**Key Sentences Extracted:**

- India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday.

- At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

- Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'.

- India’s refusal to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and its decision to ramp up energy trade with Moscow after it was sanctioned by the West did not go down well with Washington.

- Russia has reservations about the Quad and the Indo-Pacific concept, which it sees as the US engaging in bloc politics in Asia.

- At the core of this is Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy.

- Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad.

- It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

- India is a major buyer of Russian oil.

- There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

- Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

- Ajit Doval’s high-stake visits to Russia and the US are reflective of India’s consistent efforts to balance ties with the rival superpowers.

- India has also stressed upon furthering its cooperation with Russia in sectors such as trade, energy and defence.

- Thanks to India’s legacy of staying away from great-power camps and the current leadership’s deft handling of the new conditions created by Russia’s war on Ukraine, India found itself in a “geopolitical sweet spot”.

- The global South sees India as a voice of reason which can highlight the consequences of the war on the big power stage that they have little access to.

- In the joint statement, India and Russia said, “The Sides expressed deep concern on the situation in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Gaza.

The statement was issued after Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin held talks in Moscow."

- Under previous governments, Delhi was often tempted to limit its relationship with the US and Europe for fear of offending the sensitivities of Moscow and Beijing.

- It has been evident for quite a while that a rising India has greater room for global manoeuvre.

- For many years, India's main concern, for good reason, was the Indian Ocean region.

- But while they agree on China, the two countries have had differing approaches to the Ukraine war.

- It may not be the top priority but trade will certainly feature when the two leaders discuss global supply chain issues owing to the pandemic and China's monopoly.

**(These sentences focus on the evolution of the India-Russia relationship under Modi and Putin, their balancing act amidst India’s rivalry with China, the impact of shifting alliances, strategic autonomy, and their interactions in the context of both regional and global security.

**Key Sentences Extracted Relevant to the Evolution of the India-Russia Relationship under Modi and Putin, with Special Emphasis on China:**

1.

“In general, we can see the desire of the government of Narendra Modi to be above the fray as long as possible.”
2.

"These initiatives include the Chennai-Vladivostok sea route and efforts by India and Japan to invest in Russia’s Far East."

"Bloomberg: India will prevent Putin from getting closer to China."

"It will be his first visit to Russia since the start of Putin’s war in Ukraine and his first trip abroad since Modi took office as prime minister for the third time."

"Russia has lost the Indian arms market, which has dominated for more than half a century."

"Payments in rupees for Russian oil for a long time hung on accounts in Indian banks, all of them accumulated by $8 billion."

"Russian Ambassador to India Nikolai Kudashev noted that Moscow and New Delhi are increasingly moving to joint production."

“This will be a great political event, especially in demand now, when the demand for the development of bilateral relations and the formation of a space of trust and cooperation in Eurasia is growing."

"Tellis believes that India still has not forgotten about Moscow’s support in conflicts with its neighbors a few decades ago."

"Russia remains India’s largest arms supplier, although its share has fallen from 70% to 49% in recent years."

"It will not be possible to combine the American and Russian assortment."

"A significant factor in India’s foreign policy is its ambition to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council."

"At the same time, New Delhi is interested in its reformatting in order to become one of the 'chosen ones.'"

"China may be further away than Russia, but its power is already greater."

"India claims the status of a strategic ally of the Russian Federation in the cold war."

"This is the SCO, this is BRICS, of course, and the G20."

"From the Indo-Pacific region between India and Russia.

be an active player in the region."

"India cannot stand up to it on its own.

In such a situation, New Delhi will need not a mediator, but a powerful ally."

**These sentences highlight:**
- Modi’s strategic balancing amidst US, Russia, and China,
- Deepening but evolving economic, defense, and tech ties with Russia,
- India’s concern over keeping Russia engaged as China’s power grows,
- Decline in Russian arms market share but ongoing defense collaboration,
- India’s ambitions in multilateral forums (UNSC, BRICS, SCO) with Russian support,
- India’s leveraging of its relationship with Russia against rising Chinese influence and in pursuit of strategic autonomy.

**Key Extracted Sentences Relevant to India–Russia Relations under Modi and Putin, with Emphasis on Regional Security, Defense, and the India-China Rivalry:**

1.

"India is in a unique position as it enjoys long-term relations with Russia while at the same time getting closer to the United States and is now in a position to win the trust of both sides."

"Russia shared nuclear technology with India at a time when no other country was willing to do so."

"The Indian prime minister not only called Russia a friend at all times, but also a 'partner for better or worse.'"

"The two leaders also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis."

"As a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, India abstained last week to condemn Russia, the largest and most capable country in Europe and Asia, for its military operation in Ukraine."

"But more than 60 percent of India’s weapons continue to come from Russia, which means India needs to continue to get spare parts from Moscow."

"India’s relations with the United States and Europe have strengthened since the end of the Cold War."

"It’s not a well-defined mass, but it’s clear that we’re facing a polarization of the world.

Not allies, but partners."

"But Beijing and Moscow are not equal, far from it."

"India wants a multipolar Asia, which it says will lead to a multipolar world."

"Bilateral relations between India and China are also under severe pressure at the moment due to the border crisis, which may explain President Xi Jinping’s decision to stay away from the summit."

"'How the war in Ukraine ends will be a key factor in determining what the future world order will look like.'"

"'If Putin manages to hold on to power against all odds, the world order will collapse and a new order will emerge from under its ashes, in which China will have a lot of power.'"

**Summary of Key Points According to Your Focus:**
- India-Russia ties remain robust, especially in defense and nuclear cooperation, despite India's deepening relations with the US and Europe under Modi.

- India’s abstention on UN votes regarding Ukraine demonstrates New Delhi’s balancing act between Moscow and the West.

- The India–Russia defense relationship is anchored by India’s heavy reliance on Russian arms and technology.

- The India-China border crisis compounds India’s priorities: while India benefits from Russian ties, Moscow’s growing closeness with Beijing complicates the regional balance.

- Modi and Putin have maintained strong personal and diplomatic engagement, even as global alignments shift.

- India advocates for multipolarity, seeking strategic autonomy and regional equilibrium, particularly as Sino-Russian strategic cooperation grows.

- The trajectory and outcome of Russia’s actions in the Ukraine war could reshape the balance of power, including China’s influence, directly impacting India’s foreign and security calculus.

**Key Sentences Extracted Based on Importance for India-Russia Relations under Modi and Putin & the Impact of India’s Rivalry with China:**

- Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke by telephone with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the 20th to further develop the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.

- It can be said that the foundation for the next stage of military interaction between Russia and India has been laid.

- At the end of the Cold War, Russia pushed India to join strategic designs such as the "trilateral dialogue between China, Russia and India" in an attempt to promote the establishment of a fair and multipolar world order.

- The leaders of the three powers convened a virtual summit via video on Tuesday in an attempt to reshape the U.S.-led global order.

- Support from China is most important, and it is the only major power to provide diplomatic and economic cover for Russia.

- Second, the Chinese factor.

India has no choice but to deal with the consequences of Russia’s choice.

- How to deal with China’s rise over the past two decades has become an epochal issue for Indian policymakers.

- Some observers believe that India will downplay the India-Russia relationship as Russia becomes closer to China and even more dependent on China.

- In the long run, India wants to be largely self-sufficient in terms of defense needs and no longer rely on external suppliers.

- More than half of India’s military equipment comes from Russia.

- So the mood in India is changing as well.

**Key Sentences Extracted:**

- India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday.

Title:

Content:
India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday. At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

The 22nd Russia-India Annual Summit will lead to a greater collaboration between the two countries in Russian Far East and the Eurasian space, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), according to experts.

The 81-paragraphbilateral Joint Statement underscored the "shared vision" to enhance transport and connectivity cooperation, as well as a "solid commitment" to enhance economic linkages in Russia's resource-rich Far East, Pravesh Kumar Gupta, an Associate Fellow at New Delhi-based think tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), told Sputnik India.

The 22nd Annual Summit, a "unique and pivotal event in the current global geopolitical context" according to Gupta, exposed the disappointment of Western countries.

"Amidst global turbulence, the summit served as a crucial platform for leaders to engage in constructive discussions and strategic dialogues, with the aim of bolstering cooperation in vital areas such as trade, energy, connectivity, defence, and technology. This event has been widely acknowledged as a significant milestone in the ongoing development of the close ties between India and Russia, a success that stood in stark contrast to the disappointment felt by the Western world," the Indian think-tanker asserted.

Lauding the Summit outcomes, Gupta remarked that the leaders would intensify effort to develop "promising production and marketing chains in Eurasia" and stick to the new plan for the Far East in providing enhanced cooperation in different sectors, including transport and connectivity.

Specifically both leaders shared a vision pointing to three projects – International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor as well as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), or the Polar Route.

"Most importantly, these connectivity projects are free from any political agenda, unlike the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as clearly mentioned in the joint statement. Their implementation will be based on the principles of transparency, broad participation, local priorities, financial sustainability, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations," the VIF pundit underlined.

Gupta expressed confidence that the proposal to establish a joint working group on developing the NSR would speed up the project, which promised "significant cost savings and reduced shipping times" for goods traveling between Europe and Asia.

"The route's increased accessibility due to melting Arctic ice has sparked increased interest in its potential for commercial shipping and trade, offering a bright future for global trade," Gupta stated.

In the context of the INSTC, the expert underscored that it could turn out to be the most "cost-effective and favourable" connectivity project to increase Indian exports to Eurasia and vice-versa. He explained that the 7,200-kilometre-long multimodal corridor was in line with Moscow's geo-economic focus on Asia-Pacific following the Ukraine conflict.

Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'

In terms of bolstering cooperation in Asia-Pacific, or near India's own neighbourhood, Modi and Putin shared approaches on building a "new architecture" of a 'Greater Eurasian space'.

Although, initially Russia was focused primarily on the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, the Ukrainian conflict completely changed the situation, Alexey Kupriyanov, an expert in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) at Moscow-based think tank IMEMO RAS told Sputnik India.

At the same time, the think-tanker highlighted that a growing trade turnover between Russia and India was pushing Moscow to return to the Indian Ocean Region, primarily to ensure the protecting of Russian vessels in areas not covered by Indian Navy's operations, which include the Red Sea and the Mediterranean region.

"In the long term, this means that Russian ships will soon operate more intensively in the Indian Ocean and expand their presence," Kupriyanov stressed.

It would bolster India's security efforts and help it manage the power competition between China and the US, even as Indian Navy has intensified inter-operability with western maritime forces in recent years, the expert asserted.

"Since India's focus is primarily on the eastern part of the region, Russian ships in the western part could help fill the vacuum of security there. This will reduce the need for East African countries to seek help from China and the US to combat pirates, smugglers and drug traffickers," Kupriyanov concluded.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

- At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

Title:

Content:
India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday. At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

The 22nd Russia-India Annual Summit will lead to a greater collaboration between the two countries in Russian Far East and the Eurasian space, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), according to experts.

The 81-paragraphbilateral Joint Statement underscored the "shared vision" to enhance transport and connectivity cooperation, as well as a "solid commitment" to enhance economic linkages in Russia's resource-rich Far East, Pravesh Kumar Gupta, an Associate Fellow at New Delhi-based think tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), told Sputnik India.

The 22nd Annual Summit, a "unique and pivotal event in the current global geopolitical context" according to Gupta, exposed the disappointment of Western countries.

"Amidst global turbulence, the summit served as a crucial platform for leaders to engage in constructive discussions and strategic dialogues, with the aim of bolstering cooperation in vital areas such as trade, energy, connectivity, defence, and technology. This event has been widely acknowledged as a significant milestone in the ongoing development of the close ties between India and Russia, a success that stood in stark contrast to the disappointment felt by the Western world," the Indian think-tanker asserted.

Lauding the Summit outcomes, Gupta remarked that the leaders would intensify effort to develop "promising production and marketing chains in Eurasia" and stick to the new plan for the Far East in providing enhanced cooperation in different sectors, including transport and connectivity.

Specifically both leaders shared a vision pointing to three projects – International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor as well as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), or the Polar Route.

"Most importantly, these connectivity projects are free from any political agenda, unlike the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as clearly mentioned in the joint statement. Their implementation will be based on the principles of transparency, broad participation, local priorities, financial sustainability, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations," the VIF pundit underlined.

Gupta expressed confidence that the proposal to establish a joint working group on developing the NSR would speed up the project, which promised "significant cost savings and reduced shipping times" for goods traveling between Europe and Asia.

"The route's increased accessibility due to melting Arctic ice has sparked increased interest in its potential for commercial shipping and trade, offering a bright future for global trade," Gupta stated.

In the context of the INSTC, the expert underscored that it could turn out to be the most "cost-effective and favourable" connectivity project to increase Indian exports to Eurasia and vice-versa. He explained that the 7,200-kilometre-long multimodal corridor was in line with Moscow's geo-economic focus on Asia-Pacific following the Ukraine conflict.

Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'

In terms of bolstering cooperation in Asia-Pacific, or near India's own neighbourhood, Modi and Putin shared approaches on building a "new architecture" of a 'Greater Eurasian space'.

Although, initially Russia was focused primarily on the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, the Ukrainian conflict completely changed the situation, Alexey Kupriyanov, an expert in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) at Moscow-based think tank IMEMO RAS told Sputnik India.

At the same time, the think-tanker highlighted that a growing trade turnover between Russia and India was pushing Moscow to return to the Indian Ocean Region, primarily to ensure the protecting of Russian vessels in areas not covered by Indian Navy's operations, which include the Red Sea and the Mediterranean region.

"In the long term, this means that Russian ships will soon operate more intensively in the Indian Ocean and expand their presence," Kupriyanov stressed.

It would bolster India's security efforts and help it manage the power competition between China and the US, even as Indian Navy has intensified inter-operability with western maritime forces in recent years, the expert asserted.

"Since India's focus is primarily on the eastern part of the region, Russian ships in the western part could help fill the vacuum of security there. This will reduce the need for East African countries to seek help from China and the US to combat pirates, smugglers and drug traffickers," Kupriyanov concluded.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

- Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'.

Title:

Content:
India and Russia signed a program of cooperation to boost trade and joint investment projects in Russia's Far East Region during Modi-Putin talks on Tuesday. At the same time, they agreed to strengthen connectivity and security linkages in the Eurasian space and Indian and Pacific Oceans.

The 22nd Russia-India Annual Summit will lead to a greater collaboration between the two countries in Russian Far East and the Eurasian space, including the Indian Ocean Region (IOR), according to experts.

The 81-paragraphbilateral Joint Statement underscored the "shared vision" to enhance transport and connectivity cooperation, as well as a "solid commitment" to enhance economic linkages in Russia's resource-rich Far East, Pravesh Kumar Gupta, an Associate Fellow at New Delhi-based think tank Vivekananda International Foundation (VIF), told Sputnik India.

The 22nd Annual Summit, a "unique and pivotal event in the current global geopolitical context" according to Gupta, exposed the disappointment of Western countries.

"Amidst global turbulence, the summit served as a crucial platform for leaders to engage in constructive discussions and strategic dialogues, with the aim of bolstering cooperation in vital areas such as trade, energy, connectivity, defence, and technology. This event has been widely acknowledged as a significant milestone in the ongoing development of the close ties between India and Russia, a success that stood in stark contrast to the disappointment felt by the Western world," the Indian think-tanker asserted.

Lauding the Summit outcomes, Gupta remarked that the leaders would intensify effort to develop "promising production and marketing chains in Eurasia" and stick to the new plan for the Far East in providing enhanced cooperation in different sectors, including transport and connectivity.

Specifically both leaders shared a vision pointing to three projects – International North South Transport Corridor (INSTC), Chennai-Vladivostok Corridor as well as the Northern Sea Route (NSR), or the Polar Route.

"Most importantly, these connectivity projects are free from any political agenda, unlike the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), as clearly mentioned in the joint statement. Their implementation will be based on the principles of transparency, broad participation, local priorities, financial sustainability, and respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all nations," the VIF pundit underlined.

Gupta expressed confidence that the proposal to establish a joint working group on developing the NSR would speed up the project, which promised "significant cost savings and reduced shipping times" for goods traveling between Europe and Asia.

"The route's increased accessibility due to melting Arctic ice has sparked increased interest in its potential for commercial shipping and trade, offering a bright future for global trade," Gupta stated.

In the context of the INSTC, the expert underscored that it could turn out to be the most "cost-effective and favourable" connectivity project to increase Indian exports to Eurasia and vice-versa. He explained that the 7,200-kilometre-long multimodal corridor was in line with Moscow's geo-economic focus on Asia-Pacific following the Ukraine conflict.

Russia, India To Implement The Idea of A 'Greater Eurasian Space'

In terms of bolstering cooperation in Asia-Pacific, or near India's own neighbourhood, Modi and Putin shared approaches on building a "new architecture" of a 'Greater Eurasian space'.

Although, initially Russia was focused primarily on the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa, the Ukrainian conflict completely changed the situation, Alexey Kupriyanov, an expert in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) at Moscow-based think tank IMEMO RAS told Sputnik India.

At the same time, the think-tanker highlighted that a growing trade turnover between Russia and India was pushing Moscow to return to the Indian Ocean Region, primarily to ensure the protecting of Russian vessels in areas not covered by Indian Navy's operations, which include the Red Sea and the Mediterranean region.

"In the long term, this means that Russian ships will soon operate more intensively in the Indian Ocean and expand their presence," Kupriyanov stressed.

It would bolster India's security efforts and help it manage the power competition between China and the US, even as Indian Navy has intensified inter-operability with western maritime forces in recent years, the expert asserted.

"Since India's focus is primarily on the eastern part of the region, Russian ships in the western part could help fill the vacuum of security there. This will reduce the need for East African countries to seek help from China and the US to combat pirates, smugglers and drug traffickers," Kupriyanov concluded.

(With Inputs From Agencies)

- India’s refusal to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and its decision to ramp up energy trade with Moscow after it was sanctioned by the West did not go down well with Washington.

Title:

Content: ADVERTISEMENT

Is all well in Indo-U.S. partnership?

Updated - July 30, 2024 09:38 am IST

Published - July 29, 2024 02:01 pm IST

The overall trajectory of India’s strategic partnership with the U.S. seems steady. Many U.S. policymakers see the partnership with India as one of the most consequential bilateral relationships of the U.S. in the 21st century.

(This article is part of the View From India newsletter curated by The Hindu’s foreign affairs experts. To get the newsletter in your inbox every Monday, subscribe here.)

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Earlier in July, immediately after Prime Minister Modi wrapped up a bilateral summit with Russian President Vladimir Putin in Moscow, since first visit to Russia since the Ukraine war began in february 2022, the U.S.’s Ambassador in India made a rare public criticism of India’s Russia policy. “There is no such thing as strategic autonomy in times of conflict; we will, in crisis moments, need to know each other,” Ambassador Eric Garcetti said. In Washington DC, the State Department also expressed “concerns” over India’s ties with Russia, while National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan warned India of Russia’s deepening partnership with China. Public comments did not end there. On July 23, almost two weeks after Mr. Modi’s Russia visit, Donald Lu, Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asia, told lawmakers at a Congressional hearing in Washington that the U.S. was “disappointed” about the symbolism and timing of Mr. Modi’s visit.

The overall trajectory of India’s strategic partnership with the U.S. seems steady. Many U.S. policymakers see the partnership with India as one of the most consequential bilateral relationships of the U.S. in the 21st century. They also see an economically growing, democratic India as an effective bulwark against the Communist Party-ruled China. In India, economic, defence and strategic partnership with the U.S. is seen as critical for the country’s continued rise as a major Asian power. But the disagreements lie in the details. India’s refusal to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine and its decision to ramp up energy trade with Moscow after it was sanctioned by the West did not go down well with Washington. Russia, cut off from the Western markets, found an economic lifeline in its booming trade with China and India, the world’s second and fifth largest economies, respectively.

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In recent years, the India-U.S. partnership saw stress points in other areas as well. Indian nationals were accused of killing Hardeep Singh Nijjar, a Khalistan separatist, in Canada last year. The U.S. government has also sought accountability from the Indian government over a plot to kill Sikh separatist leader Gurpatwant Singh Pannun in New York. An Indian national is now in jail in the U.S. in connection with the case. India has denied any role in these incidents, but allegations have added to tensions in bilateral relations. And Prime Minister Modi’s visit to Russia, on the eve of a NATO summit in Washington whose main agenda was to strengthen Ukraine against the Russian invasion, seemed to have “disturbed” the Biden administration, as a Washington Post report claimed.

In its response, India’s Ministry of External Affairs said it values its strategic autonomy. “India, like many other countries, values its strategic autonomy. The U.S. Ambassador is entitled to his opinion. Obviously, we have different views,” MEA spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal said. “Our comprehensive global strategic partnership with the U.S. gives us the space to agree to disagree on certain issues, while respecting each other’s view-points,” he added.

What’s strategic autonomy, which India is fiercely protective about? “A simple definition of the concept is that countries should be able to make decisions that best serve their national interests, irrespective of the pulls and pressures from other parties,” I wrote in this July 19 Oped in The Hindu. And why is it significant for India? Watch the latest episode of Realpolitik, our video explainer column: What’s strategic autonomy and why is it important for India? | Realpolitik.

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‘Victory for Maduro’

Nicolas Maduro, Venezuela’s President who claims to be a successor of Chavismo, the socialist ideology championed by the late, charismatic President, Hugo Chavez, “won” a third consecutive term in Sunday’s election, according to Venezuela’s election authorities. Mr. Maduro, a former bus driver-tuned-politician, won 51% of the vote, while his main rival Edmundo Gonzalez garnered 44%. Before the vote, opinion polls had stated that Mr. Maduro, who rose to power after Chavez died of cancer in 2013, was trailing. And he had warned of a civil war and bloodbath if he lost the election. Mr. Gonzalez was not the opposition’s original pick against Mr. Maduro. Maria Corina Machado, arguably the most popular opposition leader who won the opposition primaries, was disqualified by the Supreme Court for supporting another opposition figure Juan Guaido’s rebellion against Mr. Maduro.

On Mr. Maduro’s watch, Venezuela’s economy, also battered by U.S. sanctions, contracted by 80% in 10 years. According to UNHCR, more than 7.7 million Venezuelans fled the country in a decade. In 2013, when Chanez passed away, Venezuela had a household poverty rate of 33.1% and extreme poverty at 11.4%, down from 61.5% and 30%, respectively, in 2003. In 10 years, the figures jumped to 82% and 53%, respectively. In other words, Mr. Maduro oversaw the total collapse of Venezuela’s economy. And he still managed to “win’ another term, extending his rule for six more years. What’s Maduro’s politics and how did he emerge as a strong man? Read this profile of the Venezuelan leader, written by my colleague Srinivasan Ramani: Nicolas Maduro | Chavism’s designated successor.

Sri Lanka to hold elections

Sri Lanka’s presidential elections will be held on September 21, the Election Commission announced on July 26. Some 17 million voters will have their first chance of electing the country’s leader, after a mass people’s uprising ousted former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa two years ago. President Ranil Wickremesinghe was among the first to formally get into the fray. His office announced making a cash deposit at the Commission for his candidacy as an independent, although he has relied on the Rajapaksas’ Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP or People’s Front) since his rise to Presidency through an urgent parliamentary vote, after Mr. Gotabaya’s resignation, reports Meera Srinivasan, from Colombo.

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The Top Five

1. The ‘geo-calculus’ of the Moscow visit

There was one clear message — of the sure bet the Narendra Modi government has placed on India-Russia ties, writes Suhasini Haidar.

2. The importance of both Quad and BRICS

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With India being the only country common to both Quad and BRICS and a founding member of both, it cannot afford to downplay one for the other, writes retired diplomat T.S. Tirumurti.

3. Between a fascist past and Right-wing present, Italy is fighting its many battles

Bursting at its seams with immigrants from the Global South and with a Right-wing government in power, Italy under Meloni finds itself in the eye of the identity politics storm; what complicates the matter further is the country’s perception as being on the wrong side of the not-so-long-ago history, Nishtha Gautam reports from Rome.

4. A new push in the Bay of Bengal

The intent of BIMSTEC member states to push forth with a bold vision for the region was evident at the 2nd Foreign Ministers’ Retreat, write Harsh V Pant and Sohini Bose.

5. Special relationship: On U.S. policy on Israel

The welcome Mr. Netanyahu received at Congress shows that he has the support of the elites. But the protest on the streets and the dissenting voices even among lawmakers suggest that the national consensus on Israel is eroding in the U.S., The Hindu writes in this editorial.

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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

- Russia has reservations about the Quad and the Indo-Pacific concept, which it sees as the US engaging in bloc politics in Asia.

Title:

Content: 31 Dec, 2023 08:46

Deeper than diplomacy: There is a reason why New Delhi and Moscow rely on each other

Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy is the core strength of bilateral ties, as the Indian foreign minister’s latest visit proves

Indian External Affairs Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar’s five-day official visit to Russia was timely and significant for more than one reason.

India and Russia had held annual summits at the leadership level since 2000. This sent an important message in terms of the value attached by the two countries to bilateral ties, but it also conveyed a broader geopolitical message to other international partners of the two countries.

But this practice was broken largely because of Russia’s pre-occupation with the Ukraine conflict and its fallout. The last annual summit took place in 2021.

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin could have held a summit on the margins of the BRICS summit in Johannesburg in South Africa or the G20 summit in New Delhi, but Putin did not attend either. While Jaishankar’s visit does not substitute for a summit meeting, it was intended to fill a political gap.

Jaishankar and Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov have met six times during the year, and the Indian external affairs minister also met with Russian Deputy Prime Minister Denis Manturov during the year on the economic agenda. For Jaishankar to visit Russia before the end of the year, undeterred by the Russian winter and holiday season, reflects the importance both sides attach to the further expansion of ties.

Putin has on several occasions praised the Indian prime minister and positively noted the country’s economic progress. At the ‘Russia Calling’ Forum in early December this year, he said that despite pressure from others, he “cannot imagine that Modi could be frightened, intimidated or forced to take any actions, steps, decisions that would at variance with the national interest of India and the Indian people.” He noted that sometimes he is surprised at Modi’s tough stance on Indian national interests. He added that the policy pursued by Modi is the “main guarantor” of the developing bilateral ties.

This is high and unusual praise by Putin. It can be interpreted on several levels – particularly as an acknowledgement that India has resisted pressure from the US and others to condemn Russia over the Ukraine conflict, impose sanctions, and reduce defense ties with Russia. India has, on the contrary, bought discounted Russian oil to the point that Russia has become its biggest oil supplier. It has argued that ensuring this market flow of Russian oil has helped avoid a major spike in oil prices and checked global inflation. Indian-Russian trade has expanded, while the G7 has broken economic and trade ties with Russia.

India played a major role as G20 president in negotiating the part in the Leaders’ Declaration on the Ukraine conflict despite the hardening of the G7 position and that of Russia and China after the G20 summit in Bali. The final text does not mention Russia by name, while the G7 was satisfied that the general formulations in it could be sold as being directed at Russia’s military operation in Ukraine.

Not surprisingly, Putin complimented India for de-politicizing the G20. India chaired the SCO summit in July 2023 and participated in the BRICS summit in South Africa in August 2023. This countered G7 attempts to isolate Russia diplomatically. In fact, the New Delhi SCO Declaration spoke of more effective global institutions, a more representative, just, and multipolar world order based on international law and multilateralism, and criticized the unilateral application of economic sanctions – a clear critique of the Western-dominated global system.

It is against this backdrop that Putin received Jaishankar at the Kremlin, the first time that such a gesture has been made to him personally. The general unavailability of Putin to visiting foreign ministers is well-known.

Jaishankar delivered a personal message from Modi to Putin. During the meeting, Putin invited his “friend Modi” to visit Russia in 2024 and noted that Indian-Russian ties were on the whole developing well. He said that he had been briefing Modi on developments in Ukraine, remarking that he understands the Indian prime minister is willing to do his utmost to resolve the matter by peaceful means. He added that he would give additional information to Jaishankar on Ukraine.

India has continued to strengthen ties with the US, including in the defense domain. It is a member of the Quad and a strong supporter of the Indo-Pacific concept, both of which are intended to deter China’s regional ambitions. Russia has reservations about the Quad and the Indo-Pacific concept, which it sees as the US engaging in bloc politics in Asia.

Putin’s praise for Modi and India and the gesture of receiving Jaishankar takes into consideration these realities of India’s foreign policy which are meant to safeguard the larger national interests. At the core of this is Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy. Jaishankar’s high-profile visit and the vigorous language used to mark the importance of India’s traditional ties with Russia would have caught Washington’s attention.

