**Key Sentences Extracted:**

1.

"India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday."

"Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'"
3.

"Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad."

"It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda."

"Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine."

"India is a major buyer of Russian oil."

"At the core of this is Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy."

"He added that the policy pursued by Modi is the 'main guarantor' of the developing bilateral ties."

"Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances."

"Ajit Doval’s high-stake visits to Russia and the US are reflective of India’s consistent efforts to balance ties with the rival superpowers."

"India has also stressed upon furthering its cooperation with Russia in sectors such as trade, energy and defence."

"It may still be reluctant to do so but China continues to be one of the main catalysts driving India-US relations."

"The joint statement may not mention China directly but it will be high on the agenda as the two leaders discuss ways to consolidate their presence in the Indo-Pacific."

"Under previous governments, Delhi was often tempted to limit its relationship with the US and Europe for fear of offending the sensitivities of Moscow and Beijing."

"It has been evident for quite a while that a rising India has greater room for global manoeuvre."

**Key Sentences Extracted:**

1.

Title:

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Is all well in Indo-U.S. partnership?

Updated - July 30, 2024 09:38 am IST

Published - July 29, 2024 02:01 pm IST

The overall trajectory of India’s strategic partnership with the U.S. seems steady. Many U.S. policymakers see the partnership with India as one of the most consequential bilateral relationships of the U.S. in the 21st century.

(This article is part of the View From India newsletter curated by The Hindu’s foreign affairs experts. To get the newsletter in your inbox every Monday, subscribe here.)

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Earlier in July, immediately after Prime Minister Modi wrapped up a bilateral summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow, since first visit to Russia since the Ukraine war began in february 2022, the U.S.’s Ambassador in India made a rare public criticism of India’s Russia policy. “There is no such thing as strategic autonomy in times of conflict; we will, in crisis moments, need to know each other,” Ambassador Eric Garcetti said. In Washington DC, the State Department also expressed “concerns” over India’s ties with Russia, while National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan warned India of Russia’s deepening partnership with China. Public comments did not end there. On July 23, almost two weeks after Mr. Modi’s Russia visit, Donald Lu, Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia, told lawmakers at a Congressional hearing in Washington that the U.S. was “disappointed” about the symbolism and timing of Mr. Modi’s visit.

The overall trajectory of India’s strategic partnership with the U.S. seems steady. Many U.S. policymakers see the partnership with India as one of the most consequential bilateral relationships of the U.S. in the 21st century. They also see an economically growing, democratic India as an effective bulwark against the Communist Party-ruled China. In India, economic, defence and strategic partnership with the U.S. is seen as critical for the country’s continued rise as a major Asian power. But the disagreements lie in the details. India’s refusal to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and its decision to ramp up energy trade with Moscow after it was sanctioned by the West did not go down well with Washington. Russia, cut off from the Western markets, found an economic lifeline in its booming trade with China and India, the world’s second and fifth largest economies, respectively.

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In recent years, the India-U.S. partnership saw stress points in other areas as well. Indian nationals were accused of killing Hardeep Singh Nijjar, a Khalistan separatist, in Canada last year. The U.S. government has also sought accountability from the Indian government over a plot to kill Sikh separatist leader Gurpatwant Singh Pannun in New York. An Indian national is now in jail in the U.S. in connection with the case. India has denied any role in these incidents, but allegations have added to tensions in bilateral relations. And Prime Minister Modi’s visit to Russia, on the eve of a NATO summit in Washington whose main agenda was to strengthen Ukraine against the Russian invasion, seemed to have “disturbed” the Biden administration, as a Washington Post report claimed.

In its response, India’s Ministry of External Affairs said it values its strategic autonomy. “India, like many other countries, values its strategic autonomy. The U.S. Ambassador is entitled to his opinion. Obviously, we have different views,” MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said. “Our comprehensive global strategic partnership with the U.S. gives us the space to agree to disagree on certain issues, while respecting each other’s view-points,” he added.

What’s strategic autonomy, which India is fiercely protective about? “A simple definition of the concept is that countries should be able to make decisions that best serve their national interests, irrespective of the pulls and pressures from other parties,” I wrote in this July 19 Oped in The Hindu. And why is it significant for India? Watch the latest episode of Realpolitik, our video explainer column: What’s strategic autonomy and why is it important for India? | Realpolitik.

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‘Victory for Maduro’

Nicolas Maduro, Venezuela’s President who claims to be a successor of Chavismo, the socialist ideology championed by the late, charismatic President, Hugo Chavez, “won” a third consecutive term in Sunday’s election, according to Venezuela’s election authorities. Mr. Maduro, a former bus driver-tuned-politician, won 51% of the vote, while his main rival Edmundo Gonzalez garnered 44%. Before the vote, opinion polls had stated that Mr. Maduro, who rose to power after Chavez died of cancer in 2013, was trailing. And he had warned of a civil war and bloodbath if he lost the election. Mr. Gonzalez was not the opposition’s original pick against Mr. Maduro. Maria Corina Machado, arguably the most popular opposition leader who won the opposition primaries, was disqualified by the Supreme Court for supporting another opposition figure Juan Guaido’s rebellion against Mr. Maduro.

On Mr. Maduro’s watch, Venezuela’s economy, also battered by U.S. sanctions, contracted by 80% in 10 years. According to UNHCR, more than 7.7 million Venezuelans fled the country in a decade. In 2013, when Chanez passed away, Venezuela had a household poverty rate of 33.1% and extreme poverty at 11.4%, down from 61.5% and 30%, respectively, in 2003. In 10 years, the figures jumped to 82% and 53%, respectively. In other words, Mr. Maduro oversaw the total collapse of Venezuela’s economy. And he still managed to “win’ another term, extending his rule for six more years. What’s Maduro’s politics and how did he emerge as a strong man? Read this profile of the Venezuelan leader, written by my colleague Srinivasan Ramani: Nicolas Maduro | Chavism’s designated successor.

