly calling for an end to the war.

Ms Madan added that the different responses to the invasion weren't a deal-breaker in India-US relations.

"When there is strategic convergence, the two countries are incentivised to manage their differences. Maybe not eliminate them, but manage their differences. And I think that has happened with their differing stands on Russia," she said.

Meanwhile, other key areas of discussion include technology, defence and global supply chain management.

The two countries have signed what they call the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technology. The deal will allow US and Indian firms and universities in different sectors, including IT, space, defence, artificial intelligence, education and healthcare, to work together.

The leaders may also announce more co-operation in technology, especially in semi-conductor manufacturing where China is the biggest player.

Defence is another area that has emerged as a key point of convergence.

India is the world's biggest arms importer and Russia still accounts for a major chunk of it at 45%, data analysed between 2017 and 2022 suggests. But the headline here is that Moscow's share used to be 65% until 2016 - that's where the US sees an opportunity.

Washington's share has grown but it's still just 11%, behind France's 29%. So some big-ticket defence deals are inevitable - they are likely to announce India's purchase of the battle-tested MQ-9A "Reaper" drones and a deal between GE and Indian state-run firms to manufacture fighter jet engines in India.

Mr Kugelman says defence co-operation between the two nations "has come a long way".

"If you look at the recent track record, one could argue that the treatment the US gives India is not dissimilar from what it gives to many of its allies," he said.

While defence and technology will most likely see some big announcements, the same can't be expected in trade.

The US is now India's top trading partner at $130bn, but analysts say there is still huge untapped potential. The two countries have had major differences over tariffs and export controls.India has signed a free trade agreement with Australia and Dubai and is discussing similar deals with others including Canada, the UK and the EU.No such deal is on the cards this visit but the leaders may discuss or at least lay the ground for solving trade-related issues in the future.

Mr Kugelman said the differences were not discarded but set aside in the interests of more mutually beneficial areas of co-operation.

But he added that trade between Indian and US firms has flourished in recent years despite inter-government differences.

It may not be the top priority but trade will certainly feature when the two leaders discuss global supply chain issues owing to the pandemic and China's monopoly.

"Trade used to be a sore subject but I think the two sides are approaching trade policy differently today. But you can't look at global supply chain issues without eventually discussing trade," Ms Madan said.

The timing of the visit is also interesting as both countries will hold elections next year and the two leaders will be looking at sellable headlines for their domestic audiences.

So some big headline-making deals are inevitable. But then, US-India relations have always been complex - with decades of mistrust followed by rebuilding of trust and then occasional flare-ups.

But Mr Biden seems determined to make India-US relations shine even though some in his country have questioned India's record on human rights under Mr Modi.

US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken's recent statement says a lot about the status of the relationship: "We know that India and the United States are big, complicated countries. We certainly have work to do to advance transparency, to promote market access, to strengthen our democracies, to unleash the full potential of our people. But the trajectory of this partnership is unmistakable and it is filled with promise."

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