Jaishankar noted that after talks with Lavrov, “what clearly came out was that India-Russia relations remain very steady, remain very strong, they are based on our strategic convergence, on our geopolitical interests, and because they are mutually beneficial.” The two leaders discussed political cooperation within international organizations such as BRICS, the SCO, etc.

Indian-Russian trade is at an all-time high, exceeding $50 billion last year, and should pass that figure this year. It includes energy, fertilizers, coking coal, and other items, for which long term arrangements were discussed. India intends to expand investments in Russia’s oil and gas sector.

On the nuclear side, two important amendments were agreed to which will take the Kudankulam nuclear power project forward. Mutual investments, progress on a bilateral investment treaty, and the resumption of negotiations between India and the Eurasian Economic Union for a free trade agreement will be resumed in the second half of January 2024.

Moscow and New Delhi will expand cooperation in the Russian Far East. India expects a large representation from this region at the Vibrant Gujarat Summit in January 2024.

Connectivity between India and Russia will be critical for expanding trade ties – connectivity from western India through the International North-South Transport Corridor, and connectivity from eastern India, from Chennai to Vladivostok, and the polar route. To promote tourism, India is open to increasing the number of flights from India every week.

The talks between Jaishankar and Lavrov were comprehensive. They discussed the global strategic situation, Ukraine, Gaza, the Indo-Pacific, ASEAN, Afghanistan, UN-related matters, the challenges facing the Global South, and the building of a multipolar order. China would undoubtedly have been discussed, but diplomatic discretion here would be normal.

In the joint press conference, Lavrov spoke of prospects for more defense cooperation, including joint production of modern weapons under New Delhi’s ‘Make in India’ program, and, importantly, expressed respect for India’s efforts to diversify its defense ties. He noted bilateral cooperation in rocket engine manufacturing and satellite navigation systems.

Jaishankar’s visit was productive in maintaining the momentum of Indian-Russian ties, which have been built over 60 years, a relationship that he believes is not just about politics, diplomacy, or economics, but is much deeper.

Where India Meets Russia – We are now on WhatsApp! Follow and share RT India in English and in Hindi

The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of RT.

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What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

- At the core of this is Russia’s respect for India’s policy of strategic autonomy.

- Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad.

Title:

Content: Homepage

Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad

  • In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia.
  • The move signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow, and shows the world India is pursuing its own agenda.
  • Modi is aiming to correct the trade imbalance and address China's Indo-Pacific activities.
Advertisement

In a move likely to anger the US, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is visiting Russia on Monday for his first bilateral trip after winning a historic third term in office.

Modi's two-day visit to Russia — where he is scheduled to meet with President Vladimir Putin — is significant in that it signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow. It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

Vinay Kwatra, India's foreign secretary, told reporters in New Delhi that issues between Russia and India have "piled up" and "need to be addressed," per Bloomberg.

Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine. India is a major buyer of Russian oil. Russia is also India's biggest arms supplier.

Advertisement

Kwatra underscored that the two countries' trade relationship has remained "resilient."

Still, Modi's trip will "rankle many Western observers," Ved Shinde, a researcher and contributor to Australia's Lowy Institute think tank, wrote in a note on Wednesday.

"Since the Ukraine war began, India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in the heart of Europe," Shinde added.

Modi's visit to Russia will make the US look bad

Just like Putin's visit to supply-chain hot spot Vietnam, India's engagement with Russia isn't a good look for the US, as it comes while Washington is isolating Putin's regime.

Advertisement

The US has raised "some concerns" about India's relationship with Russia with New Delhi, Kurt Campbell, the US Deputy Secretary of State, said last month.

However, Washington acknowledges that India's ties with Russia are different from its ties with the US.

"We have many areas of alignment, but it is not surprising that there would be areas where we've had perhaps different perspectives, views, historical ties," Campbell said about America's relationship with India.

India, for its part, is looking to balance its relationship with the world's key powerbrokers — the US, Russia, and China.

Advertisement

"There are different degrees in India's multi-alignment. Make no mistake — the United States and its allies are more consequential for India's future than its relationship with Russia," wrote Shinde.

India needs to leverage its historical ties with Russia to secure its economy and security, so Modi isn't just in Russia for a goodwill trip.

Reducing the trade imbalance

A key agenda item for the visit is to reduce a huge bilateral trade imbalance, said Kwatra.

India imports about $60 billion of goods a year from Russia, but Russia buys less than 10% of this amount from India, per Bloomberg.

Advertisement

Modi may also touch on China's activities in the Indo-Pacific region, said Kwatra.

India is trying to manage its relationship with China, which has been testy since a border dispute in 2020. Modi skipped the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kazakhstan last week.

There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

At the summit last week, Putin said Russia's relationship with China is in the "best period in history."

Advertisement

Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

"The reason for the time-tested stability in India-Russia ties is to maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland. That is, to balance China," wrote Shinde.

"Or to put it another way, don't go around making new adversaries when there are already two open fronts — China and Pakistan," Shinde added.

Politics India Russia
Advertisement

Jump to

  1. Main content
  2. Search
  3. Account

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

- It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

Title:

Content: Homepage

Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad

  • In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia.
  • The move signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow, and shows the world India is pursuing its own agenda.
  • Modi is aiming to correct the trade imbalance and address China's Indo-Pacific activities.
Advertisement

In a move likely to anger the US, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is visiting Russia on Monday for his first bilateral trip after winning a historic third term in office.

Modi's two-day visit to Russia — where he is scheduled to meet with President Vladimir Putin — is significant in that it signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow. It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

Vinay Kwatra, India's foreign secretary, told reporters in New Delhi that issues between Russia and India have "piled up" and "need to be addressed," per Bloomberg.

Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine. India is a major buyer of Russian oil. Russia is also India's biggest arms supplier.

Advertisement

Kwatra underscored that the two countries' trade relationship has remained "resilient."

Still, Modi's trip will "rankle many Western observers," Ved Shinde, a researcher and contributor to Australia's Lowy Institute think tank, wrote in a note on Wednesday.

"Since the Ukraine war began, India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in the heart of Europe," Shinde added.

Modi's visit to Russia will make the US look bad

Just like Putin's visit to supply-chain hot spot Vietnam, India's engagement with Russia isn't a good look for the US, as it comes while Washington is isolating Putin's regime.

Advertisement

The US has raised "some concerns" about India's relationship with Russia with New Delhi, Kurt Campbell, the US Deputy Secretary of State, said last month.

However, Washington acknowledges that India's ties with Russia are different from its ties with the US.

"We have many areas of alignment, but it is not surprising that there would be areas where we've had perhaps different perspectives, views, historical ties," Campbell said about America's relationship with India.

India, for its part, is looking to balance its relationship with the world's key powerbrokers — the US, Russia, and China.

Advertisement

"There are different degrees in India's multi-alignment. Make no mistake — the United States and its allies are more consequential for India's future than its relationship with Russia," wrote Shinde.

India needs to leverage its historical ties with Russia to secure its economy and security, so Modi isn't just in Russia for a goodwill trip.

Reducing the trade imbalance

A key agenda item for the visit is to reduce a huge bilateral trade imbalance, said Kwatra.

India imports about $60 billion of goods a year from Russia, but Russia buys less than 10% of this amount from India, per Bloomberg.

Advertisement

Modi may also touch on China's activities in the Indo-Pacific region, said Kwatra.

India is trying to manage its relationship with China, which has been testy since a border dispute in 2020. Modi skipped the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kazakhstan last week.

There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

At the summit last week, Putin said Russia's relationship with China is in the "best period in history."

Advertisement

Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

"The reason for the time-tested stability in India-Russia ties is to maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland. That is, to balance China," wrote Shinde.

"Or to put it another way, don't go around making new adversaries when there are already two open fronts — China and Pakistan," Shinde added.

Politics India Russia
Advertisement

Jump to

  1. Main content
  2. Search
  3. Account

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

- India is a major buyer of Russian oil.

Title:

Content: Homepage

Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad

  • In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia.
  • The move signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow, and shows the world India is pursuing its own agenda.
  • Modi is aiming to correct the trade imbalance and address China's Indo-Pacific activities.
Advertisement

In a move likely to anger the US, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is visiting Russia on Monday for his first bilateral trip after winning a historic third term in office.

Modi's two-day visit to Russia — where he is scheduled to meet with President Vladimir Putin — is significant in that it signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow. It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

Vinay Kwatra, India's foreign secretary, told reporters in New Delhi that issues between Russia and India have "piled up" and "need to be addressed," per Bloomberg.

Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine. India is a major buyer of Russian oil. Russia is also India's biggest arms supplier.

Advertisement

Kwatra underscored that the two countries' trade relationship has remained "resilient."

Still, Modi's trip will "rankle many Western observers," Ved Shinde, a researcher and contributor to Australia's Lowy Institute think tank, wrote in a note on Wednesday.

"Since the Ukraine war began, India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in the heart of Europe," Shinde added.

Modi's visit to Russia will make the US look bad

Just like Putin's visit to supply-chain hot spot Vietnam, India's engagement with Russia isn't a good look for the US, as it comes while Washington is isolating Putin's regime.

Advertisement

The US has raised "some concerns" about India's relationship with Russia with New Delhi, Kurt Campbell, the US Deputy Secretary of State, said last month.

However, Washington acknowledges that India's ties with Russia are different from its ties with the US.

"We have many areas of alignment, but it is not surprising that there would be areas where we've had perhaps different perspectives, views, historical ties," Campbell said about America's relationship with India.

India, for its part, is looking to balance its relationship with the world's key powerbrokers — the US, Russia, and China.

Advertisement

"There are different degrees in India's multi-alignment. Make no mistake — the United States and its allies are more consequential for India's future than its relationship with Russia," wrote Shinde.

India needs to leverage its historical ties with Russia to secure its economy and security, so Modi isn't just in Russia for a goodwill trip.

Reducing the trade imbalance

A key agenda item for the visit is to reduce a huge bilateral trade imbalance, said Kwatra.

India imports about $60 billion of goods a year from Russia, but Russia buys less than 10% of this amount from India, per Bloomberg.

Advertisement

Modi may also touch on China's activities in the Indo-Pacific region, said Kwatra.

India is trying to manage its relationship with China, which has been testy since a border dispute in 2020. Modi skipped the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kazakhstan last week.

There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

At the summit last week, Putin said Russia's relationship with China is in the "best period in history."

Advertisement

Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

"The reason for the time-tested stability in India-Russia ties is to maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland. That is, to balance China," wrote Shinde.

"Or to put it another way, don't go around making new adversaries when there are already two open fronts — China and Pakistan," Shinde added.

Politics India Russia
Advertisement

Jump to

  1. Main content
  2. Search
  3. Account

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

- There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

Title:

Content: Homepage

Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad

  • In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia.
  • The move signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow, and shows the world India is pursuing its own agenda.
  • Modi is aiming to correct the trade imbalance and address China's Indo-Pacific activities.
Advertisement

In a move likely to anger the US, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is visiting Russia on Monday for his first bilateral trip after winning a historic third term in office.

Modi's two-day visit to Russia — where he is scheduled to meet with President Vladimir Putin — is significant in that it signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow. It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

Vinay Kwatra, India's foreign secretary, told reporters in New Delhi that issues between Russia and India have "piled up" and "need to be addressed," per Bloomberg.

Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine. India is a major buyer of Russian oil. Russia is also India's biggest arms supplier.

Advertisement

Kwatra underscored that the two countries' trade relationship has remained "resilient."

Still, Modi's trip will "rankle many Western observers," Ved Shinde, a researcher and contributor to Australia's Lowy Institute think tank, wrote in a note on Wednesday.

"Since the Ukraine war began, India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in the heart of Europe," Shinde added.

Modi's visit to Russia will make the US look bad

Just like Putin's visit to supply-chain hot spot Vietnam, India's engagement with Russia isn't a good look for the US, as it comes while Washington is isolating Putin's regime.

Advertisement

The US has raised "some concerns" about India's relationship with Russia with New Delhi, Kurt Campbell, the US Deputy Secretary of State, said last month.

However, Washington acknowledges that India's ties with Russia are different from its ties with the US.

"We have many areas of alignment, but it is not surprising that there would be areas where we've had perhaps different perspectives, views, historical ties," Campbell said about America's relationship with India.

India, for its part, is looking to balance its relationship with the world's key powerbrokers — the US, Russia, and China.

Advertisement

"There are different degrees in India's multi-alignment. Make no mistake — the United States and its allies are more consequential for India's future than its relationship with Russia," wrote Shinde.

India needs to leverage its historical ties with Russia to secure its economy and security, so Modi isn't just in Russia for a goodwill trip.

Reducing the trade imbalance

A key agenda item for the visit is to reduce a huge bilateral trade imbalance, said Kwatra.

India imports about $60 billion of goods a year from Russia, but Russia buys less than 10% of this amount from India, per Bloomberg.

Advertisement

Modi may also touch on China's activities in the Indo-Pacific region, said Kwatra.

India is trying to manage its relationship with China, which has been testy since a border dispute in 2020. Modi skipped the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kazakhstan last week.

There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

At the summit last week, Putin said Russia's relationship with China is in the "best period in history."

Advertisement

Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

"The reason for the time-tested stability in India-Russia ties is to maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland. That is, to balance China," wrote Shinde.

"Or to put it another way, don't go around making new adversaries when there are already two open fronts — China and Pakistan," Shinde added.

Politics India Russia
Advertisement

Jump to

  1. Main content
  2. Search
  3. Account

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

- Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

Title:

Content: Homepage

Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad

  • In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia.
  • The move signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow, and shows the world India is pursuing its own agenda.
  • Modi is aiming to correct the trade imbalance and address China's Indo-Pacific activities.
Advertisement

In a move likely to anger the US, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is visiting Russia on Monday for his first bilateral trip after winning a historic third term in office.

Modi's two-day visit to Russia — where he is scheduled to meet with President Vladimir Putin — is significant in that it signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow. It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

Vinay Kwatra, India's foreign secretary, told reporters in New Delhi that issues between Russia and India have "piled up" and "need to be addressed," per Bloomberg.

Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine. India is a major buyer of Russian oil. Russia is also India's biggest arms supplier.

Advertisement

Kwatra underscored that the two countries' trade relationship has remained "resilient."

Still, Modi's trip will "rankle many Western observers," Ved Shinde, a researcher and contributor to Australia's Lowy Institute think tank, wrote in a note on Wednesday.

"Since the Ukraine war began, India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in the heart of Europe," Shinde added.

Modi's visit to Russia will make the US look bad

Just like Putin's visit to supply-chain hot spot Vietnam, India's engagement with Russia isn't a good look for the US, as it comes while Washington is isolating Putin's regime.

Advertisement

The US has raised "some concerns" about India's relationship with Russia with New Delhi, Kurt Campbell, the US Deputy Secretary of State, said last month.

However, Washington acknowledges that India's ties with Russia are different from its ties with the US.

"We have many areas of alignment, but it is not surprising that there would be areas where we've had perhaps different perspectives, views, historical ties," Campbell said about America's relationship with India.

India, for its part, is looking to balance its relationship with the world's key powerbrokers — the US, Russia, and China.

Advertisement

"There are different degrees in India's multi-alignment. Make no mistake — the United States and its allies are more consequential for India's future than its relationship with Russia," wrote Shinde.

India needs to leverage its historical ties with Russia to secure its economy and security, so Modi isn't just in Russia for a goodwill trip.

Reducing the trade imbalance

A key agenda item for the visit is to reduce a huge bilateral trade imbalance, said Kwatra.

India imports about $60 billion of goods a year from Russia, but Russia buys less than 10% of this amount from India, per Bloomberg.

Advertisement

Modi may also touch on China's activities in the Indo-Pacific region, said Kwatra.

India is trying to manage its relationship with China, which has been testy since a border dispute in 2020. Modi skipped the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kazakhstan last week.

There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

At the summit last week, Putin said Russia's relationship with China is in the "best period in history."

Advertisement

Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

"The reason for the time-tested stability in India-Russia ties is to maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland. That is, to balance China," wrote Shinde.

"Or to put it another way, don't go around making new adversaries when there are already two open fronts — China and Pakistan," Shinde added.

Politics India Russia
Advertisement

Jump to

  1. Main content
  2. Search
  3. Account

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

- Ajit Doval’s high-stake visits to Russia and the US are reflective of India’s consistent efforts to balance ties with the rival superpowers.

Title:

Content: Opinion

Treading a fine line

Ajit Doval’s high-stake visits to Russia and the US are reflective of India’s consistent efforts to balance ties with the rival superpowers; writes Vinay Kumar

X

India’s security and strategic interests on important global platforms have been in focus over the last month as National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval made hectic trips to the US and Russia.

Doval headed to the United States in late January and held a meeting with his US counterpart, Jake Sullivan. Earlier this month, he paid a visit to Russia where he joined top security officials from China, Iran and a number of Central Asian states to participate in a multilateral meeting on Afghanistan.

NSA’s recent visits to the world’s most important political capitals underlined the importance that India attaches to striking a delicate balance in its relations with both the countries at a time when global security and geopolitical environment appear uncertain. His visits to Washington DC and Moscow show India’s priorities in forging vital initiatives.

In Washington, the two NSAs agreed upon a number of important arrangements under the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) which was launched in 2022 and has the potential to have a transformative impact on India’s partnership with the US in areas like military, science & technology and key high-tech fields.

Considering the fact that Russia and the US have been at loggerheads, more so in the wake of the Ukraine War which has completed one year, Doval’s trip assumes significance. The icing on the cake was that the NSA also had one-on-one meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a rare instance of President Putin meeting a top-ranking official from India. His meeting with Doval also pointed towards the continued importance which both sides accord to each other in taking forward their engagement. At a time when Russia continues to face confrontation with the West over the war in Ukraine, Doval’s meeting with President Putin carries a special context. India, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has lent its voice to the peace-making efforts in Ukraine, stressing that today’s era is not an era of war. In his telephonic conversation with President Putin last September, PM Modi voiced his concern, stressing upon the need to take the path of diplomacy and dialogue, a stance often reiterated at various global forums at the highest level.

While India, having to put up with the Chinese threat, has warmed up to the US, it has also taken pains to maintain its relationship with Russia; though Moscow, facing increased isolation in the global community over the war in Ukraine, does not appear to be too pleased with the initiatives surrounding the Indo-Pacific, with the active involvement of the US and further deepening of strategic defence and technological ties between New Delhi and Washington. India has also stressed upon furthering its cooperation with Russia in sectors such as trade, energy and defence.

With the US, under the iCET initiative, India is poised to forge closer cooperation in the areas of Artificial Intelligence (AI), 6G, quantum technologies etc. Other focus areas include defence innovation, technology cooperation and semiconductor supply chains. Doval stressed upon the need to pin down the deliverables in these key focus areas to ensure that no slip-ups or laxity creeps in. Co-production and technology development have left much to be desired, though India is now billed as a major defence partner of the US

The NSA’s discussions in Washington DC and Moscow also point towards India’s keen desire to safeguard its key interests, make advances in high-tech areas and, at the same time, be ready to hold on to its independent position and avoid landing in confrontationist stance, so far as the two rival powers are concerned, as new dynamics is emerging rather rapidly in the geopolitical arena.

Views expressed are personal

Next Story

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

- India has also stressed upon furthering its cooperation with Russia in sectors such as trade, energy and defence.

Title:

Content: Opinion

Treading a fine line

Ajit Doval’s high-stake visits to Russia and the US are reflective of India’s consistent efforts to balance ties with the rival superpowers; writes Vinay Kumar

X

India’s security and strategic interests on important global platforms have been in focus over the last month as National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval made hectic trips to the US and Russia.

Doval headed to the United States in late January and held a meeting with his US counterpart, Jake Sullivan. Earlier this month, he paid a visit to Russia where he joined top security officials from China, Iran and a number of Central Asian states to participate in a multilateral meeting on Afghanistan.

NSA’s recent visits to the world’s most important political capitals underlined the importance that India attaches to striking a delicate balance in its relations with both the countries at a time when global security and geopolitical environment appear uncertain. His visits to Washington DC and Moscow show India’s priorities in forging vital initiatives.

In Washington, the two NSAs agreed upon a number of important arrangements under the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) which was launched in 2022 and has the potential to have a transformative impact on India’s partnership with the US in areas like military, science & technology and key high-tech fields.

Considering the fact that Russia and the US have been at loggerheads, more so in the wake of the Ukraine War which has completed one year, Doval’s trip assumes significance. The icing on the cake was that the NSA also had one-on-one meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a rare instance of President Putin meeting a top-ranking official from India. His meeting with Doval also pointed towards the continued importance which both sides accord to each other in taking forward their engagement. At a time when Russia continues to face confrontation with the West over the war in Ukraine, Doval’s meeting with President Putin carries a special context. India, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has lent its voice to the peace-making efforts in Ukraine, stressing that today’s era is not an era of war. In his telephonic conversation with President Putin last September, PM Modi voiced his concern, stressing upon the need to take the path of diplomacy and dialogue, a stance often reiterated at various global forums at the highest level.

While India, having to put up with the Chinese threat, has warmed up to the US, it has also taken pains to maintain its relationship with Russia; though Moscow, facing increased isolation in the global community over the war in Ukraine, does not appear to be too pleased with the initiatives surrounding the Indo-Pacific, with the active involvement of the US and further deepening of strategic defence and technological ties between New Delhi and Washington. India has also stressed upon furthering its cooperation with Russia in sectors such as trade, energy and defence.

With the US, under the iCET initiative, India is poised to forge closer cooperation in the areas of Artificial Intelligence (AI), 6G, quantum technologies etc. Other focus areas include defence innovation, technology cooperation and semiconductor supply chains. Doval stressed upon the need to pin down the deliverables in these key focus areas to ensure that no slip-ups or laxity creeps in. Co-production and technology development have left much to be desired, though India is now billed as a major defence partner of the US

The NSA’s discussions in Washington DC and Moscow also point towards India’s keen desire to safeguard its key interests, make advances in high-tech areas and, at the same time, be ready to hold on to its independent position and avoid landing in confrontationist stance, so far as the two rival powers are concerned, as new dynamics is emerging rather rapidly in the geopolitical arena.

Views expressed are personal

Next Story

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

- Thanks to India’s legacy of staying away from great-power camps and the current leadership’s deft handling of the new conditions created by Russia’s war on Ukraine, India found itself in a “geopolitical sweet spot”.

Title:

Content: I wrote in May about how, thanks to India’s legacy of staying away from great-power camps and the current leadership’s deft handling of the new conditions created by Russia’s war on Ukraine, India found itself in a “geopolitical sweet spot”.

Essentially, the sense at the time – confirmed by a stream of major diplomatic engagements by foreign powers with New Delhi – was that India was being courted by all sides, and could, in a sense utilise the crisis to emerge stronger.

On the one end, the West was making an extra effort to help India reduce its dependence on Russian arms and build its capacity to balance China, while on the other, Moscow and – even to an extent Beijing – tomtommed New Delhi’s refusal to join the sanctions regime in an effort to convey the idea that the entire world was not toeing US President Joe Biden’s autocracies vs democracies line.

There was the concern that this balancing act could not last forever.

Yet, by all accounts, eight months into the war, India continues to inhabit that sweet spot, despite Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s harsher words for Russian President Vladimir Putin and grumbling from Western commentators about India’s abstentions in the United Nations Security Council.

From the Hindustan Times:

“Russia and Ukraine are fighting, but both want to be friends with India and have a degree of appreciation for its position on the war. Europe and the United States are key players in the war helping the Ukrainians, but despite Delhi’s indifference and refusal to participate in any of their measures to make life tough for the Russians, they are happy enough with India’s position. Smaller countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America don’t like the war and are aggrieved that they are suffering for no fault of their own. But the global South sees India as a voice of reason which can highlight the consequences of the war on the big power stage that they have little access to. And the top United Nations leadership is keeping India briefed on developments, and sees India as a valuable partner in its efforts to lower the temperature.

Both on the war, and beyond the war on the most pressing strategic and development issues of the day, the world is wooing India.”

Of course, the tightrope walk is not necessarily easy or inevitable.

If a cornered Putin further escalates civilian attacks in Ukraine, New Delhi may find it harder to maintain what is effectively a not-our-problem stance on the war.

On the other side, in the optics of its red-carpet welcome for the Pakistani Army Chief, the US ambassador’s visit to Pakistan-occupied Kashmir and the F-16 deal, Washington, DC, has offered a reminder that its growing relationship with India does not mean it will align with all of New Delhi’s stances either.

Despite these diversions, as long as the West continues to see Xi Jinping’s China as the long-term threat to global order, it will continue to seek way to align further with India. Even as it continues to delink from Russia, New Delhi will still look at pathways – such as its presence at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation or among its BRICS, or Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, peers – to sustain a multipolar world.

But this is no longer just a geopolitical moment for India.

As nations around the world grapple with high inflation and the prospect of a global recession, the spotlight has turned also to the Indian economy.

From The New York Times in September,

“As global economic growth slows sharply, with many major economies gripped with worries of recession, there has been a conspicuous exception: India.

The Indian government says the country’s economy remains on track to grow 7% or more this year, more than double the projections for global growth…

The rapid expansion in India reflects in part the depths to which the economy had fallen during the most devastating shocks of the pandemic, with lockdowns forcing an exodus of laborers from urban centers. It also reflects the insulated nature of India’s economy: It has avoided the worst of the global slump because it is driven more by local demand than exports.

But perhaps most important has been a suite of government policies, including increased public investment, relief to debtors, and credit guarantees to small and medium-size firms hit hardest by the pandemic. Policy interventions have kept inflation – which has historically been high in India – relatively in check. And purchases of discounted oil from Russia, against the wishes of the United States and Europe, have helped buffer rising global energy prices.”

The “sweet/bright spot” terminology has been embraced by many.

Naturally, the government has adopted it, talking up the successes of the Indian economy. But its use goes beyond just New Delhi’s cheerleaders.

Deutsche Bank chief executive Christian Sewing called India the “shining star” of the global economy at the moment. Citigroup Chief Jane Fraser, back in July, called this a “pretty unique point in time for India.” The International Monetary Fund’s Managing Director Kristalina Georgieva reportedly called India a “bright spot” in the global economy.

What explains this sudden optimism for an economy that was seeing a major slowdown in growth even before the Covid-19 pandemic hit?

Some of it has to do with China’s continued adherence to the zero-Covid strategy, meaning the country just about avoided contraction in the April-June quarter and is unlikely to see much annual growth – prompting global capital to look elsewhere for investment opportunities (in addition to the efforts to diversify from China that have become more urgent for many Western businesses over the past few years).

Some of it has to do with India appearing to weather the current “polycrisis” better than many of its neighbours and peers, with the rupee holding firmer than a number of other currencies, external debt being under control and prices not seeing the runaway inflation that is affecting much of the world.

Here, there is a general sense that, despite the mismanagement of economy prior to the pandemic, and the fears of demand destruction because of limited fiscal spending during the crisis, India’s policymakers successfully kept the ship steady and weathered the storm better than many others.

Some of it is in reaction to the news that India overtook the United Kingdom to become the world’s fifth-largest economy – an important development, given the colonial history of the two countries, but also a complex one given the huge per capita disparities.

The “sweet spot” plus “bright spot” conversation has placed India in a prominent place on the world stage, reviving “superpowerpredictions (despite the rather unfortunate recent history of the ‘Superpower 2020’ trend). But much of it is based on extrapolating from India’s potential, rather than its current stature. There are plenty of challenges to tackle before India can achieve that potential.

Even if you put aside the “risks [to] social harmony” that “Raghu Sanjaylal Jaitley” mentions here in a thoughtful evaluation of India’s “sweet spot” moment, there is the much touted economy to consider. While India’s gross domestic product, or GDP, growth figures will undoubtedly be the fastest of any major economy this year, and most likely the year after, the numbers themselves have been disappointing relative to original expectations.

As Mihir Sharma explains on Bloomberg:

“India’s official statisticians reported 13.5% growth in the April to June quarter of this year. This meant that the country whooshed into top place as the world’s fastest-growing large economy — and, incidentally, replaced Great Britain as the world’s fifth-biggest economy.

Unfortunately, that’s where the good news about India’s growth prospects ends. Those GDP numbers were actually a disappointment, given that the same quarter last year saw India shut down amid its devastating Delta-driven Covid wave; a Bloomberg survey of economists expected growth in excess of 15%.

Over the past three years, in fact, GDP in India has grown just over 3% – and less than 4% since the last quarter before the pandemic. This financial year – which will end in March 2023 – is unlikely to break any records: Most now expect that real growth will not reach 7% even off a low base.”