Sri Lanka to hold elections

Sri Lanka’s presidential elections will be held on September 21, the Election Commission announced on July 26. Some 17 million voters will have their first chance of electing the country’s leader, after a mass people’s uprising ousted former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa two years ago. President Ranil Wickremesinghe was among the first to formally get into the fray. His office announced making a cash deposit at the Commission for his candidacy as an independent, although he has relied on the Rajapaksas’ Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP or People’s Front) since his rise to Presidency through an urgent parliamentary vote, after Mr. Gotabaya’s resignation, reports Meera Srinivasan, from Colombo.

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The Top Five

1. The ‘geo-calculus’ of the Moscow visit

There was one clear message — of the sure bet the Narendra Modi government has placed on India-Russia ties, writes Suhasini Haidar.

2. The importance of both Quad and BRICS

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With India being the only country common to both Quad and BRICS and a founding member of both, it cannot afford to downplay one for the other, writes retired diplomat T.S. Tirumurti.

3. Between a fascist past and Right-wing present, Italy is fighting its many battles

Bursting at its seams with immigrants from the Global South and with a Right-wing government in power, Italy under Meloni finds itself in the eye of the identity politics storm; what complicates the matter further is the country’s perception as being on the wrong side of the not-so-long-ago history, Nishtha Gautam reports from Rome.

4. A new push in the Bay of Bengal

The intent of BIMSTEC member states to push forth with a bold vision for the region was evident at the 2nd Foreign Ministers’ Retreat, write Harsh V Pant and Sohini Bose.

5. Special relationship: On U.S. policy on Israel

The welcome Mr. Netanyahu received at Congress shows that he has the support of the elites. But the protest on the streets and the dissenting voices even among lawmakers suggest that the national consensus on Israel is eroding in the U.S., The Hindu writes in this editorial.

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"India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday."

Title:

Content:
India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday. At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

The 22nd Russia-India Annual Summit will lead to a greater collaboration between the two countries in Russian Far East and the Eurasian space, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), according to experts.

The 81-paragraphbilateral Joint Statement underscored the "shared vision" to enhance transport and connectivity cooperation, as well as a "solid commitment" to enhance economic linkages in Russia's resource-rich Far East, Pravesh Kumar Gupta, an Associate Fellow at New Delhi-based think tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), told Sputnik India.

The 22nd Annual Summit, a "unique and pivotal event in the current global geopolitical context" according to Gupta, exposed the disappointment of Western countries.

"Amidst global turbulence, the summit served as a crucial platform for leaders to engage in constructive discussions and strategic dialogues, with the aim of bolstering cooperation in vital areas such as trade, energy, connectivity, defence, and technology. This event has been widely acknowledged as a significant milestone in the ongoing development of the close ties between India and Russia, a success that stood in stark contrast to the disappointment felt by the Western world," the Indian think-tanker asserted.

Lauding the Summit outcomes, Gupta remarked that the leaders would intensify effort to develop "promising production and marketing chains in Eurasia" and stick to the new plan for the Far East in providing enhanced cooperation in different sectors, including transport and connectivity.

Specifically both leaders shared a vision pointing to three projects – International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor as well as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), or the Polar Route.

"Most importantly, these connectivity projects are free from any political agenda, unlike the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as clearly mentioned in the joint statement. Their implementation will be based on the principles of transparency, broad participation, local priorities, financial sustainability, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations," the VIF pundit underlined.

Gupta expressed confidence that the proposal to establish a joint working group on developing the NSR would speed up the project, which promised "significant cost savings and reduced shipping times" for goods traveling between Europe and Asia.

"The route's increased accessibility due to melting Arctic ice has sparked increased interest in its potential for commercial shipping and trade, offering a bright future for global trade," Gupta stated.

In the context of the INSTC, the expert underscored that it could turn out to be the most "cost-effective and favourable" connectivity project to increase Indian exports to Eurasia and vice-versa. He explained that the 7,200-kilometre-long multimodal corridor was in line with Moscow's geo-economic focus on Asia-Pacific following the Ukraine conflict.

Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'

In terms of bolstering cooperation in Asia-Pacific, or near India's own neighbourhood, Modi and Putin shared approaches on building a "new architecture" of a 'Greater Eurasian space'.

Although, initially Russia was focused primarily on the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, the Ukrainian conflict completely changed the situation, Alexey Kupriyanov, an expert in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) at Moscow-based think tank IMEMO RAS told Sputnik India.

At the same time, the think-tanker highlighted that a growing trade turnover between Russia and India was pushing Moscow to return to the Indian Ocean Region, primarily to ensure the protecting of Russian vessels in areas not covered by Indian Navy's operations, which include the Red Sea and the Mediterranean region.

"In the long term, this means that Russian ships will soon operate more intensively in the Indian Ocean and expand their presence," Kupriyanov stressed.

It would bolster India's security efforts and help it manage the power competition between China and the US, even as Indian Navy has intensified inter-operability with western maritime forces in recent years, the expert asserted.

"Since India's focus is primarily on the eastern part of the region, Russian ships in the western part could help fill the vacuum of security there. This will reduce the need for East African countries to seek help from China and the US to combat pirates, smugglers and drug traffickers," Kupriyanov concluded.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

"Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'"
3.

"Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad."

Title:

Content: Homepage

Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad

  • In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia.
  • The move signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow, and shows the world India is pursuing its own agenda.
  • Modi is aiming to correct the trade imbalance and address China's Indo-Pacific activities.
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In a move likely to anger the US, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is visiting Russia on Monday for his first bilateral trip after winning a historic third term in office.

Modi's two-day visit to Russia — where he is scheduled to meet with President Vladimir Putin — is significant in that it signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow. It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

Vinay Kwatra, India's foreign secretary, told reporters in New Delhi that issues between Russia and India have "piled up" and "need to be addressed," per Bloomberg.

Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine. India is a major buyer of Russian oil. Russia is also India's biggest arms supplier.

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Kwatra underscored that the two countries' trade relationship has remained "resilient."

Still, Modi's trip will "rankle many Western observers," Ved Shinde, a researcher and contributor to Australia's Lowy Institute think tank, wrote in a note on Wednesday.

"Since the Ukraine war began, India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in the heart of Europe," Shinde added.

Modi's visit to Russia will make the US look bad

Just like Putin's visit to supply-chain hot spot Vietnam, India's engagement with Russia isn't a good look for the US, as it comes while Washington is isolating Putin's regime.

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The US has raised "some concerns" about India's relationship with Russia with New Delhi, Kurt Campbell, the US Deputy Secretary of State, said last month.

However, Washington acknowledges that India's ties with Russia are different from its ties with the US.

"We have many areas of alignment, but it is not surprising that there would be areas where we've had perhaps different perspectives, views, historical ties," Campbell said about America's relationship with India.

India, for its part, is looking to balance its relationship with the world's key powerbrokers — the US, Russia, and China.

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"There are different degrees in India's multi-alignment. Make no mistake — the United States and its allies are more consequential for India's future than its relationship with Russia," wrote Shinde.

India needs to leverage its historical ties with Russia to secure its economy and security, so Modi isn't just in Russia for a goodwill trip.

Reducing the trade imbalance

A key agenda item for the visit is to reduce a huge bilateral trade imbalance, said Kwatra.

India imports about $60 billion of goods a year from Russia, but Russia buys less than 10% of this amount from India, per Bloomberg.

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Modi may also touch on China's activities in the Indo-Pacific region, said Kwatra.

India is trying to manage its relationship with China, which has been testy since a border dispute in 2020. Modi skipped the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kazakhstan last week.

There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

At the summit last week, Putin said Russia's relationship with China is in the "best period in history."

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Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

"The reason for the time-tested stability in India-Russia ties is to maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland. That is, to balance China," wrote Shinde.

"Or to put it another way, don't go around making new adversaries when there are already two open fronts — China and Pakistan," Shinde added.

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

"It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda."

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

"Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine."

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

"India is a major buyer of Russian oil."

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

"At the core of this is Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy."

Title:

Content: 31 Dec, 2023 08:46

Deeper than diplomacy: There is a reason why New Delhi and Moscow rely on each other

Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy is the core strength of bilateral ties, as the Indian foreign minister’s latest visit proves

Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar’s five-day official visit to Russia was timely and significant for more than one reason.

India and Russia had held annual summits at the leadership level since 2000. This sent an important message in terms of the value attached by the two countries to bilateral ties, but it also conveyed a broader geopolitical message to other international partners of the two countries.

But this practice was broken largely because of Russia’s pre-occupation with the Ukraine conflict and its fallout. The last annual summit took place in 2021.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin could have held a summit on the margins of the BRICS summit in Johannesburg in South Africa or the G20 summit in New Delhi, but Putin did not attend either. While Jaishankar’s visit does not substitute for a summit meeting, it was intended to fill a political gap.

Jaishankar and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov have met six times during the year, and the Indian external affairs minister also met with Russian Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov during the year on the economic agenda. For Jaishankar to visit Russia before the end of the year, undeterred by the Russian winter and holiday season, reflects the importance both sides attach to the further expansion of ties.

Putin has on several occasions praised the Indian prime minister and positively noted the country’s economic progress. At the ‘Russia Calling’ Forum in early December this year, he said that despite pressure from others, he “cannot imagine that Modi could be frightened, intimidated or forced to take any actions, steps, decisions that would at variance with the national interest of India and the Indian people.” He noted that sometimes he is surprised at Modi’s tough stance on Indian national interests. He added that the policy pursued by Modi is the “main guarantor” of the developing bilateral ties.

This is high and unusual praise by Putin. It can be interpreted on several levels – particularly as an acknowledgement that India has resisted pressure from the US and others to condemn Russia over the Ukraine conflict, impose sanctions, and reduce defense ties with Russia. India has, on the contrary, bought discounted Russian oil to the point that Russia has become its biggest oil supplier. It has argued that ensuring this market flow of Russian oil has helped avoid a major spike in oil prices and checked global inflation. Indian-Russian trade has expanded, while the G7 has broken economic and trade ties with Russia.

India played a major role as G20 president in negotiating the part in the Leaders’ Declaration on the Ukraine conflict despite the hardening of the G7 position and that of Russia and China after the G20 summit in Bali. The final text does not mention Russia by name, while the G7 was satisfied that the general formulations in it could be sold as being directed at Russia’s military operation in Ukraine.

Not surprisingly, Putin complimented India for de-politicizing the G20. India chaired the SCO summit in July 2023 and participated in the BRICS summit in South Africa in August 2023. This countered G7 attempts to isolate Russia diplomatically. In fact, the New Delhi SCO Declaration spoke of more effective global institutions, a more representative, just, and multipolar world order based on international law and multilateralism, and criticized the unilateral application of economic sanctions – a clear critique of the Western-dominated global system.

It is against this backdrop that Putin received Jaishankar at the Kremlin, the first time that such a gesture has been made to him personally. The general unavailability of Putin to visiting foreign ministers is well-known.

Jaishankar delivered a personal message from Modi to Putin. During the meeting, Putin invited his “friend Modi” to visit Russia in 2024 and noted that Indian-Russian ties were on the whole developing well. He said that he had been briefing Modi on developments in Ukraine, remarking that he understands the Indian prime minister is willing to do his utmost to resolve the matter by peaceful means. He added that he would give additional information to Jaishankar on Ukraine.

India has continued to strengthen ties with the US, including in the defense domain. It is a member of the Quad and a strong supporter of the Indo-Pacific concept, both of which are intended to deter China’s regional ambitions. Russia has reservations about the Quad and the Indo-Pacific concept, which it sees as the US engaging in bloc politics in Asia.

Putin’s praise for Modi and India and the gesture of receiving Jaishankar takes into consideration these realities of India’s foreign policy which are meant to safeguard the larger national interests. At the core of this is Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy. Jaishankar’s high-profile visit and the vigorous language used to mark the importance of India’s traditional ties with Russia would have caught Washington’s attention.