Indeed, growth estimates for this financial year (2022-’23) have been cut by the Reserve Bank of India (from 7.2% to 7%), the State Bank of India (from 7.5% to 6.8%), the International Monetary Fund (from 7.4% to 6.8%) and the World Bank (7.5% to 6.5%). Japanese brokerage Nomura said it expected India to hit 7% this year, but to sharply decelerate afterwards, coming down to 5.4% (as opposed to the 6.1% expected by the International Monetary Fund, for example).

“While we broadly agree with our interlocutors on the growth prospects in FY23, we believe the optimism in FY24 may be misplaced and that the spillover effects from the global slowdown are being underestimated,” analysts from Nomura said, in a note.

As TN Ninan explains, “the signs of an economic slowdown are unmissable. Whether it is industrial production, electricity generation, exports, or revenue from goods and services tax, there is a loss of momentum.”

This is obviously connected to the expectation that a third of the world will be in recession next year, which cannot but affect India, especially as it has depended heavily on exports to power growth over the pandemic years. But it also reflects weaknesses in the underlying economy.

Abhishek Anand, Arvind Subramanian and Josh Felman write in the Business Standard,

“Is the Indian economy truly booming? The short answer is that the latest data flatters to deceive. The economy is out of the ICU, but its health remains fragile and still needs the doctor’s attention…

In GDP terms, the economy is just 3.8% cent larger than it was three years ago. And it is worth noting that 2019-’20 was a year when the economy was in ICU, with most indicators showing negative growth as Figure 1 shows. Thus, a comparison with the healthier 2018-’19 would present a much dimmer picture…

All the heady optimism has overlooked the vulnerable state of the macro-economy. Headline inflation has been above the target 4% for 35 consecutive months, above the ceiling of 6% for 21 of the 35 months, and core inflation remains close to this ceiling rate. According to the IMF’s latest estimates for 2022, the general government fiscal deficit is almost double-digit, and the current account deficit is 2.9% of GDP. When we compare the macro index to India’s own past, vulnerabilities are at their highest since the fallout from the Global Financial Crisis even if India’s high but depleting foreign exchange reserves provide cushion against real crisis.”

One of the key worries is that, despite all the reforms and policy adjustments meant to make the business environment friendlies, private investment – which would provide an engine of growth even at a time when the global market is struggling – simply hasn’t taken off.

You know things are bad on this front when politicians have to complain to industry leaders about why they are not investing. Here is Finance Minsiter Nirmala Sitharaman in September at a corporate summit:

“I want to know from the Indian industry what is it that they are hesitant about… Since 2019, when I took charge of the finance ministry, I have been hearing industry doesn’t think its (environment) is conducive. Alright, the (corporate) tax rate was brought down. I keep defending the industry even when people provocatively ask me what I would like to tell the private sector. We will do everything to get industry coming and investing here. Give PLI, we have given PLI. I want to hear from India Inc: what’s stopping you?

Is it like Hanuman? You don’t believe in your own capacity, in your own strength and there’s got to be someone standing next to you and say you are Hanuman, do it? Who is that person going to tell Hanuman? It can’t certainly be the government.”

And why isn’t private investment taking off?

One answer is that, despite these positive GDP growth numbers indicating a recovery from the depths of the pandemic-created contraction, businesses have little confidence that there is consumer demand over the coming months and years will be robust and broad-based.

Consumption has indeed been growing at the premium end of the market, but numbers remain worrisome across the broader economy, reinforcing the sense that India’s recovery from the pandemic has been “K-shaped” – meaning extremely positive for the affluent, and disappointing for everyone else.

“The confidence of the private sector on the sustainability of demand is low, given economic headwinds. This is leading to lower appetite for investing to build capacity,” Ranen Banerjee, leader economic advisory Services, PwC India, told Business Standard.

Niranjan Rajadhyaksha has for some time now been writing about how India’s post-lockdown recovery – as measured through GDP growth, buoyant tax numbers and healthier balance sheets – has been led by corporate profits, rather than wages. That in itself is not a problem: higher profits can lead power an economic recovery, but only if conditions are right. And for India, right now, they do not seem to be.

Rajadhyaksha writes:

“A higher share of profits can boost economic activity if companies use their net income to expand capacity in their factories by buying new machines; however, companies will prefer to use their net income to either save money or pay off old debts when there is no compelling reason to buy new machines because of excess capacity or business uncertainty…

This year’s festive season has started off well, but companies, policymakers and analysts have to be alert to the possibility that a lower share of wages in national income, persistent inflation and a gradual whittling down of the excess financial savings accumulated during covid lockdowns can lead to weaker consumer demand in the coming quarters.”

Still, the government – which continues to spend heavily on public capital expenditure with the aim of driving growth until the private sector kicks in – is hoping that the cleaner balance-sheets and availability of credit will act as a springboard for whenever businesses start investing.

From the Ministry of Finance’s July economic review:

“Conservative estimates of medium-term potential growth for India may be missing a trick as they overweight the decline and subsequent stagnation in capital formation in the country in the second decade of the millennium. That was due to the stress in the financial system. As and when the Indian private sector embarks on the long-awaited capital expenditure cycle, building on the government’s capital expenditure of recent years, India’s potential and estimated economic growth performance in the rest of the decade will inevitably be revised higher.”

That “as and when” is crucial. Will it be in the next few months? Or is it several years down the line – years that are likely to include a global recession, rising energy costs and no guarantee that the corporate profits and tax revenue spikes of this financial year will be sustained?

Will global headwinds, persistent inflation and a K-shaped recovery prevent India’s economy from taking advantage of its “bright spot” moment? Or will the government – or indicators from the broader economy – finally convince Hanuman to step up in time?

This article first appeared on India Inside Out.

Also read:

Hanuman’s leap: Why India’s firms aren’t making investments despite Nirmala Sitharaman’s pleading

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

- The global South sees India as a voice of reason which can highlight the consequences of the war on the big power stage that they have little access to.

- In the joint statement, India and Russia said, “The Sides expressed deep concern on the situation in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Gaza.

Title:

Content: India, Russia express deep concern on situation in Middle East

Moscow: India and Russia have expressed “deep concern” on the situation in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Gaza and called for immediate and unconditional release of all hostages.

The joint Statement following the 22nd India-Russia Annual Summit said the two sides called for the effective implementation of the relevant United Nations General Assembly resolutions and United Nations Security Council resolution 2720 and for immediate safe and unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance in the Gaza Strip.

In the joint statement, India and Russia said, “The Sides expressed deep concern on the situation in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Gaza. In this regard, they called for the effective implementation of the relevant UNGA resolutions and UNSC resolution 2720 and for immediate safe and unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance at scale directly to the Palestinian civilian population throughout the Gaza Strip.”

“They also called for the effective implementation of the UNSC resolution 2728 for a lasting and sustainable ceasefire. They equally called for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages as well as humanitarian access to address their medical and other humanitarian needs,” it added.

The two nations affirmed their support for Palestine’s full membership in the United Nations and reiterated their commitment to the principle of the two-state solution.

The joint statement reads, “They reaffirmed their support for Palestine’s full membership in the United Nations and reiterated their unwavering commitment to the principle of the two-state solution according to internationally accepted basis.”

The conflict in Gaza escalated after the October 7 attack by Hamas, where about 2,500 terrorists breached the border into Israel from the Gaza Strip, leading to casualties and the seizure of hostages.

Israel has since, characterised its Gaza offensive as targeting Hamas’ infrastructure with the goal to eliminate the entire terror group while making efforts to minimize civilian casualties.

The statement was issued after Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin held talks in Moscow.

India and Russia agreed to strengthen joint efforts to build an architecture of equal and indivisible regional security and to intensify consultations on complementarities between integration and development initiatives in Greater Eurasian space and the regions of the Indian and Pacific oceans.

The joint statement further said, “The Sides underlined the importance of strengthening cooperation within various regional fora, aimed at deepening regional peace and security, including East Asia Summit, ASEAN Regional Forum on Security (ARF), ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting Plus (ADMM-Plus).”

The two nations noted the importance of expanding efforts to combat climate change and achieving the goals of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement.

The joint statement reads, “The Sides noted the importance of expanding efforts to combat climate change and achieving the goals of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement.”

“In this regard, the Sides agreed to develop cooperation in the field of preventing climate change and adapting to it, including the exchange of experience on the organization and operation of greenhouse gas emission quota systems, the implementation of joint Russian-Indian investment projects in the field of low-carbon development, as well as sustainable and “green” financing,” it added.

The two nations agreed to continue interaction within G20, BRICS, and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) on key issues like increasing the sustainability and developing resiliency of international supply chains, compliance with free and fair trade rules and climate change, according to the joint statement.

India and Russia welcomed the launch of the BRICS Contact Group on Climate Change and Sustainable Development within the framework of the Environment Working Group under the Russian Chairship in BRICS in 2024.

During his visit to Russia, PM Modi held talks with Russian President Putin. The two leaders also visited the Rosatom Pavilion at the VDNKh Exhibition Centre in Moscow.

PM Modi was ceremoniously presented with the Order of St Andrew the Apostle the First-Called, Russia’s highest civilian honour, by Putin.

Notably, the award was bestowed on PM Modi in 2019, but he received it physically on Tuesday. The Prime Minister was presented with this award for his distinguished contribution to the development of a privileged strategic partnership between Russia and India and friendly ties between the two countries.

Back to top button

The statement was issued after Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin held talks in Moscow."

Title:

Content: India, Russia express deep concern on situation in Middle East

Moscow: India and Russia have expressed “deep concern” on the situation in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Gaza and called for immediate and unconditional release of all hostages.

The joint Statement following the 22nd India-Russia Annual Summit said the two sides called for the effective implementation of the relevant United Nations General Assembly resolutions and United Nations Security Council resolution 2720 and for immediate safe and unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance in the Gaza Strip.

In the joint statement, India and Russia said, “The Sides expressed deep concern on the situation in the Middle East, with a particular focus on Gaza. In this regard, they called for the effective implementation of the relevant UNGA resolutions and UNSC resolution 2720 and for immediate safe and unhindered delivery of humanitarian assistance at scale directly to the Palestinian civilian population throughout the Gaza Strip.”

“They also called for the effective implementation of the UNSC resolution 2728 for a lasting and sustainable ceasefire. They equally called for the immediate and unconditional release of all hostages as well as humanitarian access to address their medical and other humanitarian needs,” it added.

The two nations affirmed their support for Palestine’s full membership in the United Nations and reiterated their commitment to the principle of the two-state solution.

The joint statement reads, “They reaffirmed their support for Palestine’s full membership in the United Nations and reiterated their unwavering commitment to the principle of the two-state solution according to internationally accepted basis.”

The conflict in Gaza escalated after the October 7 attack by Hamas, where about 2,500 terrorists breached the border into Israel from the Gaza Strip, leading to casualties and the seizure of hostages.

Israel has since, characterised its Gaza offensive as targeting Hamas’ infrastructure with the goal to eliminate the entire terror group while making efforts to minimize civilian casualties.

The statement was issued after Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin held talks in Moscow.

India and Russia agreed to strengthen joint efforts to build an architecture of equal and indivisible regional security and to intensify consultations on complementarities between integration and development initiatives in Greater Eurasian space and the regions of the Indian and Pacific oceans.

The joint statement further said, “The Sides underlined the importance of strengthening cooperation within various regional fora, aimed at deepening regional peace and security, including East Asia Summit, ASEAN Regional Forum on Security (ARF), ASEAN Defence Ministers Meeting Plus (ADMM-Plus).”

The two nations noted the importance of expanding efforts to combat climate change and achieving the goals of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement.

The joint statement reads, “The Sides noted the importance of expanding efforts to combat climate change and achieving the goals of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and the Paris Agreement.”

“In this regard, the Sides agreed to develop cooperation in the field of preventing climate change and adapting to it, including the exchange of experience on the organization and operation of greenhouse gas emission quota systems, the implementation of joint Russian-Indian investment projects in the field of low-carbon development, as well as sustainable and “green” financing,” it added.

The two nations agreed to continue interaction within G20, BRICS, and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) on key issues like increasing the sustainability and developing resiliency of international supply chains, compliance with free and fair trade rules and climate change, according to the joint statement.

India and Russia welcomed the launch of the BRICS Contact Group on Climate Change and Sustainable Development within the framework of the Environment Working Group under the Russian Chairship in BRICS in 2024.

During his visit to Russia, PM Modi held talks with Russian President Putin. The two leaders also visited the Rosatom Pavilion at the VDNKh Exhibition Centre in Moscow.

PM Modi was ceremoniously presented with the Order of St Andrew the Apostle the First-Called, Russia’s highest civilian honour, by Putin.

Notably, the award was bestowed on PM Modi in 2019, but he received it physically on Tuesday. The Prime Minister was presented with this award for his distinguished contribution to the development of a privileged strategic partnership between Russia and India and friendly ties between the two countries.

Back to top button

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

- Under previous governments, Delhi was often tempted to limit its relationship with the US and Europe for fear of offending the sensitivities of Moscow and Beijing.

Title:

Content: Monday, Oct 31, 2022

Why foreign capitals are taking note of Modi government’s foreign policy

As the world's fifth largest economy with the third largest defence budget, India’s material capabilities gives it an opportunity to influence the international order. South Block has been aligning the national political will with new international possibilities.

Under previous governments, Delhi was often tempted to limit its relationship with the US and Europe for fear of offending the sensitivities of Moscow and Beijing. (Illustration by C R Sasikumar)

International approbation for Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s independent foreign policy is coming thick and fast. Despite the presumed Indian love for external validation, the new compliments from abroad are unlikely to swell the chests in South Block.

India’s mandarins know that foreign leaders are not in the business of giving free praise. Most of the time, compliments say more about the state offering them rather than the one receiving it. Last week, Imran Khan was at it again, commending India’s foreign policy as he launched the promised “long march” from Lahore to Islamabad.

Khan pointed to Delhi’s continuing purchase of oil from global markets while Islamabad is unable to do so. Recall that Imran Khan had pushed for oil and grain purchases from Russia before he was ousted from power in April just weeks after Moscow’s aggression against Ukraine. Beyond oil purchases, praising India is less about foreign policy than attacking what he calls the “imported government” of Pakistan. Khan had accused the Joe Biden Administration of a “conspiracy” to dethrone him because of his effort to pursue an independent foreign policy. Imran’s attack on the US conspiracy is directed at the army chief, General Qamar Javed Bajwa, who withdrew his patronage to Khan and facilitated the election of Shehbaz Sharif of the Pakistan Muslim League as the new prime minister.

Notwithstanding his seemingly revolutionary rhetoric, Imran Khan is not an ideological opponent of the US. After returning from a meeting with President Donald Trump in 2019, Khan was rather chuffed with himself. On his return to Islamabad, Khan had declared that he felt like he had “won the (cricket) world cup again”.

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Last week also saw the UAE’s minister for artificial intelligence, Omar Sultan Al Olama, praise External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar’s stewardship of Indian diplomacy for deftly navigating the recent geopolitical headwinds. That the UAE is now talking about “not choosing sides” is certainly interesting. The Gulf kingdoms like the UAE and Saudi Arabia have long relied on the United States for their security. But the recent US moves to revive the nuclear deal with Iran have generated much unease among the Gulf Arabs.

The Biden Administration’s rough handling of the Saudi Crown prince on human rights issues has made it harder for Riyadh to oblige Washington on the question of isolating Russia in the oil market amidst the war in Ukraine. The determination of the Gulf countries to put their own interests first is a reminder to the major powers that foreign policy in the end is about give and take and not a one-sided relationship even between the powerful and not-so-powerful.

Addressing an international gathering last week, the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, offered handsome personal praise to PM Modi and his independent foreign policy. Russia, of course, has not been too happy with India’s deepening ties with the US, but Putin recognises that there is a new paradigm in India’s foreign policy — Delhi now has the confidence to do its own thing.

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That is not always obvious from what the Russian foreign minister, Sergey Lavrov, says. Just a few months after the Chinese aggression in Ladakh in 2020, Lavrov had a condescending take on India’s China policy. Lavrov accused Western powers of pursuing an “aggressive and devious” policy to draw India into “anti-China games” by promoting the Indo-Pacific strategy. A spokesperson of the Ministry of External Affairs in Delhi was quick to dismiss Lavrov’s mischievous line by underlining India’s independent foreign policy and expanding on India’s own approach to the Indo-Pacific.

The idea of an “innocent India” being hijacked by the “evil West” has been a popular trope not only in the discourse on India-Russia relations but also in Sino-Indian relations. Many in Delhi were long willing to suspend their disbelief in accepting the argument that India and China would get along happily forever but for “Western manipulation”. Delhi and Beijing don’t need third parties to create trouble between them — there is enough natural friction between the two large Asian giants that are also neighbours. Their unresolved boundary dispute has always been the biggest source of the conflict between the two. Over the decades additional problems have cropped up, including the Chinese strategic expansion into the Subcontinent and the Indian Ocean as well as massive trade deficits.

Today’s India might be accused of many things, but not “strategic innocence”. It is pursuing great power relations, with each on its own merit. It is not willing to cede a veto to any power over its relations with its rivals. Delhi does not let Moscow define India’s relations with the US: Similarly, Delhi can’t let Washington limit the character of India’s engagement with Russia. This was not always the case.

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Under previous governments, Delhi was often tempted to limit its relationship with the US and Europe for fear of offending the sensitivities of Moscow and Beijing. This was done either in the name of ideology or the fear that there will be unpleasant consequences in relations with Russia and China. The Modi government has broken out of that defensive and deferential mindset. Putting national interests above political correctness has given much strategic dividend for Delhi.

It has been evident for quite a while that a rising India has greater room for global manoeuvre. As the fifth-largest economy with the third largest defence budget, India’s material capabilities make it an increasingly attractive partner to others and give it an opportunity to shape the international system. But they did not automatically translate into strategic gains.

PM Modi’s real contribution has been in aligning the national political will with new international possibilities. India’s new diplomacy is not about doing whatever you like or saying what you please. It is about a careful judgement of the shifting global correlation of forces and the skill to adapt to the dynamic international environment.

Translating the objective possibilities generated by India’s rise into tangible strategic outcomes is what Indian diplomacy is beginning to get good at amidst extremely challenging external circumstances — including the Covid pandemic, the Chinese aggression and the war in Ukraine. Notwithstanding external encomiums, South Block knows that coping with this unstable world remains a relentless challenge.

The writer is senior fellow, Asia Society Policy Institute, Delhi and contributing editor on international affairs for The Indian Express

First published on: 01-11-2022 at 04:28:15 am
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What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

- It has been evident for quite a while that a rising India has greater room for global manoeuvre.

- For many years, India's main concern, for good reason, was the Indian Ocean region.

Title:

Content: Modi in US: Why Washington is rolling out the red carpet for Indian PM

·7 min read

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's visit to the US has assumed huge significance amid global economic and geopolitical headwinds.

The White House is pulling out all the stops to welcome Mr Modi - it's a state visit, the highest level of diplomatic protocol the US accords to visiting leaders. Mr Modi will be given a ceremonial welcome at the White House on Thursday before he holds direct talks with President Joe Biden.

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Then there is the state dinner, a meeting with CEOs, an address to the joint session of the Congress and speeches to Indian-Americans, which have been highlights of Mr Modi's past US visits.

But behind the carefully crafted ceremonies lie discussions that have the potential to not only infuse new energy into India-US relations but also have an impact on the global order.

The Indo-Pacific is where the US possibly needs India's influence more than anywhere else right now.

The US has long viewed India as a counterbalance to China's growing influence in the region, but Delhi has never been fully comfortable with owning the tag.

It may still be reluctant to do so but China continues to be one of the main catalysts driving India-US relations.

But India has not shied away from taking decisions that irk China. It held a military drill with US forces last year in Uttarakhand state, which shares a Himalayan border with China. Delhi has also continued to actively participate in the Quad - which also includes the US, Australia and Japan - despite angry reactions from Beijing.

Indian diplomacy has been getting more assertive about saying that this is the country's moment on the global stage. It has good reason - India is one of the few economic bright spots in the world right now.Geopolitics is also in its favour - most countries want a manufacturing alternative to China, and India also has a huge market with a burgeoning middle class. This makes it a good option for countries and global firms pursuing a China plus one policy.

Tanvi Madan, director of The India Project at the Brookings Institution in Washington, DC, says that what matters to the US is what India does and not what it publicly says about China.

"At the end of the day, whether or not India has publicly embraced the tag, it is very clear that Indian governments have seen the US relationship as helpful as they deal with China," she said.

Michael Kugelman, director of the South Asia Institute at the Wilson Center think-tank in Washington, added that the two countries had now started "seeing eye to eye on the broader Indo-Pacific theatre".

"We are starting to see the US recognise the importance of western components of the Indian Ocean region. For many years, India's main concern, for good reason, was the Indian Ocean region. Whereas for the US, it was the Pacific and the South China Sea. They will look at maritime security for the region now," he said.

The joint statement may not mention China directly but it will be high on the agenda as the two leaders discuss ways to consolidate their presence in the Indo-Pacific.

But while they agree on China, the two countries have had differing approaches to the Ukraine war.

Delhi has not directly criticised Russia, which analysts say is largely due to its huge dependency on Russian defence imports and its "time-tested ties" with Moscow.

India relies on Moscow for nearly 50% of its defence needs, but that's not the only reason. India has always taken pride in following its policy of non-alignment - or strategic autonomy, as it has been called in recent years. It doesn't want to be confined to a specific power centre in the global order, which irked Washington diplomats in the early months of the invasion.

But the US has softened its stance in recent months - it has even overlooked India's continuous purchase of crude oil from Russia.

India too has gone a step forward by publicly calling for an end to the war.

Ms Madan added that the different responses to the invasion weren't a deal-breaker in India-US relations.

"When there is strategic convergence, the two countries are incentivised to manage their differences. Maybe not eliminate them, but manage their differences. And I think that has happened with their differing stands on Russia," she said.

Meanwhile, other key areas of discussion include technology, defence and global supply chain management.

The two countries have signed what they call the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technology. The deal will allow US and Indian firms and universities in different sectors, including IT, space, defence, artificial intelligence, education and healthcare, to work together.

The leaders may also announce more co-operation in technology, especially in semi-conductor manufacturing where China is the biggest player.

Defence is another area that has emerged as a key point of convergence.

India is the world's biggest arms importer and Russia still accounts for a major chunk of it at 45%, data analysed between 2017 and 2022 suggests. But the headline here is that Moscow's share used to be 65% until 2016 - that's where the US sees an opportunity.

Washington's share has grown but it's still just 11%, behind France's 29%. So some big-ticket defence deals are inevitable - they are likely to announce India's purchase of the battle-tested MQ-9A "Reaper" drones and a deal between GE and Indian state-run firms to manufacture fighter jet engines in India.

Mr Kugelman says defence co-operation between the two nations "has come a long way".

"If you look at the recent track record, one could argue that the treatment the US gives India is not dissimilar from what it gives to many of its allies," he said.

While defence and technology will most likely see some big announcements, the same can't be expected in trade.

The US is now India's top trading partner at $130bn, but analysts say there is still huge untapped potential. The two countries have had major differences over tariffs and export controls.India has signed a free trade agreement with Australia and Dubai and is discussing similar deals with others including Canada, the UK and the EU.No such deal is on the cards this visit but the leaders may discuss or at least lay the ground for solving trade-related issues in the future.

Mr Kugelman said the differences were not discarded but set aside in the interests of more mutually beneficial areas of co-operation.

But he added that trade between Indian and US firms has flourished in recent years despite inter-government differences.

It may not be the top priority but trade will certainly feature when the two leaders discuss global supply chain issues owing to the pandemic and China's monopoly.

"Trade used to be a sore subject but I think the two sides are approaching trade policy differently today. But you can't look at global supply chain issues without eventually discussing trade," Ms Madan said.

The timing of the visit is also interesting as both countries will hold elections next year and the two leaders will be looking at sellable headlines for their domestic audiences.

So some big headline-making deals are inevitable. But then, US-India relations have always been complex - with decades of mistrust followed by rebuilding of trust and then occasional flare-ups.

But Mr Biden seems determined to make India-US relations shine even though some in his country have questioned India's record on human rights under Mr Modi.

US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken's recent statement says a lot about the status of the relationship: "We know that India and the United States are big, complicated countries. We certainly have work to do to advance transparency, to promote market access, to strengthen our democracies, to unleash the full potential of our people. But the trajectory of this partnership is unmistakable and it is filled with promise."

BBC News India is now on YouTube. Click here to subscribe and watch our documentaries, explainers and features.

Read more India stories from the BBC:

- But while they agree on China, the two countries have had differing approaches to the Ukraine war.

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

- It may not be the top priority but trade will certainly feature when the two leaders discuss global supply chain issues owing to the pandemic and China's monopoly.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

**(These sentences focus on the evolution of the India-Russia relationship under Modi and Putin, their balancing act amidst India’s rivalry with China, the impact of shifting alliances, strategic autonomy, and their interactions in the context of both regional and global security.

Title:

Content: Opinion

Treading a fine line

Ajit Doval’s high-stake visits to Russia and the US are reflective of India’s consistent efforts to balance ties with the rival superpowers; writes Vinay Kumar

X

India’s security and strategic interests on important global platforms have been in focus over the last month as National Security Adviser (NSA) Ajit Doval made hectic trips to the US and Russia.

Doval headed to the United States in late January and held a meeting with his US counterpart, Jake Sullivan. Earlier this month, he paid a visit to Russia where he joined top security officials from China, Iran and a number of Central Asian states to participate in a multilateral meeting on Afghanistan.

NSA’s recent visits to the world’s most important political capitals underlined the importance that India attaches to striking a delicate balance in its relations with both the countries at a time when global security and geopolitical environment appear uncertain. His visits to Washington DC and Moscow show India’s priorities in forging vital initiatives.

In Washington, the two NSAs agreed upon a number of important arrangements under the Initiative on Critical and Emerging Technologies (iCET) which was launched in 2022 and has the potential to have a transformative impact on India’s partnership with the US in areas like military, science & technology and key high-tech fields.

Considering the fact that Russia and the US have been at loggerheads, more so in the wake of the Ukraine War which has completed one year, Doval’s trip assumes significance. The icing on the cake was that the NSA also had one-on-one meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin, a rare instance of President Putin meeting a top-ranking official from India. His meeting with Doval also pointed towards the continued importance which both sides accord to each other in taking forward their engagement. At a time when Russia continues to face confrontation with the West over the war in Ukraine, Doval’s meeting with President Putin carries a special context. India, led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, has lent its voice to the peace-making efforts in Ukraine, stressing that today’s era is not an era of war. In his telephonic conversation with President Putin last September, PM Modi voiced his concern, stressing upon the need to take the path of diplomacy and dialogue, a stance often reiterated at various global forums at the highest level.

While India, having to put up with the Chinese threat, has warmed up to the US, it has also taken pains to maintain its relationship with Russia; though Moscow, facing increased isolation in the global community over the war in Ukraine, does not appear to be too pleased with the initiatives surrounding the Indo-Pacific, with the active involvement of the US and further deepening of strategic defence and technological ties between New Delhi and Washington. India has also stressed upon furthering its cooperation with Russia in sectors such as trade, energy and defence.

With the US, under the iCET initiative, India is poised to forge closer cooperation in the areas of Artificial Intelligence (AI), 6G, quantum technologies etc. Other focus areas include defence innovation, technology cooperation and semiconductor supply chains. Doval stressed upon the need to pin down the deliverables in these key focus areas to ensure that no slip-ups or laxity creeps in. Co-production and technology development have left much to be desired, though India is now billed as a major defence partner of the US

The NSA’s discussions in Washington DC and Moscow also point towards India’s keen desire to safeguard its key interests, make advances in high-tech areas and, at the same time, be ready to hold on to its independent position and avoid landing in confrontationist stance, so far as the two rival powers are concerned, as new dynamics is emerging rather rapidly in the geopolitical arena.

Views expressed are personal

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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

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Modi's Russia visit shows India isn't worried about making the US mad

  • In a move likely to anger the US, Modi is visiting Russia.
  • The move signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow, and shows the world India is pursuing its own agenda.
  • Modi is aiming to correct the trade imbalance and address China's Indo-Pacific activities.
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In a move likely to anger the US, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is visiting Russia on Monday for his first bilateral trip after winning a historic third term in office.

Modi's two-day visit to Russia — where he is scheduled to meet with President Vladimir Putin — is significant in that it signals strong ties between Delhi and Moscow. It also shows the world that India is not afraid to pursue its own agenda.

Vinay Kwatra, India's foreign secretary, told reporters in New Delhi that issues between Russia and India have "piled up" and "need to be addressed," per Bloomberg.

Russia's relationship with India goes back to the Cold War, and trade between the two countries has grown since Russia started the war in Ukraine. India is a major buyer of Russian oil. Russia is also India's biggest arms supplier.