Jaishankar noted that after talks with Lavrov, “what clearly came out was that India-Russia relations remain very steady, remain very strong, they are based on our strategic convergence, on our geopolitical interests, and because they are mutually beneficial.” The two leaders discussed political cooperation within international organizations such as BRICS, the SCO, etc.

Indian-Russian trade is at an all-time high, exceeding $50 billion last year, and should pass that figure this year. It includes energy, fertilizers, coking coal, and other items, for which long term arrangements were discussed. India intends to expand investments in Russia’s oil and gas sector.

On the nuclear side, two important amendments were agreed to which will take the Kudankulam nuclear power project forward. Mutual investments, progress on a bilateral investment treaty, and the resumption of negotiations between India and the Eurasian Economic Union for a free trade agreement will be resumed in the second half of January 2024.

Moscow and New Delhi will expand cooperation in the Russian Far East. India expects a large representation from this region at the Vibrant Gujarat Summit in January 2024.

Connectivity between India and Russia will be critical for expanding trade ties – connectivity from western India through the International North-South Transport Corridor, and connectivity from eastern India, from Chennai to Vladivostok, and the polar route. To promote tourism, India is open to increasing the number of flights from India every week.

The talks between Jaishankar and Lavrov were comprehensive. They discussed the global strategic situation, Ukraine, Gaza, the Indo-Pacific, ASEAN, Afghanistan, UN-related matters, the challenges facing the Global South, and the building of a multipolar order. China would undoubtedly have been discussed, but diplomatic discretion here would be normal.

In the joint press conference, Lavrov spoke of prospects for more defense cooperation, including joint production of modern weapons under New Delhi’s ‘Make in India’ program, and, importantly, expressed respect for India’s efforts to diversify its defense ties. He noted bilateral cooperation in rocket engine manufacturing and satellite navigation systems.

Jaishankar’s visit was productive in maintaining the momentum of Indian-Russian ties, which have been built over 60 years, a relationship that he believes is not just about politics, diplomacy, or economics, but is much deeper.

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"He added that the policy pursued by Modi is the 'main guarantor' of the developing bilateral ties."

"Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances."

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

"Ajit Doval’s high-stake visits to Russia and the US are reflective of India’s consistent efforts to balance ties with the rival superpowers."

Title:

Content: Opinion

Treading a fine line

Ajit Doval’s high-stake visits to Russia and the US are reflective of India’s consistent efforts to balance ties with the rival superpowers; writes Vinay Kumar

X

India’s security and strategic interests on important global platforms have been in focus over the last month as National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval made hectic trips to the US and Russia.

Doval headed to the United States in late January and held a meeting with his US counterpart, Jake Sullivan. Earlier this month, he paid a visit to Russia where he joined top security officials from China, Iran and a number of Central Asian states to participate in a multilateral meeting on Afghanistan.

NSA’s recent visits to the world’s most important political capitals underlined the importance that India attaches to striking a delicate balance in its relations with both the countries at a time when global security and geopolitical environment appear uncertain. His visits to Washington DC and Moscow show India’s priorities in forging vital initiatives.

In Washington, the two NSAs agreed upon a number of important arrangements under the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) which was launched in 2022 and has the potential to have a transformative impact on India’s partnership with the US in areas like military, science & technology and key high-tech fields.

Considering the fact that Russia and the US have been at loggerheads, more so in the wake of the Ukraine War which has completed one year, Doval’s trip assumes significance. The icing on the cake was that the NSA also had one-on-one meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a rare instance of President Putin meeting a top-ranking official from India. His meeting with Doval also pointed towards the continued importance which both sides accord to each other in taking forward their engagement. At a time when Russia continues to face confrontation with the West over the war in Ukraine, Doval’s meeting with President Putin carries a special context. India, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has lent its voice to the peace-making efforts in Ukraine, stressing that today’s era is not an era of war. In his telephonic conversation with President Putin last September, PM Modi voiced his concern, stressing upon the need to take the path of diplomacy and dialogue, a stance often reiterated at various global forums at the highest level.

While India, having to put up with the Chinese threat, has warmed up to the US, it has also taken pains to maintain its relationship with Russia; though Moscow, facing increased isolation in the global community over the war in Ukraine, does not appear to be too pleased with the initiatives surrounding the Indo-Pacific, with the active involvement of the US and further deepening of strategic defence and technological ties between New Delhi and Washington. India has also stressed upon furthering its cooperation with Russia in sectors such as trade, energy and defence.

With the US, under the iCET initiative, India is poised to forge closer cooperation in the areas of Artificial Intelligence (AI), 6G, quantum technologies etc. Other focus areas include defence innovation, technology cooperation and semiconductor supply chains. Doval stressed upon the need to pin down the deliverables in these key focus areas to ensure that no slip-ups or laxity creeps in. Co-production and technology development have left much to be desired, though India is now billed as a major defence partner of the US

The NSA’s discussions in Washington DC and Moscow also point towards India’s keen desire to safeguard its key interests, make advances in high-tech areas and, at the same time, be ready to hold on to its independent position and avoid landing in confrontationist stance, so far as the two rival powers are concerned, as new dynamics is emerging rather rapidly in the geopolitical arena.

Views expressed are personal

Next Story

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

"India has also stressed upon furthering its cooperation with Russia in sectors such as trade, energy and defence."

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

"It may still be reluctant to do so but China continues to be one of the main catalysts driving India-US relations."

Title:

Content: Modi in US: Why Washington is rolling out the red carpet for Indian PM

·7 min read

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to the US has assumed huge significance amid global economic and geopolitical headwinds.

The White House is pulling out all the stops to welcome Mr Modi - it's a state visit, the highest level of diplomatic protocol the US accords to visiting leaders. Mr Modi will be given a ceremonial welcome at the White House on Thursday before he holds direct talks with President Joe Biden.

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Then there is the state dinner, a meeting with CEOs, an address to the joint session of the Congress and speeches to Indian-Americans, which have been highlights of Mr Modi's past US visits.

But behind the carefully crafted ceremonies lie discussions that have the potential to not only infuse new energy into India-US relations but also have an impact on the global order.

The Indo-Pacific is where the US possibly needs India's influence more than anywhere else right now.

The US has long viewed India as a counterbalance to China's growing influence in the region, but Delhi has never been fully comfortable with owning the tag.

It may still be reluctant to do so but China continues to be one of the main catalysts driving India-US relations.

But India has not shied away from taking decisions that irk China. It held a military drill with US forces last year in Uttarakhand state, which shares a Himalayan border with China. Delhi has also continued to actively participate in the Quad - which also includes the US, Australia and Japan - despite angry reactions from Beijing.

Indian diplomacy has been getting more assertive about saying that this is the country's moment on the global stage. It has good reason - India is one of the few economic bright spots in the world right now.Geopolitics is also in its favour - most countries want a manufacturing alternative to China, and India also has a huge market with a burgeoning middle class. This makes it a good option for countries and global firms pursuing a China plus one policy.

Tanvi Madan, director of The India Project at the Brookings Institution in Washington, DC, says that what matters to the US is what India does and not what it publicly says about China.

"At the end of the day, whether or not India has publicly embraced the tag, it is very clear that Indian governments have seen the US relationship as helpful as they deal with China," she said.

Michael Kugelman, director of the South Asia Institute at the Wilson Center think-tank in Washington, added that the two countries had now started "seeing eye to eye on the broader Indo-Pacific theatre".

"We are starting to see the US recognise the importance of western components of the Indian Ocean region. For many years, India's main concern, for good reason, was the Indian Ocean region. Whereas for the US, it was the Pacific and the South China Sea. They will look at maritime security for the region now," he said.

The joint statement may not mention China directly but it will be high on the agenda as the two leaders discuss ways to consolidate their presence in the Indo-Pacific.

But while they agree on China, the two countries have had differing approaches to the Ukraine war.

Delhi has not directly criticised Russia, which analysts say is largely due to its huge dependency on Russian defence imports and its "time-tested ties" with Moscow.

India relies on Moscow for nearly 50% of its defence needs, but that's not the only reason. India has always taken pride in following its policy of non-alignment - or strategic autonomy, as it has been called in recent years. It doesn't want to be confined to a specific power centre in the global order, which irked Washington diplomats in the early months of the invasion.

But the US has softened its stance in recent months - it has even overlooked India's continuous purchase of crude oil from Russia.

India too has gone a step forward by publicly calling for an end to the war.

Ms Madan added that the different responses to the invasion weren't a deal-breaker in India-US relations.

"When there is strategic convergence, the two countries are incentivised to manage their differences. Maybe not eliminate them, but manage their differences. And I think that has happened with their differing stands on Russia," she said.

Meanwhile, other key areas of discussion include technology, defence and global supply chain management.

The two countries have signed what they call the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technology. The deal will allow US and Indian firms and universities in different sectors, including IT, space, defence, artificial intelligence, education and healthcare, to work together.

The leaders may also announce more co-operation in technology, especially in semi-conductor manufacturing where China is the biggest player.

Defence is another area that has emerged as a key point of convergence.

India is the world's biggest arms importer and Russia still accounts for a major chunk of it at 45%, data analysed between 2017 and 2022 suggests. But the headline here is that Moscow's share used to be 65% until 2016 - that's where the US sees an opportunity.

Washington's share has grown but it's still just 11%, behind France's 29%. So some big-ticket defence deals are inevitable - they are likely to announce India's purchase of the battle-tested MQ-9A "Reaper" drones and a deal between GE and Indian state-run firms to manufacture fighter jet engines in India.

Mr Kugelman says defence co-operation between the two nations "has come a long way".

"If you look at the recent track record, one could argue that the treatment the US gives India is not dissimilar from what it gives to many of its allies," he said.

While defence and technology will most likely see some big announcements, the same can't be expected in trade.

The US is now India's top trading partner at $130bn, but analysts say there is still huge untapped potential. The two countries have had major differences over tariffs and export controls.India has signed a free trade agreement with Australia and Dubai and is discussing similar deals with others including Canada, the UK and the EU.No such deal is on the cards this visit but the leaders may discuss or at least lay the ground for solving trade-related issues in the future.

Mr Kugelman said the differences were not discarded but set aside in the interests of more mutually beneficial areas of co-operation.

But he added that trade between Indian and US firms has flourished in recent years despite inter-government differences.

It may not be the top priority but trade will certainly feature when the two leaders discuss global supply chain issues owing to the pandemic and China's monopoly.

"Trade used to be a sore subject but I think the two sides are approaching trade policy differently today. But you can't look at global supply chain issues without eventually discussing trade," Ms Madan said.

The timing of the visit is also interesting as both countries will hold elections next year and the two leaders will be looking at sellable headlines for their domestic audiences.

So some big headline-making deals are inevitable. But then, US-India relations have always been complex - with decades of mistrust followed by rebuilding of trust and then occasional flare-ups.

But Mr Biden seems determined to make India-US relations shine even though some in his country have questioned India's record on human rights under Mr Modi.

US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken's recent statement says a lot about the status of the relationship: "We know that India and the United States are big, complicated countries. We certainly have work to do to advance transparency, to promote market access, to strengthen our democracies, to unleash the full potential of our people. But the trajectory of this partnership is unmistakable and it is filled with promise."

BBC News India is now on YouTube. Click here to subscribe and watch our documentaries, explainers and features.

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"The joint statement may not mention China directly but it will be high on the agenda as the two leaders discuss ways to consolidate their presence in the Indo-Pacific."

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

"Under previous governments, Delhi was often tempted to limit its relationship with the US and Europe for fear of offending the sensitivities of Moscow and Beijing."

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Content: Monday, Oct 31, 2022

Why foreign capitals are taking note of Modi government’s foreign policy

As the world's fifth largest economy with the third largest defence budget, India’s material capabilities gives it an opportunity to influence the international order. South Block has been aligning the national political will with new international possibilities.