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Kwatra underscored that the two countries' trade relationship has remained "resilient."

Still, Modi's trip will "rankle many Western observers," Ved Shinde, a researcher and contributor to Australia's Lowy Institute think tank, wrote in a note on Wednesday.

"Since the Ukraine war began, India's purchase of cheap oil from Russia has been seen as profiting from troubles in the heart of Europe," Shinde added.

Modi's visit to Russia will make the US look bad

Just like Putin's visit to supply-chain hot spot Vietnam, India's engagement with Russia isn't a good look for the US, as it comes while Washington is isolating Putin's regime.

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The US has raised "some concerns" about India's relationship with Russia with New Delhi, Kurt Campbell, the US Deputy Secretary of State, said last month.

However, Washington acknowledges that India's ties with Russia are different from its ties with the US.

"We have many areas of alignment, but it is not surprising that there would be areas where we've had perhaps different perspectives, views, historical ties," Campbell said about America's relationship with India.

India, for its part, is looking to balance its relationship with the world's key powerbrokers — the US, Russia, and China.

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"There are different degrees in India's multi-alignment. Make no mistake — the United States and its allies are more consequential for India's future than its relationship with Russia," wrote Shinde.

India needs to leverage its historical ties with Russia to secure its economy and security, so Modi isn't just in Russia for a goodwill trip.

Reducing the trade imbalance

A key agenda item for the visit is to reduce a huge bilateral trade imbalance, said Kwatra.

India imports about $60 billion of goods a year from Russia, but Russia buys less than 10% of this amount from India, per Bloomberg.

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Modi may also touch on China's activities in the Indo-Pacific region, said Kwatra.

India is trying to manage its relationship with China, which has been testy since a border dispute in 2020. Modi skipped the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit in Kazakhstan last week.

There's also the matter of Russia's ties with China.

At the summit last week, Putin said Russia's relationship with China is in the "best period in history."

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Modi now needs to cozy up to Putin to counter China's advances.

"The reason for the time-tested stability in India-Russia ties is to maintain a continental balance in the Eurasian heartland. That is, to balance China," wrote Shinde.

"Or to put it another way, don't go around making new adversaries when there are already two open fronts — China and Pakistan," Shinde added.

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**Key Sentences Extracted Relevant to the Evolution of the India-Russia Relationship under Modi and Putin, with Special Emphasis on China:**

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13: 32 What is known about the new President of Iran Masoud Peseshkian
Nazarbayev ’ s Big Friend Sold Assets in Kazakhstan 21 Times Cheaper
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12: 56 Why India is walking on a tightrope between the US and Russia
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12: 42 Aktau seaport to receive international status
10: 09 Why does Russia continue to sell uranium to the United States?
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10: 02 The US is getting closer to Central Asia: why did the “corridor ” from across the ocean arrive in Baku, - SP
09: 28 Bishkek.
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09: 19 Russia is ready to save Assange.
The decision is up to him.
09: 18 "The Third Force" of the Global South, - Vl.Mozhegov
09: 17 Foreign political parties banned in Uzbekistan
09: 14 Erdogan does not lose hope: what cat ran between Russia and Turkey, - Kamran Hasanov
09: 13 In Tajikistan, fines for smoking increased threefold
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00: 44 Kazakhstan again began to detain trucks of Russian cargo carriers
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12: 01 The West praises the Russian ministers.
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Why India is walking the tightrope between the US and Russia
12: 56 7 / 6 / 2024
Why India is walking the tightrope between the US and Russia
05.07.2024
After the Cold War, which began in the 1950s, split the world into two camps, the newly independent India became the founder of the Non-Aligned Movement, a group of countries that did not side with either Washington or Moscow.
Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India retained some elements of this policy unchanged, while abandoning others.
In particular, Modi has strengthened ties with the United States, in which he sees a partner in the confrontation with a more assertive China.
At the same time, he continued to develop his country ’ s long-standing ties with Russia.
As a sign of Russia ’ s important role for India, Modi will meet with President Vladimir Putin on July 8 during his first foreign visit to a fellow leader after being elected for a third term.
But these relations are becoming increasingly complex as Russia strengthens ties with China, seeking its broader support.
China and India are not allies.
1.
Is India an ally of the United States?
India and the United States have been strategic partners for at least two decades, which means they can build relationships and cooperate militarily, but are not official treaty bound allies.
Although they have much in common – both countries are large and diverse democracies – New Delhi pursues its own interests in ways that sometimes conflict with US interests.
For example, India has refused to condemn Russia in the conflict with Ukraine, while an alleged plot of assassins in the United States has triggered a criminal investigation in which senior Indian officials are implicated, according to prosecutors.
The basis of relations remains the transformation of China into an assertive regional power.
China and India are long-time rivals with a bitter border dispute, and the US is seeking to draw India as a counterweight to Beijing ’ s rise.
India is part of the Quartet, a regional security dialogue with the United States, Japan and Australia.
A group of senior U.S. officials recently visited India to discuss cooperation in technology, security and foreign investment.
2.
What is India ’ s relationship with Russia?
Although India openly declared its non-alignment during the Cold War, it maintained warm relations with Moscow and was wary of the United States, which was closer to India ’ s main rival, Pakistan.
India and Russia maintain strong ties to this day.
The basis of this relationship is India ’ s status as a reliable buyer of Russian arms and crude oil.
Today, Russia remains India ’ s largest arms supplier, although, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, shipments have declined from about two-thirds of India ’ s arms imports more than a decade ago to just over one-third today as India seeks to diversify its sources of arms supplies.
Russia also remains India ’ s largest oil supplier, although sanctions imposed on Russian oil exports have affected Russian oil imports to India.
India also stands out among the leading democracies for its unwillingness to criticize Russia and abstained from voting at the United Nations, which condemned Russia for the conflict in Ukraine.
3.
What is India ’ s relationship with China?
Relations have been tense for years.
The source of tension was a territorial dispute along their common border that lasted decades and over which the two countries fought a war in 1962.
The dispute flared up again in 2020, culminating in a series of deadly skirmishes and prompting New Delhi to ban Chinese smartphone apps and limit Chinese investment in India.
Recently, there have been rumors of a relaxation of tension.
In May, Beijing appointed its first ambassador to India in 18 months.
After his arrival, he expressed a desire to improve relations between the two countries.
China also congratulated Modi on winning the election in June, and a Chinese official said the countries were on a "healthy and stable path."
The two countries agreed on further negotiations to resolve the border dispute.
4.
How are relations between Russia and China changing?
Russia and China have been rivals since the Sino-Soviet split during the Cold War (a rivalry that also brought Russia and India closer together).
But relations have noticeably warmed as both countries united in their opposition to the US-led international order.
The Russian president made his first foreign trip to Beijing after he was re-elected for a third presidential term in March.
At the July summit on security in Kazakhstan, Chinese President Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin said that relations between them are “the best in history, ” and both sides vowed to jointly defend“ calm and stability in the region. ”
China has become another major buyer of Russian oil, gas and coal, helping Russia counter Western sanctions.
5.
How does the United States view relations between India and Russia?
Washington still views India as a bulwark preventing China from spreading its influence in the Indo-Pacific region.
While he has occasionally criticized India for alleged human rights abuses and the treatment of minorities, India ’ s ties with Moscow have come at minimal political cost.
Following a recent visit by senior US officials, Deputy Secretary of State Kurt Campbell said the US side had raised the issue of India ’ s ties with Russia, as well as accusations of India ’ s involvement in a plot to murder for hire.
But he also said that the United States is confident in its relations with India and wants to expand cooperation between the two countries.
According to some analysts, the US sees India as an important ally in its quest to contain China, so it does not want to risk antagonizing officials in New Delhi.
Prepared by ProFinance.Ru based on Bloomberg materials.
Source - ProFinance.Ru
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“In general, we can see the desire of the government of Narendra Modi to be above the fray as long as possible.”
2.

Title:

Content: Pilko: India claims the status of a strategic ally of the Russian Federation in the cold war
At the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, it became obvious that China is not Russia ’ s only strategic ally in the next Cold War.
This status claims India, writes in his TG channel historian, Director of the Eurasian communication center Alexei Pilko.
“Now India is a key state in the Indo-Pacific region, which is the main theater of the current geopolitical confrontation.
The European direction in it is secondary.
It is for India that both the front-line states that challenge American hegemony (Russia and China) and the United States are actively fighting, ” writes Pilko.
India is not going to rapprochement with AUKUS and Japan, and without it, the anti-China coalition in Asia is untenable.
On the other hand, India and China are trying to settle the dispute over the border in the Himalayas, and this factor is still a significant obstacle to the birth of a powerful geopolitical triangle Beijing — Delhi — Moscow.
But still, the probability of such a triangle is high, because India in relation to Russia takes a position of benevolent neutrality, like China, and actively develops trade with our country.
“In general, we can see the desire of the government of Narendra Modi to be above the fray as long as possible.
But in general, it is clear that India will not avoid a more active participation in the second Cold War.
And if we talk about the situation, Delhi is closer to the frontiers who want to replace the American-centric unipolarity with a new model of international relations than vice versa, ” Pilko concluded.
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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

"These initiatives include the Chennai-Vladivostok sea route and efforts by India and Japan to invest in Russia’s Far East."

Title:

Content: Reviving Russia ’ s Role in the Indo-Pacific
Raj Kumar Sharma
Fifty years ago, India and the former Soviet Union signed the Treaty of Peace, Friendship and Cooperation on 9 August 1971.
In addition to changing the characteristics of South Asian and world politics, the treaty can also be seen as a harbinger of this idea.
From the Indo-Pacific region between India and Russia.
Despite disagreements over this concept these days, it is easy to forget that India-Russia cooperation in the Indo-Pacific and Eurasia preceded India ’ s engagement with most other major powers.
1971 is known for another reason: China decided to abandon its ideological mentor, the Soviet Union, and allied itself with the United States to balance the Soviet Union.
Thus, India faced security threats from Pakistan ’ s allies – the United States and China – during the Indo-Pakistani War in 1971.
However, when the Indo-Pakistani War broke out in December 1971 and US naval forces attempted to threaten India ’ s security, the Soviet Union sent a nuclear-armed fleet from the Pacific Fleet stationed in Vladivostok to support India – this could be considered the beginning of the Indo-Pacific concept between India and Russia.
To silence China, the Soviet Union moved 40 military divisions to the Xinjiang border with China and 7 divisions to the Manchuria border.
These events 50 years ago showed that cooperation between India and Russia (the two Eurasian and Pacific powers) was an important component of the Indo-Pacific region long before the US supported the idea of the Indo-Pacific region.
However, geopolitics has now changed as the US now sees India as a partner in its fight against China.
On the other hand, Beijing has partnered with Moscow to challenge Washington.
Russia has expressed some doubts about the Indo-Pacific region.
First, the Indo-Pacific region is perceived by Russia as American, so Moscow completely rejects it.
However, the Asia-Pacific region that preceded the Indo-Pacific region was also an American construction that Russia adopted.
At the governmental level, Russia continues to oppose the Indo-Pacific region, but academia, think tanks, and even the media are starting to get involved in the idea, debates, discussions, seminars, and conferences on the subject.
From time to time, India assured Russia that New Delhi ’ s rapprochement with Washington would not come at Moscow ’ s expense.
In contrast to the United States ’ understanding of the concept of “free and open ” in the Indo-Pacific region, India has always indicated that it is interested in“ free, open and inclusive ” in the Indo-Pacific region, an understanding that reflects India ’ s desire for Russia.
be an active player in the region.
In fact, India has tried to link Russia with its Indo-Pacific initiatives so that the latter would look like an independent pole outside of China ’ s shadow, which has given the nature of the Indo-Pacific region a multipolarity.
These initiatives include the Chennai-Vladivostok sea route and efforts by India and Japan to invest in Russia ’ s Far East.
These initiatives are part of India ’ s policy in the Far East to reach the Asian part of Russia.
It is important to emphasize here that people-to-people contacts have been a key area of success in India ’ s relationship with the United States.
However, in relations between India and Russia, the situation is different.
As Russia has concerns about Chinese immigration to the Far East, state-facilitated immigration of Indian labor to Russia could bring political and economic benefits to both sides.
The Russian economy is recovering, but the epidemic is not over - Putin - Business and economy
From India ’ s perspective, the Indo-Pacific region is similar to the Great Russian-Eurasian Partnership aimed at avoiding Chinese domination of Eurasia.
This policy contains elements of cooperation as well as competition with China.
Faced with China ’ s advancement through the Silk Road Economic Belt in Russia ’ s sphere of influence in Eurasia, Russia has agreed to align its own initiative, the Eurasian Economic Union, with China ’ s Belt and Road Initiative, though there are more contradictions than similarities in these efforts.
Similarly, the Indo-Pacific region is India ’ s attempt to protect its neighbors from China ’ s assertive behavior.
Russia has the opportunity to cooperate with India in shaping the emerging order in the Indo-Pacific region, which can be done with historical trust between the two sides.
India pays more attention to the Indian Ocean, while the United States and its allies favor the Pacific, highlighting another difference in the Indo-American conceptual understanding of the Indo-Pacific.
India is not yet a major military power in the Pacific, but helping its naval forces achieve this goal will also help Russia meet China ’ s challenge to its dominance in the Arctic.
China defines itself as “close to the Arctic country, ” although it does not have a coastline in the Arctic.
Within the framework of the Polar Silk Road, China ’ s activity in the Arctic will increase in the coming years.
Even Chinese strategists have argued that whoever controls the Arctic sea route will control the global economy, and China should play an active role in this area.
Consequently, the Indo-Pacific region is an idea that can add value to Russian diplomacy in various regions, including the Asia-Pacific region and the Arctic.
After all, the Russian worldview is manifested in the symbol of the coat of arms, where the two-headed eagle looks simultaneously at the West and East.
Traditionally, Russian elites considered their country European, but it also has an Asia-Pacific character.
These elites, based in Moscow, which has been the traditional center of power in Russia, can compete with others who want Russia to be more active in the Pacific through its base in Vladivostok.
The Indo-Pacific region is not just the United States, and Russia ’ s worldview is likely to be incomplete without considering the Indo-Pacific region, where there is a potential risk of making it dependent on China.
Russia proposes new US administration not to publish INF Treaty - Business and economy
The author is a researcher at the Bharat Al Kindi Center.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

investment commerce infrastructure transportation

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

"Bloomberg: India will prevent Putin from getting closer to China."

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Content: 2 July 2024, Tuesday, 16: 46
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Bloomberg: India will prevent Putin from getting closer to China
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has launched the plan.
Russia ’ s active rapprochement with China worries India, which is countering its growing influence in the region.
Concerned about the expansion of the “limitless partnership ”, Prime Minister Narendra Modi next week will go to Moscow for talks with Vladimir Putin, writes Bloomberg.
It will be his first visit to Russia since the start of Putin ’ s war in Ukraine and his first trip abroad since Modi took office as prime minister for the third time.
While Moscow will try to present the meeting as proof that Russia has not been isolated since Western sanctions were imposed, Modi ’ s trip is more motivated by a desire to reaffirm the status quo in bilateral relations and limit China ’ s influence, experts and experts close to the Indian government say.
India is wary of Moscow ’ s growing dependence on Beijing, says Swasti Rao, a research fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defense Studies and Analysis at the Indian Ministry of Defense:
The deepening of strategic interaction between Russia and China makes New Delhi uncomfortable, as it is like a best friend sleeping with the enemy.
Given our concerns, it makes sense for the prime minister to go there and talk to Putin at the highest level.
Like China, India has taken advantage of the difficult situation that Russia has found itself in because of the sanctions.
It has more than 20 times increased purchases of Russian oil compared to 2021, saving 13 billion thanks to discounts on it, according to the April report of the rating agency ICRA.
It continues to purchase services and components from Russia to service previously purchased weapons, although major deals do not seem to be going any more.
In 2019-2023, according to the Stockholm Peace Research Institute, India for the first time since the early 1960s purchased less than half of the weapons from Russia / the USSR: the share of imports was only 36% compared to 76% in 2009-2013.
Russia has lost the Indian arms market, which has dominated for more than half a century
Russia has lost the Indian arms market, which has dominated for more than half a century
The meeting between Modi and Putin is expected to discuss the supply of logistics to India to strengthen cooperation between the armed forces of the two countries and resume discussions on joint development of a fifth-generation fighter, but breakthrough agreements in either this or other areas are likely not, informed Indian officials told Bloomberg.
Also, according to them, cooperation in nuclear energy will be discussed.
Payments in rupees for Russian oil for a long time hung on accounts in Indian banks, all of them accumulated by $8 billion.
Although the countries agreed to continue to pay for oil in UAE dirhams and increase purchases of Indian goods, their annual exports to Russia still do not exceed $5 billion.
Fearing sanctions and difficulties with calculations, Indian business is not eager to increase turnover.
Modi ’ s visit is “maintaining the status quo, ” Alexei Zakharov, an expert on India at HSE, told Bloomberg:“ Relations are not deteriorating, but there is no particular desire to improve them. ”
This is the second time that Putin ’ s turn to the East has caused concern among the leading countries in the region.
Thus, Chinese leaders may believe that Putin ’ s rapprochement with North Korea and the conclusion of a military alliance with it during a recent visit to Pyongyang may reduce the dependence of Russia and North Korea on Beijing and provoke unnecessary tension in the region.
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Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

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Content: News of Odessa and Odessa region
The first pages of the world media about the war in Ukraine: April 2
Since the invasion of the Russian Federation in Ukraine on February 24, 2022, our country has not come down from the first columns of the world's leading newspapers for more than a month.
Great Britain.
The Times cites data on a British man-portable missile system believed to have shot down a Russian helicopter during its first use on the battlefield in Ukraine.
It says defense sources suggest that the video, where the plane is cut into two parts, shows the Starstreak anti-aircraft system, which is used after the Ukrainians opened fire.
We are talking about the fact that the Ukrainian forces have undergone intensive training in the use of Starstreak missiles.
The Telegraph reports that the Russian leader not only used steroids, but also bathed in blood extracted from chopped deer horns, as an alternative therapy.
are included in several newspapers considering allegations that President Vladimir Putin has been visited many times by surgeons specializing in thyroid cancer.
"FT WeeKend" came out with an infographic, which announced the materials of the issue: Abramovich five-week race as: Poison, planes and Putin.
Oligarchs with a fleet of yachts for $1 billion
Austria.
Newspaper: "Der Standard".
The main article: “The price we pay. ”
While Russia is bombing cities in Ukraine and forcing millions of people to flee, the West has found that its sanctions have only a moderate effect.
The EU is now advising a total boycott of Russian gas, and the economic war is nearing its climax.
What price is the West willing to pay to put an end to the deaths in Ukraine?
Belgium.
"De Morgen".
Announcements of materials on the first page:
“Fighting in Ukraine is escalating ”
HOW VLADIMIR PUTIN BECAME A DEPUTY: “He quickly learned: the weak are beaten ”
“It ’ s a war, but the gas faucet remains open ”
The caption under the photo: “Ukrainian military fired on a Russian drone from a trench near Kharkov. ”
Ireland.
The Irish Times reports:
• Life of a military courier in Ukraine
• Guerrilla tactics are fighting Russia
• Putin says he wants to “denazify ” Ukraine.
Is there any truth in that?
The main material: “Ukrainians are reconquering the suburbs of Kiev, but Zelensky warns of“ battles ahead ”.
Subheadings:
• Russia accuses Ukraine of rocket attacks by helicopters of fuel composition in the border city.
• An attempt to evacuate Mariupol was stopped due to the “humanitarian catastrophe ” of Chernigov.
Ukrainian soldiers again entered areas such as the heavily damaged suburb of Irpin, where rescuers collected the bodies of dead civilians among rubble and destroyed streets.
But Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has warned that Russia is gathering forces in the country ’ s southeast in preparation for more attacks.
There will be fights ahead.
We have a very difficult road ahead of us, ” he said.
The number of people who fled from Ukraine exceeded four million, the mayor of Kiev Vitaly Klitschko warned that it was still dangerous to return to the city, saying that “grandiose ” battles were going on in the north and east.
Five weeks after Russia launched the invasion, sending more than 150,000 troops across the border into Ukraine, the United States announced new sanctions against Russian technology companies that support its defense sector to further blow up the Moscow sector.
ability to wage war.
In a letter to The Irish Times, Russia ’ s ambassador to Ireland, Yuri Filatov, accused Ukraine of the conflict and said the Russian embassy in Dublin had received “numerous messages of support from Irish citizens. ”
The EU, which yesterday in virtual talks forced China not to offer Russia economic assistance, is also close to agreeing on a new package of sanctions aimed at freezing assets and banning travel for new individuals, and is also seeking to close loopholes.
But it is expected that the new sanctions will not affect the import of Russian energy, road transport and port trade.
Such measures have been pushed for by countries bordering Russia and determined to halt its progress, but their calls have been backed by member states concerned about the economic impact.
European Parliament President Roberta Metsola insisted on the need for more ambitious steps during a visit to Kiev, during which she spoke at a meeting of the Ukrainian parliament.
“We need tougher sanctions, ” she said, vowing to support Ukraine ’ s ambitions for EU membership and, eventually, rebuilding the country.
“We should not, by consuming the Kremlin ’ s energy, indirectly finance the bombs falling on your homes. ”
The deadline set by Russian President Vladimir Putin for countries to pay for gas supplies in rubles or cut supplies – seen as a gambit to support the currency in the face of economic punishment – was changed yesterday as a Kremlin official said some were weeks away.
Russia ’ s state-run energy company Gazprom has announced it is selling its business in Germany as Berlin moves away from years of dependence on gas to give up Moscow ’ s involvement and get alternative supplies.
Ukrainian forces returned territory around Kiev yesterday when Moscow accused its neighbor of jeopardizing peace talks by launching a helicopter attack on a fuel depot across the border with Russia.
Russian firefighters extinguished a huge fire at a fuel depot in the border town of Belgorod, which is a key logistics hub for Moscow ’ s invasion.
Ukraine denies responsibility for what the Russian governor called a missile strike of two low-flying Ukrainian Mi-24 helicopters.
"Of course, this is not something that can be perceived as creating comfortable conditions for the continuation of negotiations," Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said.
The Secretary of the Security Council of Ukraine Oleksiy Danilov rejected the Russian accusations on national television, saying that they “do not correspond to reality. ”
An attempt to evacuate civilians from the devastated city of Mariupol was thwarted as Russian troops held a cordon, and the mayor of Chernigov warned that his city was also experiencing a “humanitarian disaster ” without water and electricity and risked losing food.
Italy.
The newspaper "La Stampa", came out of a photo of a burning oil depot in Belgorod with the headline: "Attack in Russia."
Lithuania.
The title of Klaipeda is “The Humor of War is Sharp. ”
April 1 of this year - the Day of Laughter or Liars - looked different than a year ago, when the whole world talked about a pandemic that depleted people.
The jokes of 2022 are painful, bloody, full of Russian swear words and cheerful wishes.
All this also became part of the war to maintain the spirit of the fighters.
We will sign the pictures on the front page: “Allusion: at the very beginning of the war with Ukraine, back in 2014, the President of Russia was nicknamed Putler. ”
Denmark.
The newspaper “Morgenavisen Jyllands-Posten ” published an article about Moldova and the headline:“ In the poorest country in Europe there are growing fears that Putin will attack. ”
Photo caption: “Shepherd Michael is a veteran of the civil war in Moldova in 1992.
Now he is afraid of a new war in which his country will be the next one attacked by Russia. ”
The main material of the publication: “The government warns about the low level of welfare – especially for Ukrainian refugees. ”
Already at Easter in Denmark will be delivered to 40 thousand Ukrainians, and the pressure, according to the government, will make it impossible to support the current service for all citizens and provide Ukrainians with a full package of social security.
It may be necessary to soften the rules and legal requirements to keep the welfare society intact due to the crisis, says Foreign Minister Matthias Tesfaye.
Switzerland.
"Tages-Anzeiger".
Interview with Justice Minister Keller-Sutter: Putin is trying to destabilize Europe with the help of refugees.
In an interview, the Minister of Justice says that Russia deliberately destroys civilian structures in Ukraine.
More than 20,000 Ukrainian refugees have already been registered in Switzerland.
“We have no idea how many people are coming, ” Justice Minister Karin Keller-Sutter said in an interview.
Russia is trying to destabilize Europe with the help of refugees.
This can be successful if there are well-known security issues.
Therefore, it is important that European countries register refugees.
Keller-Sutter compares Switzerland to its federalism with the Tinguely machine.
However, not all wheels turn when it comes to hosting refugees.
For refugees with S protection status, first aid payments are now available.
But the Swiss who received Ukrainians note that they have to make great efforts to ensure that their guests receive social assistance.
It is impossible to give general instructions on how to proceed: there are too many differences between cantons and communes.
All cantons receive the same support from the federal government.
And the Social Security Conference came up with recommendations for distribution.
However, the authorities are not obliged to comply with these requirements.
A suspected Ukrainian airstrike in western Russia has significantly shattered hopes of de-escalating the war in Ukraine.
Russia yesterday accused Ukraine of using helicopters to attack a fuel depot in Belgorod.
For the first time since the beginning of the Russian invasion, Moscow has accused Kiev of attacking its territory.
Meanwhile, Germany continues to strengthen the defense of Ukraine: the federal government approved the supply of 58 armored personnel carriers from the Czech Republic.
They come from the stocks of the National People ’ s Army of the GDR, as reported yesterday by Welt.
Spain.
Newspaper: “ARA ” came out with the name and photo:“ Death in Mariupol ”
Two makeshift graves in Mariupol, where yesterday the Russian army once again made the humanitarian corridor unviable, causing the city with the destroyed urban structure continues to suffer due to the deprivation of water, food, heating and medicines.
Germany.
FAZ newspaper, “Summit on the monitor: Chinese President Xi Jinping and EU Commission Chairman Ursula von der Leyen ” – caption on the front page photo.
Main article: “The EU forces China not to support Russia in the war in Ukraine ”
The leaders of the European Union warned the Chinese leadership against going over to the side of Moscow in the war against Ukraine.
“No European citizen will understand whether there is any support for Russia ’ s ability to wage war, ” European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said on Friday after talks with Prime Minister Li Keqiang and head of state and party leader Xi Jinping at the summit, via video conference.
“It would do a lot of damage to China ’ s reputation here in Europe. ”
The country also has a special responsibility as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council.
Von der Leyen demanded that China "at least not interfere with our sanctions."
Otherwise, it threatened to have consequences for close economic relations.
The Russian invasion of Ukraine is “a decisive moment not only for our continent, but also for our relations with the rest of the world. ”
EU Council President Charles Michel said: “We have called on China to contribute to ending the war in Ukraine. ”
This is fraught with global security and the global economy.
Beijing cannot ignore Russia ’ s violation of international law.
According to a statement by the Chinese Foreign Ministry, Xi Jinping said that “sustainable peace in Europe ” is possible only“ if the legitimate security interests of all relevant parties are taken into account. ”
Russia ’ s “security interests ” are implicit.
He called “the tension in the field of regional security in Europe ”“ the fundamental cause of the crisis in Ukraine. ”
He was referring to NATO ’ s role in Europe.
Xi also said China supports dialogue between the EU, Russia, the US and NATO to find a solution.
He obviously did not include Ukraine.
Xi directly criticized Western sanctions against Russia.
The world economy should not be politicized or used as a tool for its own interests.
The EU and China should commit themselves to “preventing the crisis from spreading, ” Xi said.
He hopes that the EU “will develop an independent understanding of China and pursue an independent Chinese policy. ”
It meant independence from the United States.
“Under these circumstances, ” good relations between China and the EU are“ even more important. ”
Both sides have “broad common interests and a solid foundation of cooperation. ”
Column case is also about China ’ s role in the war in Ukraine titled: “Putin ’ s Asian Map ”
Putin ’ s military difficulties in Ukraine are serious, as are the impact of Western sanctions on the Russian economy.
But this should not hide the fact that it is opposed primarily by the (expanded) Western alliance.
The two big states in Asia, which everyone believes will soon become the most important region in the world, are not letting Putin go.
His foreign minister, who was in China earlier this week, has now been received in India.
And China on Friday made it clear to the EU that it will adhere to its previous position on the Ukrainian issue.
However, the interests of the two most populous countries do not coincide here.
India has a partnership with Moscow that has grown historically since the Cold War.
Hardly will they now want to hand it over to Beijing, China is a complex neighbor and ultimately a geopolitical rival.
It is for this reason that democratic India in recent years has actually gravitated more heavily towards the West, in particular the United States.
On the contrary, authoritarian China under Xi Jinping increasingly defines itself as an ideological and strategic counterstate of the West, primarily America, which is still the supreme power in Asia.
Putin will try to play this card as often as possible, because it not only gives him a break on the diplomatic stage.
The oil deal with India shows where he can find a way out if he loses his Western clients in the commodities business forever.
In the future, Germany ’ s and Europe ’ s policies towards Asia can no longer be limited to trade and human rights.
In relations with China, in particular, one should not repeat the cardinal mistake made in relations with Russia: the attitude of oneself to economic dependence.
China may be further away than Russia, but its power is already greater.
More material on the front page: “Again without evacuation from Mariupol ”
On Friday, again, it was not possible to remove more civilians from the defeated Mariupol.
According to the Ukrainian government, Russia has agreed to a ceasefire.
According to the Red Cross, during the day the situation was still too uncertain to begin the evacuation.
The inhabitants of the largely destroyed city are left without electricity, water and food for weeks.
Russia has repeatedly violated the declared cease-fire.
A new cease-fire was announced on Saturday.
According to the Ukrainian government, on Friday evening, for the second time since the beginning of the war, an exchange of prisoners between the warring parties took place.
The deputy said that 86 Ukrainians, including 15 women, were returned from Russian captivity.
The publication “Der Tagesspiegel ” created a special project“ A Day at War ”.
“You have to understand what ’ s going on here. ”
Six Ukrainians during the day shared their experience live on Tagesspiegel.
On photos, videos and text messages.
From what they see, feel, do and think.
What is life like in the midst of war?
United States.
Edition of WSJ.
The photo caption on the front page: “The fire occurred on Friday after, according to Moscow, the impact of Ukrainian helicopters on a civilian oil storage facility near Belgorod, Russia.
Ukrainian officials did not take responsibility.
This would be the first Ukrainian strike inside Russia in the war. ”
Main article: “Moscow is regrouping, signaling readiness for a prolonged war ”
Last week, Russia ’ s war against Ukraine changed course as Moscow, lacking the strength to launch rapid offensives on several fronts, began to retreat from Kiev and other cities in the north, and is now focusing on capturing parts of the country ’ s east.
This is the main moment in five weeks.
It will probably turn into a long war of attrition.
Ukraine ’ s counterattacks, including a helicopter strike on Russian territory and Moscow ’ s redeployment to Donbas in eastern Ukraine, show that both sides believe in their victory, making it unlikely that peace talks will lead to an agreement anytime soon.
“Russia ’ s military and political strategy has not changed, it remains to destroy Ukraine, ” said former Ukrainian Defense Minister Andriy Zagorodnyuk, an adviser to the government of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy.
But he said, “Now their capabilities are no longer in line with their strategic vision. ”
This could be a recipe for prolonged conflict, raising the stakes on both sides ’ ability to raise troops and money, as well as access weapons, ammunition and supplies.
Another article: “Abramovich ’ s quick turn from oligarch to envoy.
Russian billionaire recruited to deliver messages directly to Putin
The column on the right reads: “The Kremlin accuses Ukraine of attacking Russia.
Kiev did not take responsibility for the raid on the oil depot »
According to Russian officials, Ukrainian attack helicopters carried out a pre-morning raid on Russian territory, avoiding air defense to strike at the oil depot, as peace talks on the war resumed again.
CCTV footage released by the Russian state media channel RIA Novosti shows that several missiles are firing at the compound and causing explosions.
Vyacheslav Gladkov, the regional governor of Belgorod, where the attack took place near the Ukrainian border, wrote in social networks that the operation was carried out by two Ukrainian helicopters.
Ukrainian officials have not claimed responsibility for the attack.
“I can neither confirm nor reject the claim that Ukraine was involved in this only because I don ’ t have all the military information, ” Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba said.
Announcement of the material: « THE WAY TO CONFLICT
Putin ’ s 20-year campaign to the war in Ukraine and how the West handled it.
"The Washington Post".
The headline “Aid to the injured Mariupol is still blocked ”.
Photo 1 caption: “A husband walks past a destroyed armored personnel carrier in the southern port city of Mariupol, Ukraine, on Friday.
Tens of thousands of Ukrainians remained trapped in siege conditions in the city, and aid workers are desperately trying to reach them.
Photo 2 caption: “10-year-old Timofei Shapoval, who has a brain tumor, waits in an ambulance while medics plan to evacuate him by helicopter from the border in Medica, Poland.
Bureaucratic squabble delayed his convoy. "
The headline of the column on the front page: “Russia accused of breaking promises the Red Cross says its team can ’ t safely enter. ”
About 6,200 civilians, many of whom apparently escaped from Mariupol on their own in recent days and weeks, were transported on Friday from Russian-controlled territory outside the city to the relative security of Ukrainian-controlled territory.
But the International Committee of the Red Cross said its nine-man team was unable to enter Mariupol despite previous assurances from Moscow about a ceasefire and safe passage for civilians.
The team will try again on Saturday, the Red Cross said.
The headline of the second column: “They say that there was the first air strike of Ukraine on Russia ”
On Friday, Russia accused Ukraine of escalating the war by launching a helicopter attack on fuel in the Russian city of Belgorod in what appeared to be Ukraine ’ s first air strike on Russian soil since the invasion began.
Prepared by Sergey CHERNYAVSKY
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"It will be his first visit to Russia since the start of Putin’s war in Ukraine and his first trip abroad since Modi took office as prime minister for the third time."

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Content: 2 July 2024, Tuesday, 16: 46
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Bloomberg: India will prevent Putin from getting closer to China
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has launched the plan.
Russia ’ s active rapprochement with China worries India, which is countering its growing influence in the region.
Concerned about the expansion of the “limitless partnership ”, Prime Minister Narendra Modi next week will go to Moscow for talks with Vladimir Putin, writes Bloomberg.
It will be his first visit to Russia since the start of Putin ’ s war in Ukraine and his first trip abroad since Modi took office as prime minister for the third time.
While Moscow will try to present the meeting as proof that Russia has not been isolated since Western sanctions were imposed, Modi ’ s trip is more motivated by a desire to reaffirm the status quo in bilateral relations and limit China ’ s influence, experts and experts close to the Indian government say.
India is wary of Moscow ’ s growing dependence on Beijing, says Swasti Rao, a research fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defense Studies and Analysis at the Indian Ministry of Defense:
The deepening of strategic interaction between Russia and China makes New Delhi uncomfortable, as it is like a best friend sleeping with the enemy.
Given our concerns, it makes sense for the prime minister to go there and talk to Putin at the highest level.
Like China, India has taken advantage of the difficult situation that Russia has found itself in because of the sanctions.
It has more than 20 times increased purchases of Russian oil compared to 2021, saving 13 billion thanks to discounts on it, according to the April report of the rating agency ICRA.
It continues to purchase services and components from Russia to service previously purchased weapons, although major deals do not seem to be going any more.
In 2019-2023, according to the Stockholm Peace Research Institute, India for the first time since the early 1960s purchased less than half of the weapons from Russia / the USSR: the share of imports was only 36% compared to 76% in 2009-2013.
Russia has lost the Indian arms market, which has dominated for more than half a century
Russia has lost the Indian arms market, which has dominated for more than half a century
The meeting between Modi and Putin is expected to discuss the supply of logistics to India to strengthen cooperation between the armed forces of the two countries and resume discussions on joint development of a fifth-generation fighter, but breakthrough agreements in either this or other areas are likely not, informed Indian officials told Bloomberg.
Also, according to them, cooperation in nuclear energy will be discussed.
Payments in rupees for Russian oil for a long time hung on accounts in Indian banks, all of them accumulated by $8 billion.
Although the countries agreed to continue to pay for oil in UAE dirhams and increase purchases of Indian goods, their annual exports to Russia still do not exceed $5 billion.
Fearing sanctions and difficulties with calculations, Indian business is not eager to increase turnover.
Modi ’ s visit is “maintaining the status quo, ” Alexei Zakharov, an expert on India at HSE, told Bloomberg:“ Relations are not deteriorating, but there is no particular desire to improve them. ”
This is the second time that Putin ’ s turn to the East has caused concern among the leading countries in the region.
Thus, Chinese leaders may believe that Putin ’ s rapprochement with North Korea and the conclusion of a military alliance with it during a recent visit to Pyongyang may reduce the dependence of Russia and North Korea on Beijing and provoke unnecessary tension in the region.
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"Russia has lost the Indian arms market, which has dominated for more than half a century."

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Content: 2 July 2024, Tuesday, 16: 46
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Shem Shem,
Charter 97!
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Bloomberg: India will prevent Putin from getting closer to China
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has launched the plan.
Russia ’ s active rapprochement with China worries India, which is countering its growing influence in the region.
Concerned about the expansion of the “limitless partnership ”, Prime Minister Narendra Modi next week will go to Moscow for talks with Vladimir Putin, writes Bloomberg.
It will be his first visit to Russia since the start of Putin ’ s war in Ukraine and his first trip abroad since Modi took office as prime minister for the third time.
While Moscow will try to present the meeting as proof that Russia has not been isolated since Western sanctions were imposed, Modi ’ s trip is more motivated by a desire to reaffirm the status quo in bilateral relations and limit China ’ s influence, experts and experts close to the Indian government say.
India is wary of Moscow ’ s growing dependence on Beijing, says Swasti Rao, a research fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defense Studies and Analysis at the Indian Ministry of Defense:
The deepening of strategic interaction between Russia and China makes New Delhi uncomfortable, as it is like a best friend sleeping with the enemy.
Given our concerns, it makes sense for the prime minister to go there and talk to Putin at the highest level.
Like China, India has taken advantage of the difficult situation that Russia has found itself in because of the sanctions.
It has more than 20 times increased purchases of Russian oil compared to 2021, saving 13 billion thanks to discounts on it, according to the April report of the rating agency ICRA.
It continues to purchase services and components from Russia to service previously purchased weapons, although major deals do not seem to be going any more.
In 2019-2023, according to the Stockholm Peace Research Institute, India for the first time since the early 1960s purchased less than half of the weapons from Russia / the USSR: the share of imports was only 36% compared to 76% in 2009-2013.
Russia has lost the Indian arms market, which has dominated for more than half a century
Russia has lost the Indian arms market, which has dominated for more than half a century
The meeting between Modi and Putin is expected to discuss the supply of logistics to India to strengthen cooperation between the armed forces of the two countries and resume discussions on joint development of a fifth-generation fighter, but breakthrough agreements in either this or other areas are likely not, informed Indian officials told Bloomberg.
Also, according to them, cooperation in nuclear energy will be discussed.
Payments in rupees for Russian oil for a long time hung on accounts in Indian banks, all of them accumulated by $8 billion.
Although the countries agreed to continue to pay for oil in UAE dirhams and increase purchases of Indian goods, their annual exports to Russia still do not exceed $5 billion.
Fearing sanctions and difficulties with calculations, Indian business is not eager to increase turnover.
Modi ’ s visit is “maintaining the status quo, ” Alexei Zakharov, an expert on India at HSE, told Bloomberg:“ Relations are not deteriorating, but there is no particular desire to improve them. ”
This is the second time that Putin ’ s turn to the East has caused concern among the leading countries in the region.
Thus, Chinese leaders may believe that Putin ’ s rapprochement with North Korea and the conclusion of a military alliance with it during a recent visit to Pyongyang may reduce the dependence of Russia and North Korea on Beijing and provoke unnecessary tension in the region.
Write a comment
Also follow Charter97.org accounts in social networks

How has Russia/ India arms trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

"Payments in rupees for Russian oil for a long time hung on accounts in Indian banks, all of them accumulated by $8 billion."

Title:

Content: 2 July 2024, Tuesday, 16: 46
Please support
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Shem Shem,
Charter 97!
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Bloomberg: India will prevent Putin from getting closer to China
Prime Minister Narendra Modi has launched the plan.
Russia ’ s active rapprochement with China worries India, which is countering its growing influence in the region.
Concerned about the expansion of the “limitless partnership ”, Prime Minister Narendra Modi next week will go to Moscow for talks with Vladimir Putin, writes Bloomberg.
It will be his first visit to Russia since the start of Putin ’ s war in Ukraine and his first trip abroad since Modi took office as prime minister for the third time.
While Moscow will try to present the meeting as proof that Russia has not been isolated since Western sanctions were imposed, Modi ’ s trip is more motivated by a desire to reaffirm the status quo in bilateral relations and limit China ’ s influence, experts and experts close to the Indian government say.
India is wary of Moscow ’ s growing dependence on Beijing, says Swasti Rao, a research fellow at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defense Studies and Analysis at the Indian Ministry of Defense:
The deepening of strategic interaction between Russia and China makes New Delhi uncomfortable, as it is like a best friend sleeping with the enemy.
Given our concerns, it makes sense for the prime minister to go there and talk to Putin at the highest level.
Like China, India has taken advantage of the difficult situation that Russia has found itself in because of the sanctions.
It has more than 20 times increased purchases of Russian oil compared to 2021, saving 13 billion thanks to discounts on it, according to the April report of the rating agency ICRA.
It continues to purchase services and components from Russia to service previously purchased weapons, although major deals do not seem to be going any more.
In 2019-2023, according to the Stockholm Peace Research Institute, India for the first time since the early 1960s purchased less than half of the weapons from Russia / the USSR: the share of imports was only 36% compared to 76% in 2009-2013.
Russia has lost the Indian arms market, which has dominated for more than half a century
Russia has lost the Indian arms market, which has dominated for more than half a century
The meeting between Modi and Putin is expected to discuss the supply of logistics to India to strengthen cooperation between the armed forces of the two countries and resume discussions on joint development of a fifth-generation fighter, but breakthrough agreements in either this or other areas are likely not, informed Indian officials told Bloomberg.
Also, according to them, cooperation in nuclear energy will be discussed.
Payments in rupees for Russian oil for a long time hung on accounts in Indian banks, all of them accumulated by $8 billion.
Although the countries agreed to continue to pay for oil in UAE dirhams and increase purchases of Indian goods, their annual exports to Russia still do not exceed $5 billion.
Fearing sanctions and difficulties with calculations, Indian business is not eager to increase turnover.
Modi ’ s visit is “maintaining the status quo, ” Alexei Zakharov, an expert on India at HSE, told Bloomberg:“ Relations are not deteriorating, but there is no particular desire to improve them. ”
This is the second time that Putin ’ s turn to the East has caused concern among the leading countries in the region.
Thus, Chinese leaders may believe that Putin ’ s rapprochement with North Korea and the conclusion of a military alliance with it during a recent visit to Pyongyang may reduce the dependence of Russia and North Korea on Beijing and provoke unnecessary tension in the region.
Write a comment
Also follow Charter97.org accounts in social networks

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has Russia/ India trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

India's purchases of Russian oil increased

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

"Russian Ambassador to India Nikolai Kudashev noted that Moscow and New Delhi are increasingly moving to joint production."

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Content: All news
Updated
Russia and India expect to sign agreements on defense, space, transport
Russian Ambassador to India Nikolai Kudashev noted that Moscow and New Delhi are increasingly moving to joint production
NEW DELHI, December 4.
/ TASS /.
The signing of bilateral agreements between Russia and India in the areas of defense, space, transport, science and technology, education and other areas is expected during the visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to India on December 6.
This was stated on Saturday by Russian Ambassador to India Nikolai Kudashev to Russian journalists in New Delhi.
We should expect to reach agreements in such areas as connectivity and transport, science and technology, space, military and military-technical cooperation, culture, and education.
This is far from a complete list, ” the head of the diplomatic mission said.
"As for such a traditionally sensitive area of our relations as military-technical ties, we can expect progress here," Kudashev added.
He noted that Moscow and New Delhi from the relations of "supplier - buyer", are increasingly moving to joint production, joint development and joint development of new promising weapons.
"The Great Political Event"
The Russian Ambassador noted the importance of the upcoming meeting of the leaders of the two countries.
“This will be a great political event, especially in demand now, when the demand for the development of bilateral relations and the formation of a space of trust and cooperation in Eurasia is growing.
We can reasonably expect a major joint political statement following the summit.
It will be a document of great importance, covering almost all sides of bilateral relations - from international cooperation, the UN agenda, the reform of this organization, the settlement of regional crises to progress in the bilateral dimension, "the diplomat said.
He added that this document will voice the traditional values of bilateral relations between Moscow and New Delhi.
"This is respect for the central role of the UN, commitment to multipolarity, preservation of strategic stability, joint contribution to the fight against new challenges and threats, interest in continuing interaction and consolidation on such platforms as BRICS, SCO, RIC, G20, and, of course, a significant bilateral agenda," Kudashev said.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

“This will be a great political event, especially in demand now, when the demand for the development of bilateral relations and the formation of a space of trust and cooperation in Eurasia is growing."

Title:

Content: All news
Updated
Russia and India expect to sign agreements on defense, space, transport
Russian Ambassador to India Nikolai Kudashev noted that Moscow and New Delhi are increasingly moving to joint production
NEW DELHI, December 4.
/ TASS /.
The signing of bilateral agreements between Russia and India in the areas of defense, space, transport, science and technology, education and other areas is expected during the visit of Russian President Vladimir Putin to India on December 6.
This was stated on Saturday by Russian Ambassador to India Nikolai Kudashev to Russian journalists in New Delhi.
We should expect to reach agreements in such areas as connectivity and transport, science and technology, space, military and military-technical cooperation, culture, and education.
This is far from a complete list, ” the head of the diplomatic mission said.
"As for such a traditionally sensitive area of our relations as military-technical ties, we can expect progress here," Kudashev added.
He noted that Moscow and New Delhi from the relations of "supplier - buyer", are increasingly moving to joint production, joint development and joint development of new promising weapons.
"The Great Political Event"
The Russian Ambassador noted the importance of the upcoming meeting of the leaders of the two countries.
“This will be a great political event, especially in demand now, when the demand for the development of bilateral relations and the formation of a space of trust and cooperation in Eurasia is growing.
We can reasonably expect a major joint political statement following the summit.
It will be a document of great importance, covering almost all sides of bilateral relations - from international cooperation, the UN agenda, the reform of this organization, the settlement of regional crises to progress in the bilateral dimension, "the diplomat said.
He added that this document will voice the traditional values of bilateral relations between Moscow and New Delhi.
"This is respect for the central role of the UN, commitment to multipolarity, preservation of strategic stability, joint contribution to the fight against new challenges and threats, interest in continuing interaction and consolidation on such platforms as BRICS, SCO, RIC, G20, and, of course, a significant bilateral agenda," Kudashev said.

"Tellis believes that India still has not forgotten about Moscow’s support in conflicts with its neighbors a few decades ago."

Title:

Content: Oil, Pharma and the Nuclear Club.
What can the friendship with India give to Ukraine
India, currently the world ’ s sixth economy, manages to maintain friendly relations with Russia, which is at the same time friendly with China, and with the US, which is at war with Russia, which opposes China.
What is New Delhi interested in Ukraine?
Related video
In early October, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy had a telephone conversation with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
They talked, of course, about the war that Russia unleashed against Ukraine, about nuclear blackmail and global food security, as well as about the strengthening of the partnership between the two countries.
The latter is especially interesting, because even after gaining independence, Ukraine for a long time continued to be in the wake of Russian politics.
This was facilitated by the provinciality of our post-imperial elite or by more objective factors – the question of historiosophy.
The fact is that now Ukraine, winning the war "the second army of the world", if it does not break into the center of international relations, it is significantly moving in this direction.
For Kiev, a previously closed door opens - and this must be used.
From Mowgli to the Nuclear Club
One such “door ” is India.
A country that has experienced British supremacy for centuries.
The well-known fairy tale about Mowgli was written by Rudyard Kipling, who was the same British colonizer.
The book became part of the cultural heritage of the British stay in India.
The world political and philosophical heritage was the non-violent struggle of Mahatma Gandhi against the foreign enslavement of his fatherland.
And India is known to everyone as the birthplace of Buddhism and Hinduism, and in the post-Soviet space the country became famous for its films.
But that ’ s all lyric.
What really lives a nuclear state with a billion people and an area larger than Western Europe?
What are its geopolitical goals and challenges?
In all these matters, Focus tried to understand.
In 1947, India gained independence from Britain.
This was a consequence of the non-violent struggle of Mahatma Gandhi, which we have already mentioned.
The young state immediately fell into the maelstrom of a ruthless geopolitical struggle not for life, but for death.
Conflicts with neighbors over the British heritage (the Muslim part of the historical subcontinent was separated into a separate state - Pakistan, but the borders drawn by Europeans did not satisfy either side).
The territories of Indochina (note the first part of the word in the name of this subcontinent), too, according to New Delhi, were torn away from the “mother land ”.
China began to encroach on them as a sphere of influence, and over time these trends only intensified.
Such a tense situation could not but lead to war.
In our case, a whole series of wars broke out, from which India emerged not just "on the shield", but also firmly holding a "nuclear shield" in its hands.
In 1974, after a successful test of atomic weapons, India joined the "nuclear club".
New Delhi ’ s new status has significantly curbed the ambitions of its wayward neighbors, Pakistan and China.
It is important to note that all three currently possess nuclear weapons.
Why India was so close to the Soviet Union
In the middle of the last century, India became one of the initiators of the Non-Aligned Movement.
Its cornerstone was the unification of the former colonies of world empires in order to obtain de facto independence from the former metropolises.
The participants of the movement pledged not to join any of the blocs – participants of the Cold War.
Despite this, India actively cooperated with the USSR, which declared the values of anti-colonialism and the protection of enslaved peoples.
Interestingly, New Delhi and Moscow were friends not only against the United States, as one might think, but not to a lesser extent against communist China.
Senior Research Fellow at the Carnegie Foundation, Asia and the Sub-Indian continent expert Ashley J.
Tellis believes that India still has not forgotten about Moscow ’ s support in conflicts with its neighbors a few decades ago.
Remember in New Delhi and who was supported by the United States at that time.
The USSR blocked UN Security Council resolutions that were unfavorable to India, and New Delhi refrained from condemning the aggressive acts of the Soviet Union.
Dr. Garrett Price, Senior Researcher of the Asia-Pacific Program of Chatham House, notes that this tradition was continued in the cooperation of India with the Russian Federation, in particular, New Delhi chose to remain silent about Moscow ’ s crimes in Chechnya and Abkhazia.
Arab columnist Mihir Sharma notes that in circles close to the Indian establishment, Moscow is considered a reliable partner who can always block a decision that is unprofitable for India in the UN Security Council, which cannot be said about the United States, which can not always go contrary to the declared values.
China: A Dangerous Neighbor
All these factors together form the proximity of India and Russia, but there are other powerful players on the map that influence the coexistence of this tandem.
Thus, China is only intensifying its expansion in the states of Southeast Asia.
Important
The Water Empire: How River Control Gives China Unlimited Power
By controlling the sources of major Indian rivers, Beijing can threaten the population of the state without the use of weapons of mass destruction.
India cannot stand up to it on its own.
Therefore, in New Delhi, looking for an ally against a powerful neighbor, they became closer to the United States, including by entering into a strategic security dialogue - Quad, which also includes the United States, Japan and Australia.
That is, India manages to maintain friendly relations with Russia, while at the same time being friendly with China, and with the United States, which is at odds with Russia and China.
Garrett Price notes that India has been pursuing such a policy for decades, which led it to significant success – from the former poor starving colony, which the country was in the mid-twentieth century, India became the 6th economy in the world and a nuclear power.
So why should New Delhi change anything?
The answer to this question must be found by Ukraine if Kiev wants to get the support of India.
In particular, as an argument can serve as the statement that it is impossible to sit on two chairs forever.
Despite the objective success of this policy, the world and the situation in it is changing.
The USSR is already in the past, and the times of the “potential end of history ” predicted after the end of the Cold War are becoming the past.
The risk of being in the orbit of the losing side is quite high.
Fighting with the United States and losing the sea
Important
India and Pakistan, all against all: why in the 21st century it is important to be upstream
Now India on land is squeezed by hostile and not too friendly states.
Its only outlet to the world is the Indian Ocean.
Through it, India conducts active trade with Arab countries.
He is trying to establish political and economic ties with Africa.
These two areas represent a competitive space with the “old familiar ” – the People ’ s Republic of China.
The security of the sea routes vital for the state of the Indian subcontinent is the preservation of the current global world order and friendship with the United States.
Also, the United States is the main importer of Indian goods (interestingly, India imports most of the goods from China).
Therefore, cooperation with the United States is important for India both geopolitically and economically.
India ’ s third largest foreign trade partner is the EU.
Foreign Policy columnist Michael Kugelman notes that India ’ s cooperation with a united Europe is only growing.
In addition to trade, cooperation in the areas of climate, modern technologies and migration is an important aspect.
Indian migrants are sending large sums of money back to their home countries, thus investing in their economy.
Therefore, breaking off for the sake of ephemeral support of the Russian Federation with its key partners, India can remain face to face with China and Pakistan (the latter in this case can count on US support in this confrontation) with closed sea routes that can be taken under the control of the enemies, with the tacit consent of Washington.
Moscow and New Delhi: Friendship Involved in Oil
What, in addition to sentimental memories, does Moscow give India?
First of all, it is oil (the last 20 years in the Indian subcontinent there has been almost relentless frenzied GDP growth, and energy resources are needed for production) and weapons.
Russia remains India ’ s largest arms supplier, although its share has fallen from 70% to 49% in recent years.
Russia is popular among the Indian right, which, in particular, relies on the current Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
This is something that a democratically elected government should take into account.
Director of the Institute of Management and Mass Communication Jagrana Nalin Ranjan Mohanty also noted that Russia smoothes the corners in relations between India and China.
However, in the context of intensifying competition with Beijing, which is growing from a border into a global one, relations between India and China will become more and more aggravated.
In such a situation, New Delhi will need not a mediator, but a powerful ally.
And Russia is more likely to choose a more powerful in all respects China than India.
In recent years, Washington has increasingly put New Delhi before a choice in the issue of weapons.
It will not be possible to combine the American and Russian assortment.
It is interesting that the weapons of the Soviet model can fully serve only Ukraine and the Russian Federation, so in the event of a military catastrophe in Moscow, the Indian defense can experience a tangible blow.
Of course, provided that New Delhi stays with the Kremlin to the last.
What might India be interested in?
A significant factor in India ’ s foreign policy is its ambition to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council.
The United States is the shadow instigator of UN reform, and Ukraine is the main mouthpiece of this idea.
A good basis for increasing cooperation.
In general, within the framework of the war, the key point of contact between Kiev and New Delhi was the issue of the evacuation from Ukraine of about 20,000 Indian students who were hostages of hostilities.
This aspect is mentioned by the Indian media in the context of the last conversation between the leaders of the states.
In general, the background of relations between our countries is not the best.
New Delhi remembers Ukraine ’ s criticism of India ’ s nuclear tests back in 1998.
Kiev remembers New Delhi ’ s neutrality over the annexation of Crimea.
These are the main positions where India and Ukraine intersected in world diplomacy – in general, relations are sluggish (Ukraine has never even been visited by the country ’ s prime minister, in whose hands all political power is concentrated).
Now India is in favor of preserving the world order (a thesis that benefits India itself in the context of free navigation in the world's oceans).
After all, this is a system in which India has succeeded.
At the same time, New Delhi is interested in its reformatting in order to become one of the “chosen ones ”.
This walking on the rope is called "strategic ambivalence."
A significant factor in the rapprochement of Kiev with New Delhi may be the economy.
Now India is the second importer of Ukrainian goods in Asia (the state receives 4% of all Ukrainian exports).
Basically, we are talking about agricultural and food products and military-technical cooperation.
Ukraine imports Indian pharmaceutical products.
Education is a major area of cooperation.
As already mentioned, there were 18095 Indian students studying in Ukraine before the war.
And what about the famous Indian cinema?
Bollywood has become a significant component of the Indian economy in recent decades.
Its producers liked the Ukrainian locations, and the scenes of some films in recent years were shot in Ukraine.
In particular, the key scenes of the blockbuster RRR were shot in Kiev.
The film is called the best blockbuster of 2022 - it became the most expensive film in the history of Indian filmmaking.
The main thing is not to stop
All these areas of cooperation can be expanded.
The key for our state remains to win the war - this will significantly change the attitude towards Kiev around the world and open previously unpromising doors.
The conversation itself with Narendra Modi became possible after the Ukrainian successes in the counter-offensive.
It ’ s time for India to finally choose a chair.
What was possible in the past is not always optimal in the present and in the future.
Important
The G20 Summit and the Widodo Doctrine.
Why Indonesia wants to be a mediator in the Russian-Ukrainian war

"Russia remains India’s largest arms supplier, although its share has fallen from 70% to 49% in recent years."

How has Russia/ India arms trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

"It will not be possible to combine the American and Russian assortment."

"A significant factor in India’s foreign policy is its ambition to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council."

"At the same time, New Delhi is interested in its reformatting in order to become one of the 'chosen ones.'"