Under previous governments, Delhi was often tempted to limit its relationship with the US and Europe for fear of offending the sensitivities of Moscow and Beijing. (Illustration by C R Sasikumar)

International approbation for Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s independent foreign policy is coming thick and fast. Despite the presumed Indian love for external validation, the new compliments from abroad are unlikely to swell the chests in South Block.

India’s mandarins know that foreign leaders are not in the business of giving free praise. Most of the time, compliments say more about the state offering them rather than the one receiving it. Last week, Imran Khan was at it again, commending India’s foreign policy as he launched the promised “long march” from Lahore to Islamabad.

Khan pointed to Delhi’s continuing purchase of oil from global markets while Islamabad is unable to do so. Recall that Imran Khan had pushed for oil and grain purchases from Russia before he was ousted from power in April just weeks after Moscow’s aggression against Ukraine. Beyond oil purchases, praising India is less about foreign policy than attacking what he calls the “imported government” of Pakistan. Khan had accused the Joe Biden Administration of a “conspiracy” to dethrone him because of his effort to pursue an independent foreign policy. Imran’s attack on the US conspiracy is directed at the army chief, General Qamar Javed Bajwa, who withdrew his patronage to Khan and facilitated the election of Shehbaz Sharif of the Pakistan Muslim League as the new prime minister.

Notwithstanding his seemingly revolutionary rhetoric, Imran Khan is not an ideological opponent of the US. After returning from a meeting with President Donald Trump in 2019, Khan was rather chuffed with himself. On his return to Islamabad, Khan had declared that he felt like he had “won the (cricket) world cup again”.

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Last week also saw the UAE’s minister for artificial intelligence, Omar Sultan Al Olama, praise External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar’s stewardship of Indian diplomacy for deftly navigating the recent geopolitical headwinds. That the UAE is now talking about “not choosing sides” is certainly interesting. The Gulf kingdoms like the UAE and Saudi Arabia have long relied on the United States for their security. But the recent US moves to revive the nuclear deal with Iran have generated much unease among the Gulf Arabs.

The Biden Administration’s rough handling of the Saudi Crown prince on human rights issues has made it harder for Riyadh to oblige Washington on the question of isolating Russia in the oil market amidst the war in Ukraine. The determination of the Gulf countries to put their own interests first is a reminder to the major powers that foreign policy in the end is about give and take and not a one-sided relationship even between the powerful and not-so-powerful.

Addressing an international gathering last week, the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, offered handsome personal praise to PM Modi and his independent foreign policy. Russia, of course, has not been too happy with India’s deepening ties with the US, but Putin recognises that there is a new paradigm in India’s foreign policy — Delhi now has the confidence to do its own thing.

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That is not always obvious from what the Russian foreign minister, Sergey Lavrov, says. Just a few months after the Chinese aggression in Ladakh in 2020, Lavrov had a condescending take on India’s China policy. Lavrov accused Western powers of pursuing an “aggressive and devious” policy to draw India into “anti-China games” by promoting the Indo-Pacific strategy. A spokesperson of the Ministry of External Affairs in Delhi was quick to dismiss Lavrov’s mischievous line by underlining India’s independent foreign policy and expanding on India’s own approach to the Indo-Pacific.

The idea of an “innocent India” being hijacked by the “evil West” has been a popular trope not only in the discourse on India-Russia relations but also in Sino-Indian relations. Many in Delhi were long willing to suspend their disbelief in accepting the argument that India and China would get along happily forever but for “Western manipulation”. Delhi and Beijing don’t need third parties to create trouble between them — there is enough natural friction between the two large Asian giants that are also neighbours. Their unresolved boundary dispute has always been the biggest source of the conflict between the two. Over the decades additional problems have cropped up, including the Chinese strategic expansion into the Subcontinent and the Indian Ocean as well as massive trade deficits.

Today’s India might be accused of many things, but not “strategic innocence”. It is pursuing great power relations, with each on its own merit. It is not willing to cede a veto to any power over its relations with its rivals. Delhi does not let Moscow define India’s relations with the US: Similarly, Delhi can’t let Washington limit the character of India’s engagement with Russia. This was not always the case.

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Under previous governments, Delhi was often tempted to limit its relationship with the US and Europe for fear of offending the sensitivities of Moscow and Beijing. This was done either in the name of ideology or the fear that there will be unpleasant consequences in relations with Russia and China. The Modi government has broken out of that defensive and deferential mindset. Putting national interests above political correctness has given much strategic dividend for Delhi.

It has been evident for quite a while that a rising India has greater room for global manoeuvre. As the fifth-largest economy with the third largest defence budget, India’s material capabilities make it an increasingly attractive partner to others and give it an opportunity to shape the international system. But they did not automatically translate into strategic gains.

PM Modi’s real contribution has been in aligning the national political will with new international possibilities. India’s new diplomacy is not about doing whatever you like or saying what you please. It is about a careful judgement of the shifting global correlation of forces and the skill to adapt to the dynamic international environment.

Translating the objective possibilities generated by India’s rise into tangible strategic outcomes is what Indian diplomacy is beginning to get good at amidst extremely challenging external circumstances — including the Covid pandemic, the Chinese aggression and the war in Ukraine. Notwithstanding external encomiums, South Block knows that coping with this unstable world remains a relentless challenge.

The writer is senior fellow, Asia Society Policy Institute, Delhi and contributing editor on international affairs for The Indian Express

First published on: 01-11-2022 at 04:28:15 am
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The Climate Connection: A plant-rich Thanksgiving

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According to Sarah Bridle, a researcher at the University of Manchester and author of "Food and Climate Change Without the Hot Air," “a traditional Thanksgiving dinner for an eight-person family — the turkey, the stuffing, the hours of oven time — is as harmful to the planet as a three-hour car trip.” But how can we embrace one of our favorite holidays and minimize our impact to the planet?

As big and complex as the climate change issue is, a growing body of research shows that we can make a tremendous impact on our planet’s future by switching to a plant-rich diet. A study described in the journal, Nature Food, found that food production accounts for 35 percent of global greenhouse gas emissions.