"China may be further away than Russia, but its power is already greater."

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

"India claims the status of a strategic ally of the Russian Federation in the cold war."

Title:

Content: Pilko: India claims the status of a strategic ally of the Russian Federation in the cold war
At the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, it became obvious that China is not Russia ’ s only strategic ally in the next Cold War.
This status claims India, writes in his TG channel historian, Director of the Eurasian communication center Alexei Pilko.
“Now India is a key state in the Indo-Pacific region, which is the main theater of the current geopolitical confrontation.
The European direction in it is secondary.
It is for India that both the front-line states that challenge American hegemony (Russia and China) and the United States are actively fighting, ” writes Pilko.
India is not going to rapprochement with AUKUS and Japan, and without it, the anti-China coalition in Asia is untenable.
On the other hand, India and China are trying to settle the dispute over the border in the Himalayas, and this factor is still a significant obstacle to the birth of a powerful geopolitical triangle Beijing — Delhi — Moscow.
But still, the probability of such a triangle is high, because India in relation to Russia takes a position of benevolent neutrality, like China, and actively develops trade with our country.
“In general, we can see the desire of the government of Narendra Modi to be above the fray as long as possible.
But in general, it is clear that India will not avoid a more active participation in the second Cold War.
And if we talk about the situation, Delhi is closer to the frontiers who want to replace the American-centric unipolarity with a new model of international relations than vice versa, ” Pilko concluded.
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"This is the SCO, this is BRICS, of course, and the G20."

Title:

Content: Operates with the financial support of the Ministry of Digital Development, Communications and Mass Media of the Russian Federation
Region
Bright steps and a new golden age: What political scientists say about Modi ’ s visit to Russia
Orientalist Nobles: Russia and India can lay the foundation for a new golden age
July 9, 13: 02
Narendra Modi and Vladimir Putin in the Kremlin.
Photo © Life.ru
On July 8 and 9, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is in the capital of Russia: he has already held an informal meeting with President Vladimir Putin, and bilateral talks have also been held in the Kremlin.
What this visit means for Moscow, Delhi and the world, Life.ru learned from political scientists.
Thus, political scientist, orientalist Sergei Dvoryanov pointed out that in the modern political history of India, Narendra Modi is the second Prime Minister of India after Jawaharlal Nehru, who holds this post for the third consecutive term.
And his trip to Russia took place immediately after the elections and inauguration as the head of the Indian government.
According to the interlocutor Life.ru, now Modi needs bright steps.
According to Dvortsov, Moscow and Delhi share common interests: India has huge human resources, Russia has territories and natural resources.
In addition, the expert is sure that India supports Russia in ideological terms, as both countries have strong spiritual traditions.
In fact, both Modi and Putin are believers.
Our president demonstrates his spiritual beliefs in the same way that Modi does.
Not to mention China.
China is an ancient civilization, but now it is in fact atheistic, because the Communist Party rules.
And this ideology of atheism ultimately reduces everything to economic indicators.
That is, China spiritually, ideologically is not so close to India and Russia.
Sergey Dvoryanov
Political scientist, orientalist
Therefore, the orientalist concludes that on the platform of understanding the commonality in the spiritual mission, the Russian Federation can, together with India, launch new global processes of reorganizing the world.
“The fact that the world needs to be rebuilt is obvious to everyone.
It is India and Russia that today can launch a new model based on spirituality, humanity and the moral principles of justice.
The cornerstones of this model are justice plus mercy.
These two principles are the fundamental basis for building a civilization of the future, a new golden age, ” the political scientist concluded.
Political scientist, associate professor of the Department of Political Science of the Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation Evgenia Voiko states that the visit of Narendra Modi shows that India considers Russia as one of the key partners.
Moreover, now the diplomatic activity of the Russian president is almost at its peak for the entire period of the special military operation, and Delhi is trying not to stay aside.
Moreover, the topic of security, and not only such military-strategic security and nuclear security, but also the topic of transport and logistics security is also on the agenda today.
In addition, India and Russia are members of many integration associations.
This is the SCO, this is BRICS, of course, and the G20.
I mean, there's something to discuss.
Evgenia Voiko
Political scientist, Associate Professor, Department of Political Science, Financial University under the Government of the Russian Federation
According to Voiko, India in the person of Modi is trying to declare itself, to show that it has the opportunity to communicate with Russia, to convey its position and, perhaps, even try to influence the current situation and enter into a certain negotiation process, which is what China and Hungary are doing today.
Therefore, from the point of view of the global agenda, the visit is quite significant, the political scientist concludes.
As for bilateral issues, the expert highlights the North-South transport corridor as a key topic on the agenda of Putin and Modi.
According to her, in the conditions of sanctions, Russia gave this project a new life.
The leaders can also discuss cooperation in nuclear and hydrocarbon energy.
As for the reaction of the West to the negotiations, Voiko believes that the countries are looking at the meeting of Putin and Modi with great interest and attention, perhaps even with some fear.
In addition, the visit of the Prime Minister of India to Moscow dispels the myth of the “isolation ” of the Russian Federation.
Evgenia Vanina, chief researcher at the Institute of Oriental Studies of the Russian Academy of Sciences, believes that after the meeting between Putin and Modi in Moscow, relations between the countries will reach a new level, as it is expected to sign a number of agreements related to military, economic, financial and logistics cooperation and many other points.
Speaking about the reaction of the West to this visit, the expert recalled what hysteria caused the trip to the Russian Federation of the Prime Minister of Hungary Orban.
However, Modi no one will be able to "call on the carpet".
"What a noise, a cry, what a whistle-blower there was as a result of his visit.
Life.ru).
"How could he, yes, how dare he?"
He was just being chastised like a boy.
That is, he, the leader of a sovereign country, dared to come to another sovereign country, without receiving permission from a failed gynecologist (head of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen – Prim.
Life.ru).
Of course, the West will be dissatisfied, but India, like our country, is always guided by its national interests, and this is normal and beautiful.
The West will be dissatisfied, but no one will dare to call Modi on the carpet, ” said Vanina.
Recall that the Indian Prime Minister arrived in Russia on July 8, and in the evening of the same day in Novo-Ogaryov held their informal talks with Vladimir Putin.
Modi thanked the Russian leader for his hospitality.
Today, July 9, the official part of the talks started, the leaders met in the Kremlin.
During the conversation, Modi offered the Russian president assistance in establishing peace in Ukraine as soon as possible.
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What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

"From the Indo-Pacific region between India and Russia.

In what regions do India and Russia have common strategic interests?

be an active player in the region."

"India cannot stand up to it on its own.

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

In such a situation, New Delhi will need not a mediator, but a powerful ally."

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

**These sentences highlight:**
- Modi’s strategic balancing amidst US, Russia, and China,
- Deepening but evolving economic, defense, and tech ties with Russia,
- India’s concern over keeping Russia engaged as China’s power grows,
- Decline in Russian arms market share but ongoing defense collaboration,
- India’s ambitions in multilateral forums (UNSC, BRICS, SCO) with Russian support,
- India’s leveraging of its relationship with Russia against rising Chinese influence and in pursuit of strategic autonomy.

Title:

Content: Pilko: India claims the status of a strategic ally of the Russian Federation in the cold war
At the St. Petersburg International Economic Forum, it became obvious that China is not Russia ’ s only strategic ally in the next Cold War.
This status claims India, writes in his TG channel historian, Director of the Eurasian communication center Alexei Pilko.
“Now India is a key state in the Indo-Pacific region, which is the main theater of the current geopolitical confrontation.
The European direction in it is secondary.
It is for India that both the front-line states that challenge American hegemony (Russia and China) and the United States are actively fighting, ” writes Pilko.
India is not going to rapprochement with AUKUS and Japan, and without it, the anti-China coalition in Asia is untenable.
On the other hand, India and China are trying to settle the dispute over the border in the Himalayas, and this factor is still a significant obstacle to the birth of a powerful geopolitical triangle Beijing — Delhi — Moscow.
But still, the probability of such a triangle is high, because India in relation to Russia takes a position of benevolent neutrality, like China, and actively develops trade with our country.
“In general, we can see the desire of the government of Narendra Modi to be above the fray as long as possible.
But in general, it is clear that India will not avoid a more active participation in the second Cold War.
And if we talk about the situation, Delhi is closer to the frontiers who want to replace the American-centric unipolarity with a new model of international relations than vice versa, ” Pilko concluded.
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Add "Pravda.Ru" to your sources in Yandex.News or News.Google, or Yandex.Zen

How has Russia/ India arms trade evolved since the start of the war in Ukraine?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

**Key Extracted Sentences Relevant to India–Russia Relations under Modi and Putin, with Emphasis on Regional Security, Defense, and the India-China Rivalry:**

1.

Title:

Content: Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s recent two-day visit to Russia may have been watched more in the West than in India itself.
Modi received an official reception in Russia, where President Vladimir Putin, who faces Western sanctions over the war in Ukraine, described the Indian prime minister as his “best friend. ”
The visit, Modi ’ s first overseas trip after taking office for a new term, has been described as of international significance.
India is in a unique position as it enjoys long-term relations with Russia while at the same time getting closer to the United States and is now in a position to win the trust of both sides.
Thus, while India is unlikely to play the role of mediator, the South Asian country, during the crisis period, could play some role in helping to find a solution to the war in Ukraine.
But throughout the visit, Modi was clearly balancing India ’ s position between the two sides.
He has described Russia as a friend at all times, referring to how Moscow has advanced in the past to help New Delhi.
Russia shared nuclear technology with India at a time when no other country was willing to do so.
It is also supplying arms to India and helping to strengthen its defence deterrence amid border problems with neighbouring countries.
While India is now diversifying its defense purchases from Israel, the United States, and France, among others, 80 percent of India ’ s military equipment to date comes from Russia.
Russia has also become important since the outbreak of the Ukrainian war, to provide fuel at reduced prices, which is crucial for India, whose energy needs are growing exponentially.
Cheap fuel helped New Delhi adjust inflation in India.
At the same time, India ’ s relations with the United States have grown at a rapid pace in recent times.
Against this backdrop, the visit was also a lesson in skilful diplomatic manoeuvres, as Modi managed to strike a good balance between the two sides.
During the visit, Modi noted that his 17 meetings with Putin over the past decade have strengthened mutual trust and respect between the two sides.
The Indian prime minister not only called Russia a friend at all times, but also a “partner for better or worse. ”
The two leaders also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis.
The Indian prime minister reiterated his country's position that there could be no solutions to the crisis amid "guns, bullets and bombs".
"Whether it is a war, a conflict or a terrorist attack, anyone who believes in humanity suffers when there is a loss of life," he said, stressing that "when innocent children are killed, the heart bleeds and this pain is very frightening."
There is no doubt that Modi ’ s visit to Russia was significant.
Apart from the international attention from a political point of view on its outcome, the visit is seen as adding to the continued momentum in relations between the two countries.
Economic relations in particular have received a boost since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis, mainly due to India ’ s imports of oil, fertilizers and gas at reduced prices.
Trade between India and Russia, which has been stagnant for years, rose from $15 billion in 2021-2022 to $65 billion in 2023-2024 after the outbreak of the Ukrainian war in 2022.
So, during Modi ’ s visit, the two sides also discussed ways to strengthen economic ties.
The two countries agreed to boost trade to $100 billion by 2030, reduce non-tariff barriers, reduce trade imbalances in Russia ’ s favor, improve connectivity and increase trade in agricultural goods.
They also discussed some outstanding problems that remain unresolved between the two countries, such as the issue of the growing trade imbalance.
The outbreak of the Ukrainian war, which was the reason for the strengthening of energy ties between the two countries, put pressure on the military relationship, delaying shipments of spare parts and new weapons.
For example, Russia has so far delivered only three of the five S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile systems, while the other two are behind schedule.
The delivery of spare parts and other military equipment remained an essential part of the discussions.
The two sides are now exploring the possibility of establishing partnerships in joint ventures in India for some important parts of arms.
Modi ’ s visit to Russia, while surprising to the West, was of great importance to India in pushing forward its relations with Russia.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

"India is in a unique position as it enjoys long-term relations with Russia while at the same time getting closer to the United States and is now in a position to win the trust of both sides."

Title:

Content: Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s recent two-day visit to Russia may have been watched more in the West than in India itself.
Modi received an official reception in Russia, where President Vladimir Putin, who faces Western sanctions over the war in Ukraine, described the Indian prime minister as his “best friend. ”
The visit, Modi ’ s first overseas trip after taking office for a new term, has been described as of international significance.
India is in a unique position as it enjoys long-term relations with Russia while at the same time getting closer to the United States and is now in a position to win the trust of both sides.
Thus, while India is unlikely to play the role of mediator, the South Asian country, during the crisis period, could play some role in helping to find a solution to the war in Ukraine.
But throughout the visit, Modi was clearly balancing India ’ s position between the two sides.
He has described Russia as a friend at all times, referring to how Moscow has advanced in the past to help New Delhi.
Russia shared nuclear technology with India at a time when no other country was willing to do so.
It is also supplying arms to India and helping to strengthen its defence deterrence amid border problems with neighbouring countries.
While India is now diversifying its defense purchases from Israel, the United States, and France, among others, 80 percent of India ’ s military equipment to date comes from Russia.
Russia has also become important since the outbreak of the Ukrainian war, to provide fuel at reduced prices, which is crucial for India, whose energy needs are growing exponentially.
Cheap fuel helped New Delhi adjust inflation in India.
At the same time, India ’ s relations with the United States have grown at a rapid pace in recent times.
Against this backdrop, the visit was also a lesson in skilful diplomatic manoeuvres, as Modi managed to strike a good balance between the two sides.
During the visit, Modi noted that his 17 meetings with Putin over the past decade have strengthened mutual trust and respect between the two sides.
The Indian prime minister not only called Russia a friend at all times, but also a “partner for better or worse. ”
The two leaders also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis.
The Indian prime minister reiterated his country's position that there could be no solutions to the crisis amid "guns, bullets and bombs".
"Whether it is a war, a conflict or a terrorist attack, anyone who believes in humanity suffers when there is a loss of life," he said, stressing that "when innocent children are killed, the heart bleeds and this pain is very frightening."
There is no doubt that Modi ’ s visit to Russia was significant.
Apart from the international attention from a political point of view on its outcome, the visit is seen as adding to the continued momentum in relations between the two countries.
Economic relations in particular have received a boost since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis, mainly due to India ’ s imports of oil, fertilizers and gas at reduced prices.
Trade between India and Russia, which has been stagnant for years, rose from $15 billion in 2021-2022 to $65 billion in 2023-2024 after the outbreak of the Ukrainian war in 2022.
So, during Modi ’ s visit, the two sides also discussed ways to strengthen economic ties.
The two countries agreed to boost trade to $100 billion by 2030, reduce non-tariff barriers, reduce trade imbalances in Russia ’ s favor, improve connectivity and increase trade in agricultural goods.
They also discussed some outstanding problems that remain unresolved between the two countries, such as the issue of the growing trade imbalance.
The outbreak of the Ukrainian war, which was the reason for the strengthening of energy ties between the two countries, put pressure on the military relationship, delaying shipments of spare parts and new weapons.
For example, Russia has so far delivered only three of the five S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile systems, while the other two are behind schedule.
The delivery of spare parts and other military equipment remained an essential part of the discussions.
The two sides are now exploring the possibility of establishing partnerships in joint ventures in India for some important parts of arms.
Modi ’ s visit to Russia, while surprising to the West, was of great importance to India in pushing forward its relations with Russia.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi

Title:

Content: India ’ s Eye on a Role in the Middle East
India ’ s Eye on a Role in the Middle East
When the United States, India, Israel, and the United Arab Emirates formed a new Joint Strategic Coordination Working Group last October, the convergence of four countries drew comparisons with the Quadripartite Security Dialogue between the United States, Japan, Australia, and India.
According to Indian researcher c.
It will certainly be some time before the new Middle East Quartet, still a working group among foreign ministers to date, reaches the strength and determination of its eastern counterpart, which has already held two leaders ’ summits this year.
But the quadripartite security dialogue also began as a modest exercise among senior officials in 2007.
U.S. Secretary of State Anthony Blinken pointed to the four countries ’ overlapping interests in “energy, climate, trade and regional security ” as the goal of the new quartet.
He said the new format would enhance “complementary capabilities in many areas ” for new achievements in the Middle East.
The inclusion of India makes this group distinctive.
Indian Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar told his interlocutors at the first meeting that his country ’ s relations with the three countries “are among the closest we have, if not the closest. ”
A WELCOME PARTNER
Raja Mohan says that India ’ s designation of the United States, Israel, and the UAE as among its closest strategic partners, and its willingness to publicly acknowledge and remain willing to work with these countries in the region, is a reflection of how far India ’ s foreign policy has shifted in the Middle East.
Interestingly, Washington, Tel Aviv and Abu Dhabi are also looking to build a partnership with New Delhi, which has long been marginal in Middle East developments.
India, whose foreign policy footprint is now expanding, has become a welcome partner of the United States and its regional allies.
Cy.
Raja Mohan: New Middle East Quartet is the culmination of India ’ s policy
The new grouping in the Middle East represents the growing convergence of Indian and American interests in Asia.
New Delhi, which has in the past stood against Washington ’ s policies in East Asia and the Middle East, now seems ready to work with it to stabilize the two regions.
If the need for balance emerges in China as the glue that binds the Quartet together in East Asia, the situation remains more volatile and complex in the Middle East, where the United States is not looking for passive beneficiaries within its security umbrella while reshaping its alliances and realigning its global priorities.
It wants partners willing and able to share such trends, with India at the top of the list.
The rapid shift in India ’ s relations with Israel and the UAE (two key U.S. allies in the region) under Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has provided a new basis for engagement between the four countries; after Washington facilitated the 2020 Abraham Accords, Washington has drawn India into what some already call the “Indian-Abrahamic Accords. ”
Raja Mohan says the U.S. addition of India to its network of Asian allies and partners is a new and unexpected approach to strengthening its position in the region.
But the long-term perspective points to something else about the logic of India ’ s geography; a glance at the map suggests India ’ s natural prominence in both East Asia and the Middle East.
The country, as a major powerhouse in the Asia Central Indian Ocean fulcrum, appears well positioned to shape geopolitical outcomes in both regions.
India regains its historical role in East Asia and the Middle East by returning to the two regions; colonial India played a major role in British domination of the Indian Ocean and its adjacent areas until the mid-20th century.
It provided the base from which Britain could control and defend its empire, promote the globalization of the region, and maintain a regional security system.
India provided military resources to Britain to stabilize large parts of Asia.
In a reminder of this role, Jaishankar opened his visit to Israel by laying a wreath on the graves of Indian soldiers who sacrificed their lives during the First World War.
Many observers in India and abroad have dismissed the deep commercial and military ties between India and the Middle East as distorted by the colonial context.
However, some historians emphasize the centrality of India to the British Empire.
We are witnessing the re-establishment of those ties between India and today ’ s dominant Western power, the United States, from the Suez Canal to the South China Sea.
But unlike the colonial era, India returned to the region as an independent actor with a policy of its own.
From New Delhi, it is negotiating India ’ s cooperation with the United States, unlike under British colonialism, where India does not help support another country ’ s empire but rather promotes its interests in the region.
Changing policies
India provided military resources to Britain to stabilize large parts of Asia
India ’ s foreign policy in the Middle East was driven by the need to distance itself from the legacy of British colonialism.
India has deliberately abandoned its security role in the region and its central role in economic globalization in the Indian Ocean.
Independent India has positioned itself against post-war alliances such as the Baghdad Pact (Cinto), when Washington aimed to contain the Soviet Union on its southern side and fill the vacuum created when India ’ s first post-independence prime minister, Jawaharlal Nehru, withdrew from security policy in the region.
Pakistan, on the other hand, was a founding member of Cinto alongside Iran, Iraq, Turkey and Britain, but could not replace an undivided India, and the alliance did not last long.
India had a brief window of time to reconsider its reluctance to be a regional security provider in 1968, when Britain announced it would withdraw from most of its colonial areas east of Suez.
However, New Delhi has struggled to reconcile its ideology of non-alignment with its security interests in the Indian Ocean.
Some Gulf states, all of which relied on Britain for their security, turned to India for defence cooperation after independence.
India signed a secondary protocol on military exchanges with Oman in 1972 but was not ready to intervene.
Instead, Nehru and his successors were wedded to major ideological issues of the age, including Third World radicalism, anti-colonialism, anti-Zionism, embracing the Palestinian cause, and Arab nationalism.
The contribution to the regional security system does not fit any of these models.
While India ’ s new leaders have emphasized self-sufficiency and the country ’ s economy has turned inward, New Delhi has severed its old economic ties with the Middle East.
Although rising oil imports and the export of Indian labor to the Gulf fostered the beginnings of deeper integration between India and the Gulf, New Delhi ’ s approach remained commercial rather than strategic.
Some of that began to change after the Cold War, when India established diplomatic relations with Israel despite the persistence of the old anti-Zionist and anti-Western orientation.
As some Israeli diplomats have said, New Delhi has treated Israel as a mistress with whom it communicates behind the scenes but is reluctant to appear in public.
India, whose foreign policy footprint is expanding, is now a welcome partner for the United States and its regional allies.
One of Modi ’ s first acts was to formally embrace Israel as an important partner and boast about the relationship between the two countries.
In the past, Indian diplomacy has consistently pointed to Arab concerns that have limited ties with Israel.
But Modi has discovered that he can pursue relations with both without problems.
Modi ’ s sudden enthusiasm to engage with the UAE and Saudi Arabia was also a notable shift; New Delhi has long viewed the Gulf states as too close to Pakistan and the United States.
Under Modi, India has discovered that it can do much to build trade, political and security partnerships.
The new Middle East Quartet is in many ways the culmination of greater pragmatism in India ’ s foreign policy.
It also highlights New Delhi ’ s successful removal of previous ideological concerns that limited its engagement with the region.
This would not have happened if the United States had not promoted agreements to normalize relations between Israel, the UAE and other Arab countries.
Raja Mohan believes that the primary focus of the Middle East Quartet will be on economic issues rather than strategic ones.
There is a lot of convergence between the Indian market, Emirati capital, Israeli technology, and US geo-economic influence in the region.
India recently revived free trade negotiations with the UAE and Israel to that end.
The United States has become India ’ s most important economic partner.
Jaishankar and his counterparts promised to quickly develop a concrete and practical agenda for the new group.
The level of political comfort between the four governments means the Middle East Quartet is likely to progress faster than the quadripartite security dialogue after it was launched in 2007, when it remained nearly dead before being revived more than a decade later.
While the quadripartite security dialogue began with a security focus and has since moved to a broader agenda, the Middle East Group has prioritized non-military topics.
This, however, does not diminish the expansion of India ’ s bilateral defense cooperation with the United States, Israel, and the UAE.
The Indian analyst says this could lead to greater strategic coordination between the four partners in the region in the long term.
At the same time, the Middle East Group does not prevent any of its members from cooperating with others in the region.
New loyalties are certain to emerge as the Middle East ’ s traditional adversaries return to forging ties with each other amid the region ’ s dramatic geopolitical changes.
Arab Newspaper

"Russia shared nuclear technology with India at a time when no other country was willing to do so."

Title:

Content: Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s recent two-day visit to Russia may have been watched more in the West than in India itself.
Modi received an official reception in Russia, where President Vladimir Putin, who faces Western sanctions over the war in Ukraine, described the Indian prime minister as his “best friend. ”
The visit, Modi ’ s first overseas trip after taking office for a new term, has been described as of international significance.
India is in a unique position as it enjoys long-term relations with Russia while at the same time getting closer to the United States and is now in a position to win the trust of both sides.
Thus, while India is unlikely to play the role of mediator, the South Asian country, during the crisis period, could play some role in helping to find a solution to the war in Ukraine.
But throughout the visit, Modi was clearly balancing India ’ s position between the two sides.
He has described Russia as a friend at all times, referring to how Moscow has advanced in the past to help New Delhi.
Russia shared nuclear technology with India at a time when no other country was willing to do so.
It is also supplying arms to India and helping to strengthen its defence deterrence amid border problems with neighbouring countries.
While India is now diversifying its defense purchases from Israel, the United States, and France, among others, 80 percent of India ’ s military equipment to date comes from Russia.
Russia has also become important since the outbreak of the Ukrainian war, to provide fuel at reduced prices, which is crucial for India, whose energy needs are growing exponentially.
Cheap fuel helped New Delhi adjust inflation in India.
At the same time, India ’ s relations with the United States have grown at a rapid pace in recent times.
Against this backdrop, the visit was also a lesson in skilful diplomatic manoeuvres, as Modi managed to strike a good balance between the two sides.
During the visit, Modi noted that his 17 meetings with Putin over the past decade have strengthened mutual trust and respect between the two sides.
The Indian prime minister not only called Russia a friend at all times, but also a “partner for better or worse. ”
The two leaders also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis.
The Indian prime minister reiterated his country's position that there could be no solutions to the crisis amid "guns, bullets and bombs".
"Whether it is a war, a conflict or a terrorist attack, anyone who believes in humanity suffers when there is a loss of life," he said, stressing that "when innocent children are killed, the heart bleeds and this pain is very frightening."
There is no doubt that Modi ’ s visit to Russia was significant.
Apart from the international attention from a political point of view on its outcome, the visit is seen as adding to the continued momentum in relations between the two countries.
Economic relations in particular have received a boost since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis, mainly due to India ’ s imports of oil, fertilizers and gas at reduced prices.
Trade between India and Russia, which has been stagnant for years, rose from $15 billion in 2021-2022 to $65 billion in 2023-2024 after the outbreak of the Ukrainian war in 2022.
So, during Modi ’ s visit, the two sides also discussed ways to strengthen economic ties.
The two countries agreed to boost trade to $100 billion by 2030, reduce non-tariff barriers, reduce trade imbalances in Russia ’ s favor, improve connectivity and increase trade in agricultural goods.
They also discussed some outstanding problems that remain unresolved between the two countries, such as the issue of the growing trade imbalance.
The outbreak of the Ukrainian war, which was the reason for the strengthening of energy ties between the two countries, put pressure on the military relationship, delaying shipments of spare parts and new weapons.
For example, Russia has so far delivered only three of the five S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile systems, while the other two are behind schedule.
The delivery of spare parts and other military equipment remained an essential part of the discussions.
The two sides are now exploring the possibility of establishing partnerships in joint ventures in India for some important parts of arms.
Modi ’ s visit to Russia, while surprising to the West, was of great importance to India in pushing forward its relations with Russia.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

Title:

Content: Expert comments on Lavrov ’ s long Asian and African tour
Russia News
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov
Copy Link https: / / en.rt.com / uq1e
Contemporary history professor Ahmed Hassan al-Sawy described Russia ’ s Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov as a “bright and conscious flame of activism, ” noting that he was following in the footsteps of former Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko.
In an interview with RT, the Nasserite leader said: "The Russian foreign minister is moving constantly from Eurasia to Africa, in a movement that has not been calm since the beginning of the special military operation in Ukraine."
He pointed out that Lavrov is leading the Russian foreign policy system to restore the vital space in which the Soviet foreign ministry was moving during the era of Gromyko (1957-1985).
Active track since Putin took over the presidency
"If it makes sense for Russia's foreign policy to focus on the neighboring countries with which it was meeting under the Soviet flag, it is noticeable that these efforts have been on an active track since Putin took over the presidency of the Russian Federation, not only improving bilateral relations and trying to ease tensions between some neighbors, but also creating an economic union between Russia and several former Soviet republics and launching formulas for military cooperation," he said.
Based on Moscow ’ s conviction that the time has come to bury the “unipolar era ” that began after Gorbachev ’ s dissolution of the Soviet Union, the Russian Foreign Ministry under the leadership of Lavrov, a pupil of Primakov, has begun to restore its old Soviet relations and even surpass them to a more spacious and more pragmatic horizon.
Returning to the Middle East and coordinating with OPEC
He added: "Russia returned to the Middle East through arms supplies, which hit the restrictions imposed by NATO to maintain a balance strongly tilted in favor of Tel Aviv, and then expanded the areas of cooperation to include various aspects of economic and technical cooperation to reach two large stations, the first is direct military intervention on the line of the Syrian crisis to prevent the fall of the Syrian government, and the second is coordination with the OPEC oil exporting countries. energy markets. ”
The Russian foreign policy towards China and India has not reached this peak of cooperation and collaboration with Moscow ’ s unilateral desire, but with strategic planning from both Beijing and New Delhi.
Latin America and Africa
He pointed out that this leads us to the Russian foreign policy in Africa, which started from the premise that "Russia will inevitably confront NATO", and that it seeks to end the unipolar era and preach a new multipolar world order, and then went to the backyard of the United States and European countries to establish relations that remove colonial and imperialist influence together, especially in Latin America and Africa.
The history professor also stopped at what he described as the "harvest season" that began in Africa, where it seemed clear that Moscow was harvesting the mechanisms of cooperation with countries, some of which had strong relations with the Soviets during the era of national liberation, and others had not been liberated from the last shackles of colonial domination when the Soviet Union collapsed.
France is the biggest loser.
Speaking about the countries affected by this Russian diplomacy, El Sawy stressed that France seems to be the biggest loser of Sir Lavrov in the footsteps of Gromyko, where the French forces were expelled and before the domination of Paris on the ruling elites of Central Africa, Burkina Faso and Mali and the rapid dissolution of Russian weapons in place of Western armament. They were quickly replaced by missions of Russian military experts as well as Wagner forces.
Mauritania and the Atlantic
He concluded that Lavrov was not satisfied with this, but found a foothold for Russia in Mauritania overlooking the Atlantic and its countries, announcing Moscow ’ s support for Nouakchott ’ s efforts to develop medical services by sending teams of Russian doctors as well as its support for Mauritania ’ s plans to benefit from its fishing wealth, which is exposed to piracy by European countries ’ vessels that violate the country ’ s economic waters and plunder fishing.
In response to a question about whether Lavrov stopped there, al-Sawy said: "He never did, he visited Khartoum, where the United States and Britain are joking, and recently Israel to announce to the parties to the internal conflict that they resist London's colonial plans that they have an ally that has not been absent from the region."
Fighting the food crisis
He added that behind Lavrov all intelligence and foreign affairs officials are trying to discourage the African capitals he visited from developing cooperation with Moscow, noting that until the moment their efforts have not yielded the desired results, but may be counterproductive in the wake of a looming food crisis with NATO blocking Russian grain and fertilizer exports to African countries, including donations and free aid.
He concluded: “Lavrov is tireless and untiring.
They don ’ t stop talking and talking. ”
Nasser Hatem - Cairo
Source: RT
Agree.
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Earthquakes in Turkey and Syria.
The number of victims is increasing and rescue teams are racing against time (Day 4)

"The Indian prime minister not only called Russia a friend at all times, but also a 'partner for better or worse.'"