According to Project Drawdown, Paul Hawken’s compendium of climate solutions, “If cattle were their own nation, they would be the world’s third-largest emitter of greenhouse gases.” It’s for this reason that of the 80 ranked solutions proposed in Project Drawdown, adopting a plant-rich diet was number four on the most important and impactful changes to be made.

This means that cutting your meat intake, or taking the full plunge and becoming a vegetarian, could make a bigger dent in your personal carbon footprint than buying an electric vehicle, installing solar panels, or upgrading the efficiency of your home.

Note that Project Drawdown encourages a plant-rich diet; it doesn't recommend that everyone become a vegan. It is about a shift, not a complete overhaul, of our behavior. But it won’t work if business continues as usual, which means that we should not only retrain our palettes, but also bring an end to government subsidies that benefit the U.S. livestock market, so that the prices of meat more accurately reflect their husbandry and processing costs as well as their planetary impact.

Starting at your own table, adopting a plant-rich diet has tons of other benefits, as well: better gut health, lower blood pressure, lower cholesterol and a cheaper price tag. And unlike some other climate actions, a plant-rich diet can be implemented today with zero switching costs. No need to install anything, buy anything, or retrofit a grid. Climate action has never been so easy.

As a “flexitarian” (someone who sometimes eats vegetarian) myself though, I would add one final benefit that is particularly apparent at Thanksgiving: it’s flippin’ delicious!

Departing from the traditional meat-focused meal gave my family permission to experiment with other things as well. So while I would fully recommend a vegetarian or vegan Thanksgiving as a fresh take on a known menu, with things like spinach puffs, crispy potato skillet, green bean casseroles, cauliflower stuffing and mushroom wellington, I’d also say that you can dress the table up however you want.

In my household, we’ve decided to explore a different vegetarian cuisine every year and have (so far) hosted a Middle Eastern Thanksgiving meal, a Polynesian Thanksgiving meal, and this year a Mexican Thanksgiving feast.

For us, the thing that made the Thanksgiving meal “traditional” was sitting around a table, passing plates hand-over-wrist, telling stories and eating so much food that we had to lie down gasping with laughter. Everything else was just an opportunity to explore new culinary frontiers, play new music and unpack seldom-used tablecloths.

So give yourself permission to try something new and remake the holiday in a new light, both for yourself and the planet. You can find some napkin-dropping vegetarian recipe options at the Napa Climate NOW! website for inspiration: http://napa.350bayarea.org/thanksgiving-vegetarian-recipes

Actions you can take:• Host a vegetarian Thanksgiving or minimize the meat dishes on your table and rotate in some new veggie ones. After all, this is an opportunity to get creative and have fun! Share the results with Napa Climate NOW! on our Facebook or Instagram pages. Check out some recipes at http://napa.350bayarea.org/thanksgiving-vegetarian-recipes.

• If a vegetarian meal doesn’t seem possible, consider serving smaller portions or eat less meat ahead of the holiday splurge (basically you’re balancing the cost in your carbon wallet).

• Track the US Food & Agriculture bills here and contact committee members about supporting a climate-friendly Farm Bill at http://bit.ly/agandfoodbills

• Contact places where you dine (your favorite restaurant, your cafeteria) and encourage them to provide more meatless options or institute Meatless Monday.

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Jessica Day, is co-founder and chief marketing officer at IdeaScale - a crowdsourcing software. She holds an MFA in creative writing, is a member of Napa Climate NOW! and regularly speaks about climate action.

Napa Climate NOW! is a local non-profit citizens’ group advocating for smart climate solutions based on the latest climate science, part of 350 Bay Area. Like, comment, and share our daily Facebook, Instagram, and Twitter posts @napaclimatenow or visit us at: http://napa.350bayarea.org.

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Napa Climate NOW! has drafted a proposed mandate for adoption county-wide Reusable Foodware and Waste Reduction Ordinance to transition food establishments and customers from disposable plates, cups, straws, napkins, condiment packages, and so on to reusable and compostable foodware.

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Early proposal for Jericho Lands development includes three, 38-storey towers, and 10,000 new homes

After years of consultation and anticipation over the future of this prime site, the public got a look at what could be built in one of the most expensive and least developed parts of the city, and what it might look like

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The City of Vancouver is seeking feedback on bold, but preliminary ideas for the Jericho Lands, 90 acres in the city’s West Point Grey area that is owned and will be developed by three Indigenous Nations and a federal Crown corp.

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After years of consultation and anticipation over the future of the prime site, a sketch of what could be built and what it might look like was presented Monday. It showed the building of 10 million square feet of floor area with three, tall, condo towers of up to 38-storeys and some 10,000 new homes in one of the most expensive and least-developed parts of the city, near the University of B.C. and overlooking Jericho Beach Park.

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By comparison, the expansive Oakridge Centre redevelopment at 41st Avenue and Cambie Street is building 5.5 million square feet in floor area and about 2,330 new homes.

The Jericho project is a partnership between MST Development Corp., which is run by the Musqueam, Squamish and Tsleil-Waututh Nations, and Canada Lands Co.

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“It is still an early stage of the overall development process,” said Elisa Campbell, who is leading the project for CLC and working with MST.

The public has until Nov. 14 to comment on two options, named “Eagle” and “Weave,” which each offer different design features. Both include dozens of shorter buildings, community centres, parkland and the potential for a SkyTrain station.

“What I like about it is we’re not saying, ‘This is what is going to be done on the site.’ We’re saying, ‘Here’s two examples of what it could be like. We really want to hear from you,’ ” said Campbell.

She added: “Our work with the Musqueam, Squamish, Tsleil-Waututh is really at the core of this and when you listen to their culture, their tradition, it’s fascinating to then take some of those stories and apply it to this development.”

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West Point Grey is currently home to about 13,000 residents. The Jericho lands house a former army garrison, some low-rise homes rented to military families and an independent school.

“I think they were all shocked at the size of the (proposed) development,” said Murray Hendren, president of the strata for Mayfair House condo, which is on Highbury Street across from the Jericho Lands.

He’s also a member of the West Point Grey Residents Association but said he was speaking about his own, initial feelings and those of others in his building.

“It’s just completely out-of-context with the rest of West Point Grey. It’s not to say, some time in the future, the whole city isn’t going to be like this and there would be a different standard,” Hendren said.

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Campbell said, “We’ve heard really positive response to the concept of using this site as an example of how to, through development, address reconciliation, how to address the climate emergency and so overall, we’ve been really happy with the positive tone. That doesn’t mean there aren’t people who are concerned about transformation because transformation can be hard.”

The Jericho Lands development must comply with city policies and regulations unlike the Senakw development that the Squamish Nation is planning near the Burrard Bridge, which is on reserve land.

MST bought the part of Jericho Lands owned by the B.C. government, a 39-acre site, in 2016 for $480 million. MST had previously partnered with Canada Lands to buy a 52-acre portion owned by the federal government in 2014 for $237 million.

jlee-young@postmedia.com

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Content: PLATTSBURGH — The New York Power Authority announced this week the Town of Plattsburgh's first open-access, fast-charging stations for any make or model of electric vehicles.

The four parking lot chargers, installed by NYPA, are located at the Consumer Square shopping center and mark one of the northernmost sites in New York State for NYPA’s EVolve NY high-speed charging network, according to a press release.

“Being Clinton County’s first community designated by the New York State Energy Research and Development Authority as a Clean Energy Community, we celebrate the new installation of NYPA’s EVolve NY charging stations in the Town of Plattsburgh," Town Supervisor Michael Cashman said in a statement.

"Conveniently located in the core of our town center and the economic hub of our region, it is a great service to residents and visitors. The chargers fit well within our adopted smart growth plan — Elevate Plattsburgh — which leads to a greener and more sustainable future. Public-private partnerships like this will no doubt enable New York State to meet its climate agenda goals.”

FIRST OF THREE SITES

The Consumer Square location is the first of three Benderson Development sites that will host NYPA fast charging stations, the release said.

The other two, which should be operational in the first quarter of 2022, will be in Niagara Falls and Victor, located in the Finger Lakes region.

The four chargers at the Plattsburgh site consist of three 150kW Direct Current Fast Charger (DCFC) stations and one 350kW charger, which is capable of charging a compatible vehicle at speeds up to 20 miles per minute.

Two of the charging stations are equipped with both fast charging connectors, Combined Charging System (CCS) and CHAdeMO, so all electric vehicles can plug in and charge.

The town also has about 35 public level 2 chargers, which are used for charging during a longer stop.

CLEAN ENERGY GOALS

NYPA Interim President and CEO Justin E. Driscoll said his agency's EVolve NY network now has dozens of sites throughout the state.

"The Plattsburgh station will help advance New York’s clean energy goals by supporting the decarbonization of the transportation sector and reduction of overall greenhouse gas emissions 85% by 2050,” he added.

“NYPA is leading the charge, quite literally, in developing New York’s electric vehicle infrastructure, and we’re proud to partner in this innovative and important pilot program at several of our properties in upstate New York — starting with this Plattsburgh location,” Benderson Development Vice President of Development and Leasing Eric Recoon said in a statement.

New York State Electric and Gas provided financial assistance through the EV Make-Ready Program and completed the grid interconnection to power the equipment at Consumer Square, the release said.

“Providing expanded access to EV charging stations is important as we seek to support the state’s clean energy goals and is just one of the many ways we are helping customers and local communities build a more sustainable future," NYSEG President and CEO Carl Taylor said.

LEGISLATION

The clean energy initiative supports New York’s Climate Act (the Climate Leadership and Community Protection Act), which sets targets for decreasing greenhouse gas emissions and air pollution from the transportation sector.

Gov. Kathy Hochul recently signed legislation setting a goal for all new passenger cars and trucks sold in New York to be zero-emissions by 2035, the release said.

As part of Charge NY, other EV charging and deployment initiatives aim to get 850,000 zero-emission vehicles on the road by 2025.

Hochul also announced that utility companies can fully implement the EV Make-Ready infrastructure program, which will deploy more than 50,000 new public and commercial charging ports across the state by 2025.

EV owners can locate public chargers using smartphone apps such as Greenlots, PlugShare, ChargeHub, ChargeWay, Electrify America, Google Maps or the U.S. Department of Energy’s Alternative Fuels Data Center.

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Essex Region Conservation Authority Approves 2023 Draft Budget Priorities

Sunday April 16th, 2023, 9:03pm

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The Essex Region Conservation Authority has unanimously approved its 2023 Draft Budget for circulation to its governing municipalities. The budget totals under $9.7 million and includes a levy request of $3,768,235. This is equivalent to $24.33 per household, based on a $300,000 current value assessment, and represents a slight increase of $1.17 per household.

“The 2023 draft budget prioritizes repair and replacement of greenway infrastructure like bridges and culverts, and urgent repairs needed to the museum and heritage buildings at the John R. Park Homestead which were identified in preliminary asset condition reports last year,” said Tim Byrne, CAO. “While still subject to further analysis, these reports and cost estimates reveal a potential infrastructure deficit that exceeds $1million at the Homestead and $ 1.8 million for replacement of Greenway crossings over the next five years.” This budget directly responds to these infrastructure needs and risks with a $325,000 budgeted transfer to the infrastructure reserve and a redirection of $500,000 of levy from land acquisition to the Homestead Preservation reserve fund.

ERCA is also experiencing inflationary pressures, escalating insurance costs and declines in permit application fees. Budget pressures related to mandatory services exceeded $600,000 but between offsetting items of $282,250 and levy savings of $144,303 related to non-mandatory programs, the total levy increase was limited to $227,932.

The $9.7 million budget includes mandatory program expenses of nearly $6.2 million, funded with approximately $2.9 million of municipal levy. Operating expenses of approximately $2.6 million are included for projects and programs identified as non-mandatory such as tree planting on non-conservation authority-owned lands, operations at Holiday Beach and the John R. Park Homestead, water quality monitoring, agricultural extension services, community outreach programs and others.

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