Title:

Content: Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s recent two-day visit to Russia may have been watched more in the West than in India itself.
Modi received an official reception in Russia, where President Vladimir Putin, who faces Western sanctions over the war in Ukraine, described the Indian prime minister as his “best friend. ”
The visit, Modi ’ s first overseas trip after taking office for a new term, has been described as of international significance.
India is in a unique position as it enjoys long-term relations with Russia while at the same time getting closer to the United States and is now in a position to win the trust of both sides.
Thus, while India is unlikely to play the role of mediator, the South Asian country, during the crisis period, could play some role in helping to find a solution to the war in Ukraine.
But throughout the visit, Modi was clearly balancing India ’ s position between the two sides.
He has described Russia as a friend at all times, referring to how Moscow has advanced in the past to help New Delhi.
Russia shared nuclear technology with India at a time when no other country was willing to do so.
It is also supplying arms to India and helping to strengthen its defence deterrence amid border problems with neighbouring countries.
While India is now diversifying its defense purchases from Israel, the United States, and France, among others, 80 percent of India ’ s military equipment to date comes from Russia.
Russia has also become important since the outbreak of the Ukrainian war, to provide fuel at reduced prices, which is crucial for India, whose energy needs are growing exponentially.
Cheap fuel helped New Delhi adjust inflation in India.
At the same time, India ’ s relations with the United States have grown at a rapid pace in recent times.
Against this backdrop, the visit was also a lesson in skilful diplomatic manoeuvres, as Modi managed to strike a good balance between the two sides.
During the visit, Modi noted that his 17 meetings with Putin over the past decade have strengthened mutual trust and respect between the two sides.
The Indian prime minister not only called Russia a friend at all times, but also a “partner for better or worse. ”
The two leaders also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis.
The Indian prime minister reiterated his country's position that there could be no solutions to the crisis amid "guns, bullets and bombs".
"Whether it is a war, a conflict or a terrorist attack, anyone who believes in humanity suffers when there is a loss of life," he said, stressing that "when innocent children are killed, the heart bleeds and this pain is very frightening."
There is no doubt that Modi ’ s visit to Russia was significant.
Apart from the international attention from a political point of view on its outcome, the visit is seen as adding to the continued momentum in relations between the two countries.
Economic relations in particular have received a boost since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis, mainly due to India ’ s imports of oil, fertilizers and gas at reduced prices.
Trade between India and Russia, which has been stagnant for years, rose from $15 billion in 2021-2022 to $65 billion in 2023-2024 after the outbreak of the Ukrainian war in 2022.
So, during Modi ’ s visit, the two sides also discussed ways to strengthen economic ties.
The two countries agreed to boost trade to $100 billion by 2030, reduce non-tariff barriers, reduce trade imbalances in Russia ’ s favor, improve connectivity and increase trade in agricultural goods.
They also discussed some outstanding problems that remain unresolved between the two countries, such as the issue of the growing trade imbalance.
The outbreak of the Ukrainian war, which was the reason for the strengthening of energy ties between the two countries, put pressure on the military relationship, delaying shipments of spare parts and new weapons.
For example, Russia has so far delivered only three of the five S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile systems, while the other two are behind schedule.
The delivery of spare parts and other military equipment remained an essential part of the discussions.
The two sides are now exploring the possibility of establishing partnerships in joint ventures in India for some important parts of arms.
Modi ’ s visit to Russia, while surprising to the West, was of great importance to India in pushing forward its relations with Russia.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

Title:

Content: Are we witnessing the formation of a quartet axis that threatens American hegemony?
Are we witnessing the formation of a quartet axis that threatens American hegemony?
In the early morning of January, Russian forces launched a massive rocket attack on the Ukrainian cities of Kiev and Kharkiv, killing five civilians, wounding 100 others and damaging infrastructure.
This event was notable not only because of the damage it caused, but also because it showed that Russia is not alone in its fight.
In fact, the Russian attack that day was carried out with weapons equipped with technology from China, missiles from North Korea and drones from Iran, and over the past two years these three countries have become vital support elements of Russia ’ s war machine in Ukraine.
Moreover, Russia now produces at least 330 drones every month and is cooperating with Iran on plans to build a new factory for these drones inside Russia that would boost this production.
Beijing has ramped up its purchases of Russian oil and gas, injecting billions of dollars into Moscow ’ s coffers, and just as importantly providing vast amounts of war technology, including semiconductors, electronic devices, radar equipment, communications jamming, and jet fighter parts.
Customs records show that despite trade sanctions imposed by the West, Russia ’ s imports of electronic chips and components have been rising steadily to near pre-war levels, with more than half coming from China.
This support from China, Iran, and North Korea has strengthened Russia ’ s position on the battlefield, thwarted Western efforts to isolate Moscow, and hurt Ukraine.
In fact, the coordination between the four countries began to expand before 2022, but the war accelerated the consolidation of economic, military, political and technological relations, and they are increasingly harmonizing their interests and rhetoric and coordinating military and diplomatic maneuvers. The common goal is to challenge the principles, regulations and institutions that form the basis of the existing international order, and when these four countries cooperate, their combined actions produce far greater impact than their individual efforts alone.
By working together, they enhance each other ’ s military capabilities, undermine the effectiveness of U.S. foreign policy instruments, including sanctions, and impede the ability of Washington and its partners to enforce global rules, and their collective goal is to create an alternative to the current order they see as dominated by the United States.
There is no doubt that these four countries have their differences and a legacy of historical mistrust and current divisions can limit the extent to which their relations prosper, yet their shared goal of weakening the United States and its leadership role provides a strong link. The US State Department is now managing the devastating consequences of their growing coordination and preventing the Axis from destabilizing the world.
The Anti-West Team
In fact, China and Russia have been strengthening their partnership since the end of the Cold War and this trend accelerated significantly after Russia annexed Crimea in 2014, between 2013 and 2021 China ’ s share of Russian foreign trade doubled from 10 to 20 percent, and between 2018 and 2022 Russia supplied China with a total of 83 percent of arms imports. Air, submarine and anti-ship weapons, making China more powerful in any potential maritime conflict.
In early 2022, Russian President Vladimir Putin and Chinese leader Xi Jinping endorsed a joint statement pledging an “unlimited ” partnership between their countries and urging“ international relations of a new kind, ” in other words a multi-polar international order not dominated by the United States.
In return, Iran has strengthened ties with other Axis members as well, and in retrospect, Iran and Russia have worked together to keep Syrian President Bashar al-Assad in power after the outbreak of the civil war in 2011, and in line with Russia ’ s efforts to protect Tehran from U.S. sanctions, China has been buying large amounts of Iranian oil since 2020.
For its part, North Korea has regarded China as its main ally and trading partner for decades, while maintaining friendly relations with Russia although they were not deep or substantial, and Iran has purchased North Korean missiles since the 1980s.
In addition, there has been a rapprochement between Pyongyang and Tehran due to a shared aversion to Washington: according to a statement made by Kim Yong Nam, a senior North Korean official, during a 10-day visit to Iran in 2017, the two countries “have a common enemy. ”
Moscow has been among the largest arms suppliers to Tehran for the past two decades, and is now the largest source of foreign investment. Russian exports to Iran rose 27 percent during the first 10 months of 2022. discussions in the United Nations Security Council.
Last year, Russia replaced Saudi Arabia as China ’ s top crude oil exporter, and trade between the two countries exceeded a record $240 billion. In addition, Moscow has released millions of dollars of North Korean assets held in Russian banks in compliance with Security Council sanctions. China, Iran and Russia have held joint naval exercises in the Gulf of Oman for three consecutive years, most recently in March 2024. China and North Korea.
The West has been quick to downplay the importance of coordination between China, Iran, North Korea and Russia.
The growing cooperation between China, Iran, North Korea, and Russia is driven by a shared opposition to the Western-dominated world order, a hostility based on the belief that the current order does not give them the status or freedom of action they deserve, and each country emphasizes its own sphere of influence, with China claiming its “core interests, ” including Taiwan and the South China Sea, and Iran ’ s“ axis of resistance, ” a group of proxies that gives Tehran influence in Iraq and Lebanon. Syria, Yemen and elsewhere, while North Korea claims the entire Korean peninsula, and Russia seeks to assert control over neighboring regions, which in the Kremlin ’ s view include the countries that at least formed Russia ’ s historic empire.
The four countries see the United States as the main obstacle to the establishment of these spheres of influence, so they want to reduce Washington ’ s presence in their regions, and all of them reject the principle of universal values and view the West ’ s promotion of its version of democracy as an attempt to undermine its legitimacy and foment internal unrest. The West will accept its rise or return to power on the world stage, and it opposes external interference in its internal affairs, the expansion of American alliances, the deployment of American nuclear weapons outside the United States, and the use of coercive sanctions.
While envisioning a positive future may seem elusive, history has shown that a coherent agenda is not always necessary for an alliance of disaffected powers to sow the seeds of unrest, and the 1940 Tripartite Pact that united Germany, Italy, and Japan (the original version of the Axis) pledged to “create and maintain a new order, one in which each country brought its rightful place.
Similarly, China, Iran, North Korea, and Russia do not need a clear-cut plan for an alternative international order to disrupt the existing order, as their shared opposition to the underlying principles of the current order and their determination to effect change provide a strong basis for cooperative action.
For example, China and Russia compete for influence in Central Asia, while Iran and Russia compete for oil markets in China, India and elsewhere in Asia. China may view the deepening ties between North Korea and Russia with concern, fearing that Kim Jong-un ’ s empowerment could escalate tensions in Northeast Asia and attract a larger U.S. military presence, which China opposes, yet its differences are insufficient to break the bonds forged as a result of its shared resistance to a Western-dominated world.
The spark is coming from the Kremlin.
The invasion of Ukraine was the point of no return in Putin ’ s long campaign against the West, and Putin became more committed to destroying not only Ukraine, but also the world order.
Ammunition, drones, electronic chips and other forms of assistance sent by Axis members have served as significant support for Russia, but the greater Moscow ’ s dependence on these countries it has been forced to make concessions in return.
Even before the Russian invasion, Moscow ’ s military assistance to Beijing reduced the military superiority of the United States over China. Russia provided increasingly sophisticated weapons to China, expanded the pace and scope of joint military exercises between the two countries, and Russian officers who fought in Syria and in Ukraine ’ s Donbas region passed valuable lessons to their Chinese counterparts. Its lack of operational experience is a marked weakness compared to more experienced U.S. forces.
Although China ’ s military modernization reduces the urgent need to deepen defense cooperation with Russia, the two countries are likely to move forward with technology exchanges and cooperation on joint weapons development and production projects: in February, for example, Russian officials confirmed that they are working with their Chinese counterparts on military applications of artificial intelligence. Pressing Russia, which has become more dependent on it, for additional advanced technologies, the exchange could further erode the advantages enjoyed by the United States.
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A Chinese warship approaches an Iranian port in the Gulf of Oman, December 2019 (Reuters)
A similar dynamic is unfolding in Russia ’ s relations with Iran and North Korea: Moscow and Tehran have forged what the Biden administration called an “unprecedented defense partnership ” to upgrade Iran ’ s military capabilities, and Russia has provided Iran with advanced aircraft, air defense systems, intelligence, surveillance, reconnaissance, and electronic capabilities that would help Tehran resist any potential U.S. or Israeli military operation.
In exchange for providing North Korea with ammunition and other military assistance to Russia, Pyongyang is said to be seeking advanced space, missile and submarine technology from Moscow, and if Russia responds to these requests, North Korea will be able to improve the accuracy and capability of its nuclear-tipped ICBMs, and use Russian nuclear propulsion technology to expand the range and capability of its submarines. Russian aid may have contributed to North Korea ’ s launch of a military spy satellite in November last year after it failed to do so twice in the past year.
Kim, who now enjoys strong support from both China and Russia, abandoned North Korea ’ s decades-old policy of peacefully resolving the division with his South Korean neighbor. Instead, Pyongyang escalated its threats against Seoul, engaged in nuclear blackmail and missile tests, showed no interest in dialogue with the United States, and on Iran. With a clear and seemingly direct link between the deepening of their partnership and Hamas ’ s attack on Israel on Oct. 7, 2023, increased support from Russia likely made Iran more willing to energize its regional proxies in the aftermath.
Coordinated diplomacy and pressure from Russia and the West for Iran to join the 2015 nuclear deal are now a distant memory, as Moscow and Beijing are now helping Tehran resist Western pressure to enrich uranium and reject Washington ’ s efforts to negotiate a new nuclear deal.
Undermining America
Most notably, since the beginning of the war in Ukraine, China has supplied Russia with semiconductors and other basic technologies previously imported from the West, undermining the effectiveness of Western export controls. In December 2023, Iran and Russia finalized an agreement to conduct bilateral trade using their domestic currencies by moving their economic transactions beyond the scope of U.S. enforcement measures, so Axis members are undermining the effectiveness of Western sanctions, as well as anti-corruption and money laundering efforts.
China, Iran, North Korea, and Russia can build trade and transport networks safe from U.S. intervention by taking advantage of their shared borders and coastal areas; for example, Iran ships drones and other weapons to Russia via the Caspian Sea, where the United States has limited ability to stop transfers; and in the event of a conflict between the United States and China in the Indo-Pacific, Beijing could seek support from Moscow. The Russian defense industrial base, which is currently heavily focused on supplying Russian forces in Ukraine with weapons, could change its orientation and later focus to support the Chinese war effort.
For example, China ’ s refusal to condemn Russia ’ s invasion of Ukraine facilitated similar positions in countries across Africa, Latin America and the Middle East, Beijing and Moscow blocked Western efforts to isolate Iran, and last year upgraded Iran from an observer state to a full member of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, a regional body. Iran ’ s regional interventions and nuclear endeavors have made other countries wary of dealing with its government, but Tehran ’ s participation in international forums enhances the regime ’ s legitimacy and offers it opportunities to expand trade with other member states.
China, Iran, and North Korea have either defended or avoided outright condemnation of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, all echoing Kremlin accusations of warmongering and reacting to Hamas ’ attacks in October 2023, Iran has used state media and social media accounts to express its support for Hamas and Hamas. They have used the war in Gaza to portray Washington as the dominant and destabilizing power in the world, a narrative that resonates in parts of Africa, Asia, Latin America, and the Middle East. Repeatability makes these states seem more credible and convincing.
Alternative system
The United States has invested in the liberal international order it helped create because it embodies American preferences and expands U.S. influence. As long as the system is useful enough for most members, a group of countries will defend it. A core group of powerful states around which the opposition can coalesce, the interest remains in the existing order.
For decades, threats to the U.S.-led order have come mostly from a handful of rogue states that do not have enough capacity to overthrow it, but the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the resulting restructuring of relations between states would remove restrictions on collective action.
Historically, the existence of competing regimes has often led to conflict, especially in areas where these regimes overlap geographically. Indeed, wars arise from specific circumstances such as a territorial dispute or a need to protect national or allied interests, or a threat to the survival of the regime. One, similar to the balance-of-power system maintained by the European Coalition for much of the 19th century, for example, or the post-Cold War era dominated by the United States, has seen fewer conflicts compared to eras characterized by the existence of more than one system, such as the multipolar era between the two world wars and the bipolar system during the Cold War.
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Xi and Putin in Moscow, March 2023 (Reuters)
The world has been able to see a glimpse of the instability this new era of competing regimes will bring, an era in which potential aggressors feel emboldened by alternative rules endorsed by the axis and fear less isolation if they misbehave. Indeed, Hamas ’ s attack on Israel threatens to devour the wider Middle East. Tensions between Serbia and Kosovo also flared in 2023, and Venezuela threatened to seize territory in neighboring Guyana in December 2023. Although internal conditions have precipitated coups in Myanmar and across the Sahel since 2020, the increasing incidence of such revolts is linked to the new international arrangement. The overthrow of a government could destroy relations with the West, but the new regimes could find support in Beijing and Moscow.
Until now, most of the cooperation between China, Iran, North Korea, and Russia has been bilateral, and any trilateral and quadripartite cooperative efforts between these countries may increase their ability to disrupt and disrupt, and countries such as Belarus, Cuba, Eritrea, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, dissatisfied with the Western-dominated U.S.-led regime, could begin working more closely with the axis. If they coordinate, the United States and its allies will have more difficulty defending the established, recognized regime.
Confronting the reacti
The United States currently classifies China as a greater concern in its national security strategy than Iran, North Korea or even Russia, and this assessment is strategically sound when considering the individual threat these countries pose to the United States, but it does not fully take into account the cooperation between these countries. Moreover, Washington should work to weaken the attractiveness of this axis by increasing the attractiveness of the existing regime.
Washington should not ignore Russian aggression in Europe, for example, in order to focus on China ’ s rising power in Asia. Meeting the challenge posed by Beijing will require competing with other Axis members in other parts of the world.
An effective response requires the United States to allocate additional resources to national security, engage in more vigorous diplomacy, develop new and stronger partnerships, and play a more active role in the world than we have seen in recent times. But unlike President Richard Nixon ’ s openness to China, taking advantage of the Sino-Soviet split of the 1970s to lure Beijing away from Moscow, there is no similar ideological or geopolitical rivalry that Washington can exploit today, and the price of trying to do so is likely to include U.S. recognition of Russia ’ s or China ’ s sphere of influence in Europe and Asia, areas central to U.S. interests that Washington should not allow any hostile foreign power to control.
Separating Iran or North Korea from the rest of the axis will be more difficult, given the reactionary and even revolutionary goals of their governments, and ultimately the axis is a problem that the United States should manage rather than solve through major strategic initiatives.

"The two leaders also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis."

Title:

Content: Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s recent two-day visit to Russia may have been watched more in the West than in India itself.
Modi received an official reception in Russia, where President Vladimir Putin, who faces Western sanctions over the war in Ukraine, described the Indian prime minister as his “best friend. ”
The visit, Modi ’ s first overseas trip after taking office for a new term, has been described as of international significance.
India is in a unique position as it enjoys long-term relations with Russia while at the same time getting closer to the United States and is now in a position to win the trust of both sides.
Thus, while India is unlikely to play the role of mediator, the South Asian country, during the crisis period, could play some role in helping to find a solution to the war in Ukraine.
But throughout the visit, Modi was clearly balancing India ’ s position between the two sides.
He has described Russia as a friend at all times, referring to how Moscow has advanced in the past to help New Delhi.
Russia shared nuclear technology with India at a time when no other country was willing to do so.
It is also supplying arms to India and helping to strengthen its defence deterrence amid border problems with neighbouring countries.
While India is now diversifying its defense purchases from Israel, the United States, and France, among others, 80 percent of India ’ s military equipment to date comes from Russia.
Russia has also become important since the outbreak of the Ukrainian war, to provide fuel at reduced prices, which is crucial for India, whose energy needs are growing exponentially.
Cheap fuel helped New Delhi adjust inflation in India.
At the same time, India ’ s relations with the United States have grown at a rapid pace in recent times.
Against this backdrop, the visit was also a lesson in skilful diplomatic manoeuvres, as Modi managed to strike a good balance between the two sides.
During the visit, Modi noted that his 17 meetings with Putin over the past decade have strengthened mutual trust and respect between the two sides.
The Indian prime minister not only called Russia a friend at all times, but also a “partner for better or worse. ”
The two leaders also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis.
The Indian prime minister reiterated his country's position that there could be no solutions to the crisis amid "guns, bullets and bombs".
"Whether it is a war, a conflict or a terrorist attack, anyone who believes in humanity suffers when there is a loss of life," he said, stressing that "when innocent children are killed, the heart bleeds and this pain is very frightening."
There is no doubt that Modi ’ s visit to Russia was significant.
Apart from the international attention from a political point of view on its outcome, the visit is seen as adding to the continued momentum in relations between the two countries.
Economic relations in particular have received a boost since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis, mainly due to India ’ s imports of oil, fertilizers and gas at reduced prices.
Trade between India and Russia, which has been stagnant for years, rose from $15 billion in 2021-2022 to $65 billion in 2023-2024 after the outbreak of the Ukrainian war in 2022.
So, during Modi ’ s visit, the two sides also discussed ways to strengthen economic ties.
The two countries agreed to boost trade to $100 billion by 2030, reduce non-tariff barriers, reduce trade imbalances in Russia ’ s favor, improve connectivity and increase trade in agricultural goods.
They also discussed some outstanding problems that remain unresolved between the two countries, such as the issue of the growing trade imbalance.
The outbreak of the Ukrainian war, which was the reason for the strengthening of energy ties between the two countries, put pressure on the military relationship, delaying shipments of spare parts and new weapons.
For example, Russia has so far delivered only three of the five S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile systems, while the other two are behind schedule.
The delivery of spare parts and other military equipment remained an essential part of the discussions.
The two sides are now exploring the possibility of establishing partnerships in joint ventures in India for some important parts of arms.
Modi ’ s visit to Russia, while surprising to the West, was of great importance to India in pushing forward its relations with Russia.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi

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Paris: Is it a bloc, an alliance or a partnership?
The rapprochement demonstrated Thursday between China and Russia in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, marks the beginning of the emergence of an alternative to the West, but its features and driving forces remain unclear given their strategic differences.
Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin combine many things, from ideological convergence and economic and military interests to a desire to transcend the multilateral system the West has set up and feel threatened by its values.
But they are not allies, each moving in a different field and of course has its own interests, as some experts point out.
Cyril Brett, a researcher at the Jacques Delors Institute in Paris, said: “It ’ s not a bloc but a real partnership, unbalanced and heterogeneous. ”
But it ’ s not just a matter of “marriage of interest, ” says Alice Ekman, an analyst in charge of Asia at the European Union ’ s Institute for Security Studies (EUISS), as they have“ many points of convergence. ”
“China has a fairly close reading with Russia ’ s reading of existing tensions with the United States and with NATO and what it refers to as ‘ the West ’ in the broad sense. ”
It ’ s not a well-defined mass, but it ’ s clear that we ’ re facing a polarization of the world. ”
“There is no ideological link between the two countries, but there is a shared vision of international relations towards removing Western influence from the world, ” Brett said.
Emmanuel Dupuy, president of the Institute for the Future and Security in Europe (IPSE), prefers to talk about a “flexible bloc, ” emphasizing the“ strategic reality of this rapprochement ” evidenced by the frequent joint military exercises.
The two countries also cooperate in the fields of energy and space, and coordinate their actions and positions in international bodies.
In the end, Dupuy sees a structure shaped by several organizations, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the framework that brought Xi together with Putin on Thursday, underscoring a trend toward “orientalisation ” of international relations.
This “will undoubtedly be expressed in a way that the unified position will be more clearly reflected at the upcoming UN General Assembly, ” he adds, while the leaders of Belarus, Iran, India, Pakistan and several Central Asian countries who were able to share their views with Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin were invited to the SCO summit in Samarkand just days before the world leaders ’ meeting in New York.
Not allies, but partners.
But Beijing and Moscow are not equal, far from it.
“Russia had to get too close to this organization that China originally created to curb Russia ’ s moves in Central Asia.
This shows how much Putin needs China. ”
Brit sums up the situation by saying that Russia, isolated and subject to Western sanctions, “has to look east knowing that its options are limited. ”
Ivan Feigenbaum of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace said: “China is stronger than Russia.
Its interests are broader and more diverse.
Beijing ’ s goal is to maintain its understanding with Russia on a strategic level, to counter American power.
But without the need to support Moscow on a tactical level, Beijing benefits from access to global markets, avoids sanctions and builds ties with countries that fear Russia, such as those in Central Asia.
“China does not have allies but partners, and it adopts a strategy of alliances, ” Ekman said.
Historian Pierre Grosse says Xi Jinping ’ s support for Putin could be a “trap for China ”.
In an article in the Foreign Policy Journal of the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri), he adds that Russia ’ s hostility to the West “forces a dangerous slope of confrontation that makes peaceful coexistence difficult, while China still needs economic and technological exchanges with major capitalist countries. ”
However, Ekman says that "in the context of intense and long-standing tension between Beijing and Washington,...
"China believes it has an interest in accelerating its rapprochement with Russia."
It is a worrisome situation, especially in Taiwan, whose government said on Friday that strengthening ties between Moscow and Beijing was detrimental to international peace.

"As a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, India abstained last week to condemn Russia, the largest and most capable country in Europe and Asia, for its military operation in Ukraine."

Title:

Content: ...
...
...
...
India between Russia and America
I'm sorry.
The Merciful
Posted in: Last Updated:
As a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, India abstained last week to condemn Russia, the largest and most capable country in Europe and Asia, for its military operation in Ukraine.
Western countries voted in the Security Council to demand that Russia stop its operation in Ukraine and withdraw its troops immediately, but Russia responded by vetoing a council resolution.
The reason for India's abstention was that it believed that non-alignment on this issue was in its national interests, while siding with one side meant harassing the other in a situation where both the United States and Russia were important to India and its national interests.
Abstaining in the Security Council has thus allowed India to avoid taking sides and being dragged into a crisis in distant places.
The challenge for India, which has no direct interests in Ukraine apart from evacuating its mostly student citizens there, is to make sure there is no reaction to the crisis on its relations with Russia, a key defense partner, or with the United States, which is crucial to addressing growing problems with China in the region.
The Ukraine crisis also comes at a time when India is in the process of acquiring five S-400 Triumph air defense missile systems from Russia and needs an exception from the United States, which has already sanctioned Turkey under the Countering America ’ s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) for possessing the same S-400 missiles from Russia.
Moscow has already begun delivering missiles to New Delhi, which is seen as an important element of defence readiness for India, which has an unstable border with both Pakistan and China.
Russia and India have been allies since the Cold War, and defense cooperation has long been a cornerstone of their relationship.
India has sought to diversify its defense purchases outside of Russia, from countries such as Israel, the United States and others.
But more than 60 percent of India ’ s weapons continue to come from Russia, which means India needs to continue to get spare parts from Moscow.
There is no doubt that the relationship between India and Russia has come under strain, as New Delhi has become closer to Washington, amid mutual concerns over a range of issues, including the rise of China.
Their relationship has deepened over the past decade and they are now partners, along with Japan and Australia, in the Quadripartite Security Forum.
Russia, in turn, has become closer to China and Pakistan even as its relations with the United States and the West deteriorate.
But developments in Afghanistan, where the withdrawal of U.S. troops has brought the Taliban back to power, have led to New Delhi ’ s increased political engagement with Moscow as India seeks access to Central Asia.
There is no doubt that India is trying to maintain a delicate balance between Russia and the United States, taking sides in the Ukraine conflict will only lead to problems for India, especially since it has no direct interests in Ukraine.
There have also been reports that Russia has quietly worked behind the scenes to defuse tensions between India and China following the 2020 border clashes.
As a result, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was among the few world leaders to have spoken by phone with President Vladimir Putin in the midst of the Ukraine crisis.
Modi appealed to President Putin for an immediate halt to military actions and “called on all parties to return to diplomatic negotiations and dialogue. ”
At the same time, Modi also spoke to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and expressed “readiness to contribute in any way to the peace efforts. ”
For India, the sooner this crisis is resolved, the better, especially because of its fears that the focus of the United States and its other allies may shift from the Indo-Pacific and the China Sea to a crisis in Europe over the dispute over Ukraine ’ s accession to NATO.
It is clear, however, that the United States and its NATO allies will avoid indulging in a direct armed conflict in Ukraine.
While the EU has imposed some sanctions, including closing airspace to Russian aircraft, New Delhi ’ s biggest concern is that it will not get an exemption from Washington over the Triumph missile system and that tougher economic sanctions could lead to a spike in oil prices.
Although the Russian and Ukrainian delegates have agreed to meet to discuss and resolve the conflict, an early resolution of the crisis seems elusive.
It is clear that Moscow is determined to create a demilitarized buffer zone between Russia and NATO member states.
But there is no doubt that a peaceful solution is the best way forward to end a crisis of this magnitude.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi
Quote from "The Union"
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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

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"But more than 60 percent of India’s weapons continue to come from Russia, which means India needs to continue to get spare parts from Moscow."

Title:

Content: ...
...
...
...
India between Russia and America
I'm sorry.
The Merciful
Posted in: Last Updated:
As a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, India abstained last week to condemn Russia, the largest and most capable country in Europe and Asia, for its military operation in Ukraine.
Western countries voted in the Security Council to demand that Russia stop its operation in Ukraine and withdraw its troops immediately, but Russia responded by vetoing a council resolution.
The reason for India's abstention was that it believed that non-alignment on this issue was in its national interests, while siding with one side meant harassing the other in a situation where both the United States and Russia were important to India and its national interests.
Abstaining in the Security Council has thus allowed India to avoid taking sides and being dragged into a crisis in distant places.
The challenge for India, which has no direct interests in Ukraine apart from evacuating its mostly student citizens there, is to make sure there is no reaction to the crisis on its relations with Russia, a key defense partner, or with the United States, which is crucial to addressing growing problems with China in the region.
The Ukraine crisis also comes at a time when India is in the process of acquiring five S-400 Triumph air defense missile systems from Russia and needs an exception from the United States, which has already sanctioned Turkey under the Countering America ’ s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) for possessing the same S-400 missiles from Russia.
Moscow has already begun delivering missiles to New Delhi, which is seen as an important element of defence readiness for India, which has an unstable border with both Pakistan and China.
Russia and India have been allies since the Cold War, and defense cooperation has long been a cornerstone of their relationship.
India has sought to diversify its defense purchases outside of Russia, from countries such as Israel, the United States and others.
But more than 60 percent of India ’ s weapons continue to come from Russia, which means India needs to continue to get spare parts from Moscow.
There is no doubt that the relationship between India and Russia has come under strain, as New Delhi has become closer to Washington, amid mutual concerns over a range of issues, including the rise of China.
Their relationship has deepened over the past decade and they are now partners, along with Japan and Australia, in the Quadripartite Security Forum.
Russia, in turn, has become closer to China and Pakistan even as its relations with the United States and the West deteriorate.
But developments in Afghanistan, where the withdrawal of U.S. troops has brought the Taliban back to power, have led to New Delhi ’ s increased political engagement with Moscow as India seeks access to Central Asia.
There is no doubt that India is trying to maintain a delicate balance between Russia and the United States, taking sides in the Ukraine conflict will only lead to problems for India, especially since it has no direct interests in Ukraine.
There have also been reports that Russia has quietly worked behind the scenes to defuse tensions between India and China following the 2020 border clashes.
As a result, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was among the few world leaders to have spoken by phone with President Vladimir Putin in the midst of the Ukraine crisis.
Modi appealed to President Putin for an immediate halt to military actions and “called on all parties to return to diplomatic negotiations and dialogue. ”
At the same time, Modi also spoke to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and expressed “readiness to contribute in any way to the peace efforts. ”
For India, the sooner this crisis is resolved, the better, especially because of its fears that the focus of the United States and its other allies may shift from the Indo-Pacific and the China Sea to a crisis in Europe over the dispute over Ukraine ’ s accession to NATO.
It is clear, however, that the United States and its NATO allies will avoid indulging in a direct armed conflict in Ukraine.
While the EU has imposed some sanctions, including closing airspace to Russian aircraft, New Delhi ’ s biggest concern is that it will not get an exemption from Washington over the Triumph missile system and that tougher economic sanctions could lead to a spike in oil prices.
Although the Russian and Ukrainian delegates have agreed to meet to discuss and resolve the conflict, an early resolution of the crisis seems elusive.
It is clear that Moscow is determined to create a demilitarized buffer zone between Russia and NATO member states.
But there is no doubt that a peaceful solution is the best way forward to end a crisis of this magnitude.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi
Quote from "The Union"
Disclaimer: All published articles represent the opinion of their authors only.
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In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

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Paris: Is it a bloc, an alliance or a partnership?
The rapprochement demonstrated Thursday between China and Russia in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, marks the beginning of the emergence of an alternative to the West, but its features and driving forces remain unclear given their strategic differences.
Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin combine many things, from ideological convergence and economic and military interests to a desire to transcend the multilateral system the West has set up and feel threatened by its values.
But they are not allies, each moving in a different field and of course has its own interests, as some experts point out.
Cyril Brett, a researcher at the Jacques Delors Institute in Paris, said: “It ’ s not a bloc but a real partnership, unbalanced and heterogeneous. ”
But it ’ s not just a matter of “marriage of interest, ” says Alice Ekman, an analyst in charge of Asia at the European Union ’ s Institute for Security Studies (EUISS), as they have“ many points of convergence. ”
“China has a fairly close reading with Russia ’ s reading of existing tensions with the United States and with NATO and what it refers to as ‘ the West ’ in the broad sense. ”
It ’ s not a well-defined mass, but it ’ s clear that we ’ re facing a polarization of the world. ”
“There is no ideological link between the two countries, but there is a shared vision of international relations towards removing Western influence from the world, ” Brett said.
Emmanuel Dupuy, president of the Institute for the Future and Security in Europe (IPSE), prefers to talk about a “flexible bloc, ” emphasizing the“ strategic reality of this rapprochement ” evidenced by the frequent joint military exercises.
The two countries also cooperate in the fields of energy and space, and coordinate their actions and positions in international bodies.
In the end, Dupuy sees a structure shaped by several organizations, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the framework that brought Xi together with Putin on Thursday, underscoring a trend toward “orientalisation ” of international relations.
This “will undoubtedly be expressed in a way that the unified position will be more clearly reflected at the upcoming UN General Assembly, ” he adds, while the leaders of Belarus, Iran, India, Pakistan and several Central Asian countries who were able to share their views with Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin were invited to the SCO summit in Samarkand just days before the world leaders ’ meeting in New York.
Not allies, but partners.
But Beijing and Moscow are not equal, far from it.
“Russia had to get too close to this organization that China originally created to curb Russia ’ s moves in Central Asia.
This shows how much Putin needs China. ”
Brit sums up the situation by saying that Russia, isolated and subject to Western sanctions, “has to look east knowing that its options are limited. ”
Ivan Feigenbaum of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace said: “China is stronger than Russia.
Its interests are broader and more diverse.
Beijing ’ s goal is to maintain its understanding with Russia on a strategic level, to counter American power.
But without the need to support Moscow on a tactical level, Beijing benefits from access to global markets, avoids sanctions and builds ties with countries that fear Russia, such as those in Central Asia.
“China does not have allies but partners, and it adopts a strategy of alliances, ” Ekman said.
Historian Pierre Grosse says Xi Jinping ’ s support for Putin could be a “trap for China ”.
In an article in the Foreign Policy Journal of the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri), he adds that Russia ’ s hostility to the West “forces a dangerous slope of confrontation that makes peaceful coexistence difficult, while China still needs economic and technological exchanges with major capitalist countries. ”
However, Ekman says that "in the context of intense and long-standing tension between Beijing and Washington,...
"China believes it has an interest in accelerating its rapprochement with Russia."
It is a worrisome situation, especially in Taiwan, whose government said on Friday that strengthening ties between Moscow and Beijing was detrimental to international peace.

"India’s relations with the United States and Europe have strengthened since the end of the Cold War."

Title:

Content: Chairman of the Board of Directors and Editors
I'm sorry.
Mohamad Elbaz
Editor-in-Chief
Wael Lotfy
Chairman of the Board of Directors and Editors
I'm sorry.
Mohamad Elbaz
Editor-in-Chief
Wael Lotfy
Financial Times reveals the secret of the cohesion of Russian-Indian relations
The Financial Times on Tuesday highlighted the secret of India-Russia relations and India ’ s response to the Russian invasion of Ukraine.
India is sticking to Russia despite the Russian invasion of Ukraine, as New Delhi has refrained from angering Moscow over deep trade and defence ties and worries about China.
Indo-Russian relations
India relies on Moscow for goods such as energy and fertilizer, while Russia needs India to help it circumvent Western sanctions.
The newspaper pointed out that this is the second time for Russian President Vladimir Putin, who put Russia on the line of isolation, after the crisis of the new coronavirus last December, and his destination at the time to India was focused on preparing for future conflicts.
Russian President Vladimir Putin has told Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi that Moscow is working with New Delhi in the “military and technical sphere as with any other country, ” describing India as a“ time-tested friend ” as the two leaders signed a new 10-year defence pact.
Moscow remained India's most important military supplier, with Russian tanks, aircraft and other heavy weapons deployed on the Indian Himalayan border.
The Friendship Challenge
Friendship was also challenged just eight weeks later when Russian troops stormed Ukraine, pushing India to save more than 15,000 citizens, most of them students studying in the country.
Western countries condemned the Russian aggression, with New Delhi loyal to its old partner, and India, as a temporary member of the UN Security Council, abstained from voting on a resolution condemning the Russian invasion last week along with China and the UAE.
Analysts say India believes there is little benefit in not alienating Russia, which relies on it for commodities such as energy and fertilizers, with neighboring China as a much bigger strategic threat.
Russian support is seen as vital to managing the unresolved confrontation between India and China on its northern Himalayan border after deadly fighting in 2020.
Konstantino Xavier, a fellow at the Centre for Social and Economic Progress in New Delhi, said: “Here in Delhi, Russia has long been seen as a dangerous tactical distraction for the West, from India ’ s perspective, the only actor that will emerge stronger from the war in Ukraine is China. ”
Although Modi appealed to Putin to “immediately stop the violence ” in a phone call on the first day of the war, Indian officials avoided blaming the Russian president.
Instead, New Delhi has kept in touch with both Moscow and Kiev because it has prioritized evacuations of its citizens on Ukraine ’ s western border.
India ’ s partnership with Russia dates back to the early days of independence after 1947, when Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru inspired parts of his socialist economy from the Soviet Union.
Although India was "unbiased" during the Cold War, it came close to the Soviets as the United States drifted toward its enemy Pakistan.
Crucially, the Soviet Union is credited with helping India win the 1971 war with Pakistan over Bangladesh.
India ’ s relations with the United States and Europe have strengthened since the end of the Cold War.
New Delhi, a member of the Quadripartite Security Partnership with the United States, Japan and Australia, is seen as an indispensable Western ally and a counterweight to China in Asia.
However, India is surrounded by its enemies on its northern border, and India ’ s geographical location means it does not want to rely on distant Western support.
Uday Kotak, managing director of Kotak Mahendra Bank and one of India ’ s wealthiest men, tweeted: “China on the one hand and Pakistan on the other, both are nuclear enabled, adding that given“ our dependence on Russian military equipment, and the United States is far away, we have challenges. ”
Tanvi Madan, a senior fellow at the Brookings Institution, said: “India is watching Russian-Chinese relations closely, and what they have seen for years is that the relationship is getting closer and closer, and they didn ’ t want to push Putin further toward China. ”

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

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Paris: Is it a bloc, an alliance or a partnership?
The rapprochement demonstrated Thursday between China and Russia in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, marks the beginning of the emergence of an alternative to the West, but its features and driving forces remain unclear given their strategic differences.
Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin combine many things, from ideological convergence and economic and military interests to a desire to transcend the multilateral system the West has set up and feel threatened by its values.
But they are not allies, each moving in a different field and of course has its own interests, as some experts point out.
Cyril Brett, a researcher at the Jacques Delors Institute in Paris, said: “It ’ s not a bloc but a real partnership, unbalanced and heterogeneous. ”
But it ’ s not just a matter of “marriage of interest, ” says Alice Ekman, an analyst in charge of Asia at the European Union ’ s Institute for Security Studies (EUISS), as they have“ many points of convergence. ”
“China has a fairly close reading with Russia ’ s reading of existing tensions with the United States and with NATO and what it refers to as ‘ the West ’ in the broad sense. ”
It ’ s not a well-defined mass, but it ’ s clear that we ’ re facing a polarization of the world. ”
“There is no ideological link between the two countries, but there is a shared vision of international relations towards removing Western influence from the world, ” Brett said.
Emmanuel Dupuy, president of the Institute for the Future and Security in Europe (IPSE), prefers to talk about a “flexible bloc, ” emphasizing the“ strategic reality of this rapprochement ” evidenced by the frequent joint military exercises.
The two countries also cooperate in the fields of energy and space, and coordinate their actions and positions in international bodies.
In the end, Dupuy sees a structure shaped by several organizations, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the framework that brought Xi together with Putin on Thursday, underscoring a trend toward “orientalisation ” of international relations.
This “will undoubtedly be expressed in a way that the unified position will be more clearly reflected at the upcoming UN General Assembly, ” he adds, while the leaders of Belarus, Iran, India, Pakistan and several Central Asian countries who were able to share their views with Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin were invited to the SCO summit in Samarkand just days before the world leaders ’ meeting in New York.
Not allies, but partners.
But Beijing and Moscow are not equal, far from it.
“Russia had to get too close to this organization that China originally created to curb Russia ’ s moves in Central Asia.
This shows how much Putin needs China. ”
Brit sums up the situation by saying that Russia, isolated and subject to Western sanctions, “has to look east knowing that its options are limited. ”
Ivan Feigenbaum of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace said: “China is stronger than Russia.
Its interests are broader and more diverse.
Beijing ’ s goal is to maintain its understanding with Russia on a strategic level, to counter American power.
But without the need to support Moscow on a tactical level, Beijing benefits from access to global markets, avoids sanctions and builds ties with countries that fear Russia, such as those in Central Asia.
“China does not have allies but partners, and it adopts a strategy of alliances, ” Ekman said.
Historian Pierre Grosse says Xi Jinping ’ s support for Putin could be a “trap for China ”.
In an article in the Foreign Policy Journal of the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri), he adds that Russia ’ s hostility to the West “forces a dangerous slope of confrontation that makes peaceful coexistence difficult, while China still needs economic and technological exchanges with major capitalist countries. ”
However, Ekman says that "in the context of intense and long-standing tension between Beijing and Washington,...
"China believes it has an interest in accelerating its rapprochement with Russia."
It is a worrisome situation, especially in Taiwan, whose government said on Friday that strengthening ties between Moscow and Beijing was detrimental to international peace.

"It’s not a well-defined mass, but it’s clear that we’re facing a polarization of the world.

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Content: Our readers are Telegram users
You can now follow the latest news for free through the Telegram app
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Paris: Is it a bloc, an alliance or a partnership?
The rapprochement demonstrated Thursday between China and Russia in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, marks the beginning of the emergence of an alternative to the West, but its features and driving forces remain unclear given their strategic differences.
Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin combine many things, from ideological convergence and economic and military interests to a desire to transcend the multilateral system the West has set up and feel threatened by its values.
But they are not allies, each moving in a different field and of course has its own interests, as some experts point out.
Cyril Brett, a researcher at the Jacques Delors Institute in Paris, said: “It ’ s not a bloc but a real partnership, unbalanced and heterogeneous. ”
But it ’ s not just a matter of “marriage of interest, ” says Alice Ekman, an analyst in charge of Asia at the European Union ’ s Institute for Security Studies (EUISS), as they have“ many points of convergence. ”
“China has a fairly close reading with Russia ’ s reading of existing tensions with the United States and with NATO and what it refers to as ‘ the West ’ in the broad sense. ”
It ’ s not a well-defined mass, but it ’ s clear that we ’ re facing a polarization of the world. ”
“There is no ideological link between the two countries, but there is a shared vision of international relations towards removing Western influence from the world, ” Brett said.
Emmanuel Dupuy, president of the Institute for the Future and Security in Europe (IPSE), prefers to talk about a “flexible bloc, ” emphasizing the“ strategic reality of this rapprochement ” evidenced by the frequent joint military exercises.
The two countries also cooperate in the fields of energy and space, and coordinate their actions and positions in international bodies.
In the end, Dupuy sees a structure shaped by several organizations, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the framework that brought Xi together with Putin on Thursday, underscoring a trend toward “orientalisation ” of international relations.
This “will undoubtedly be expressed in a way that the unified position will be more clearly reflected at the upcoming UN General Assembly, ” he adds, while the leaders of Belarus, Iran, India, Pakistan and several Central Asian countries who were able to share their views with Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin were invited to the SCO summit in Samarkand just days before the world leaders ’ meeting in New York.
Not allies, but partners.
But Beijing and Moscow are not equal, far from it.
“Russia had to get too close to this organization that China originally created to curb Russia ’ s moves in Central Asia.
This shows how much Putin needs China. ”
Brit sums up the situation by saying that Russia, isolated and subject to Western sanctions, “has to look east knowing that its options are limited. ”
Ivan Feigenbaum of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace said: “China is stronger than Russia.
Its interests are broader and more diverse.
Beijing ’ s goal is to maintain its understanding with Russia on a strategic level, to counter American power.
But without the need to support Moscow on a tactical level, Beijing benefits from access to global markets, avoids sanctions and builds ties with countries that fear Russia, such as those in Central Asia.
“China does not have allies but partners, and it adopts a strategy of alliances, ” Ekman said.
Historian Pierre Grosse says Xi Jinping ’ s support for Putin could be a “trap for China ”.
In an article in the Foreign Policy Journal of the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri), he adds that Russia ’ s hostility to the West “forces a dangerous slope of confrontation that makes peaceful coexistence difficult, while China still needs economic and technological exchanges with major capitalist countries. ”
However, Ekman says that "in the context of intense and long-standing tension between Beijing and Washington,...
"China believes it has an interest in accelerating its rapprochement with Russia."
It is a worrisome situation, especially in Taiwan, whose government said on Friday that strengthening ties between Moscow and Beijing was detrimental to international peace.

Not allies, but partners."

Title:

Content: Our readers are Telegram users
You can now follow the latest news for free through the Telegram app
Click here to subscribe
Paris: Is it a bloc, an alliance or a partnership?
The rapprochement demonstrated Thursday between China and Russia in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, marks the beginning of the emergence of an alternative to the West, but its features and driving forces remain unclear given their strategic differences.
Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin combine many things, from ideological convergence and economic and military interests to a desire to transcend the multilateral system the West has set up and feel threatened by its values.
But they are not allies, each moving in a different field and of course has its own interests, as some experts point out.
Cyril Brett, a researcher at the Jacques Delors Institute in Paris, said: “It ’ s not a bloc but a real partnership, unbalanced and heterogeneous. ”
But it ’ s not just a matter of “marriage of interest, ” says Alice Ekman, an analyst in charge of Asia at the European Union ’ s Institute for Security Studies (EUISS), as they have“ many points of convergence. ”
“China has a fairly close reading with Russia ’ s reading of existing tensions with the United States and with NATO and what it refers to as ‘ the West ’ in the broad sense. ”
It ’ s not a well-defined mass, but it ’ s clear that we ’ re facing a polarization of the world. ”
“There is no ideological link between the two countries, but there is a shared vision of international relations towards removing Western influence from the world, ” Brett said.
Emmanuel Dupuy, president of the Institute for the Future and Security in Europe (IPSE), prefers to talk about a “flexible bloc, ” emphasizing the“ strategic reality of this rapprochement ” evidenced by the frequent joint military exercises.
The two countries also cooperate in the fields of energy and space, and coordinate their actions and positions in international bodies.
In the end, Dupuy sees a structure shaped by several organizations, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the framework that brought Xi together with Putin on Thursday, underscoring a trend toward “orientalisation ” of international relations.
This “will undoubtedly be expressed in a way that the unified position will be more clearly reflected at the upcoming UN General Assembly, ” he adds, while the leaders of Belarus, Iran, India, Pakistan and several Central Asian countries who were able to share their views with Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin were invited to the SCO summit in Samarkand just days before the world leaders ’ meeting in New York.
Not allies, but partners.
But Beijing and Moscow are not equal, far from it.
“Russia had to get too close to this organization that China originally created to curb Russia ’ s moves in Central Asia.
This shows how much Putin needs China. ”
Brit sums up the situation by saying that Russia, isolated and subject to Western sanctions, “has to look east knowing that its options are limited. ”
Ivan Feigenbaum of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace said: “China is stronger than Russia.
Its interests are broader and more diverse.
Beijing ’ s goal is to maintain its understanding with Russia on a strategic level, to counter American power.
But without the need to support Moscow on a tactical level, Beijing benefits from access to global markets, avoids sanctions and builds ties with countries that fear Russia, such as those in Central Asia.
“China does not have allies but partners, and it adopts a strategy of alliances, ” Ekman said.
Historian Pierre Grosse says Xi Jinping ’ s support for Putin could be a “trap for China ”.
In an article in the Foreign Policy Journal of the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri), he adds that Russia ’ s hostility to the West “forces a dangerous slope of confrontation that makes peaceful coexistence difficult, while China still needs economic and technological exchanges with major capitalist countries. ”
However, Ekman says that "in the context of intense and long-standing tension between Beijing and Washington,...
"China believes it has an interest in accelerating its rapprochement with Russia."
It is a worrisome situation, especially in Taiwan, whose government said on Friday that strengthening ties between Moscow and Beijing was detrimental to international peace.

"But Beijing and Moscow are not equal, far from it."

Title:

Content: Our readers are Telegram users
You can now follow the latest news for free through the Telegram app
Click here to subscribe
Paris: Is it a bloc, an alliance or a partnership?
The rapprochement demonstrated Thursday between China and Russia in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, marks the beginning of the emergence of an alternative to the West, but its features and driving forces remain unclear given their strategic differences.
Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin combine many things, from ideological convergence and economic and military interests to a desire to transcend the multilateral system the West has set up and feel threatened by its values.
But they are not allies, each moving in a different field and of course has its own interests, as some experts point out.
Cyril Brett, a researcher at the Jacques Delors Institute in Paris, said: “It ’ s not a bloc but a real partnership, unbalanced and heterogeneous. ”
But it ’ s not just a matter of “marriage of interest, ” says Alice Ekman, an analyst in charge of Asia at the European Union ’ s Institute for Security Studies (EUISS), as they have“ many points of convergence. ”
“China has a fairly close reading with Russia ’ s reading of existing tensions with the United States and with NATO and what it refers to as ‘ the West ’ in the broad sense. ”
It ’ s not a well-defined mass, but it ’ s clear that we ’ re facing a polarization of the world. ”
“There is no ideological link between the two countries, but there is a shared vision of international relations towards removing Western influence from the world, ” Brett said.
Emmanuel Dupuy, president of the Institute for the Future and Security in Europe (IPSE), prefers to talk about a “flexible bloc, ” emphasizing the“ strategic reality of this rapprochement ” evidenced by the frequent joint military exercises.
The two countries also cooperate in the fields of energy and space, and coordinate their actions and positions in international bodies.
In the end, Dupuy sees a structure shaped by several organizations, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the framework that brought Xi together with Putin on Thursday, underscoring a trend toward “orientalisation ” of international relations.
This “will undoubtedly be expressed in a way that the unified position will be more clearly reflected at the upcoming UN General Assembly, ” he adds, while the leaders of Belarus, Iran, India, Pakistan and several Central Asian countries who were able to share their views with Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin were invited to the SCO summit in Samarkand just days before the world leaders ’ meeting in New York.
Not allies, but partners.
But Beijing and Moscow are not equal, far from it.
“Russia had to get too close to this organization that China originally created to curb Russia ’ s moves in Central Asia.
This shows how much Putin needs China. ”
Brit sums up the situation by saying that Russia, isolated and subject to Western sanctions, “has to look east knowing that its options are limited. ”
Ivan Feigenbaum of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace said: “China is stronger than Russia.
Its interests are broader and more diverse.
Beijing ’ s goal is to maintain its understanding with Russia on a strategic level, to counter American power.
But without the need to support Moscow on a tactical level, Beijing benefits from access to global markets, avoids sanctions and builds ties with countries that fear Russia, such as those in Central Asia.
“China does not have allies but partners, and it adopts a strategy of alliances, ” Ekman said.
Historian Pierre Grosse says Xi Jinping ’ s support for Putin could be a “trap for China ”.
In an article in the Foreign Policy Journal of the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri), he adds that Russia ’ s hostility to the West “forces a dangerous slope of confrontation that makes peaceful coexistence difficult, while China still needs economic and technological exchanges with major capitalist countries. ”
However, Ekman says that "in the context of intense and long-standing tension between Beijing and Washington,...
"China believes it has an interest in accelerating its rapprochement with Russia."
It is a worrisome situation, especially in Taiwan, whose government said on Friday that strengthening ties between Moscow and Beijing was detrimental to international peace.

Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

Title:

Content: The 20th in India.
One Pole End Alarm
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ISTANBUL – Imre Bacharan: A huge impact on the current global order could be borne by the G20 summit to be held in New Delhi on Saturday and Sunday.
The talk to experts who spoke to Anadolu about their readings of the role of the current G20 summit on international changes in terms of control, influence and polarity.
Comprising 19 countries and the European Union, the group represents the world ’ s largest economies and contributes more than 85 percent of its total output and 75 percent of its trade.
The meeting of leaders of the world ’ s richest and most powerful nations in New Delhi is expected to be a unique event due to several factors, including the absence of Chinese President Xi Jinping and his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin, the two superpowers allied to the West.
A second feature of the event is the fact that the summit is hosted by India, a rising force of the Non-Aligned Movement in Asia.
Monopolar Decline
Husamuddin Inak, a professor of international relations at Domlupinar University in Turkey, said the summit “comes at a time when the US-led unipolar world order that emerged after World War II is no longer dominant. ”
“At present, there are several countries that stand against the neoliberal world order, such as Brazil, India, Mexico and others. ”
"The United States is losing its influence on all fronts, which in turn is changing the nature of the G20," he said.
As an example, Inac cited “the efforts of several countries to get rid of the US dollar, ” saying that“ the superiority of the US currency is in a deplorable state. ”
Pravin Donthe, a senior analyst at the International Crisis Group, also said the Russian-Ukrainian war would “cast a shadow over the summit. ”
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict, he said, “is leading to a pluralistic crisis in the world order today, because it is a direct result of the conflict between the West led by the United States and the Russian-Chinese bloc. ”
He said India ’ s goal was to “try to inject some oxygen into multilateralism. ”
“India is a rising middle power, one of the fastest-growing economies, and represents what is called a geopolitical swing state trying to chart its own course, trying to influence the regional and global systems at the same time. ”
A Multipolar World
In Enak ’ s view, neoliberalism and the “political economy of the West and its institutions ” are losing their credibility, while the dollar is losing its status as the world ’ s reserve currency.
He added that one of the biggest threats in this area is the BRICS group, which includes Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, which recently invited six other countries to join its ranks starting in early 2024: Saudi Arabia, Iran, the UAE, Egypt, Ethiopia and Argentina.
“The BRICS group is also leading a campaign to replace the US dollar with its own common currency by 2030. ”
This week, Russia ’ s ambassador to South Africa, Ilya Rogachev, presented a symbolic BRICS banknote to Mohash Saeed Al Hamli, head of the UAE diplomatic mission.
“How the war in Ukraine ends will be a key factor in determining what the future world order will look like.
“If Putin manages to hold on to power against all odds, the world order will collapse and a new order will emerge from under its ashes, in which China will have a lot of power. ”
According to Donthe, this scenario “is exactly what India wants to prevent.
India does not want a unipolar Asia where China dominates.
New Delhi will use the summit to flex its political muscle. ”
“India wants a multipolar Asia, which it says will lead to a multipolar world. ”
“Bilateral relations between India and China are also under severe pressure at the moment due to the border crisis, which may explain President Xi Jinping ’ s decision to stay away from the summit, ” he said.
Moreover, according to Donthy, “New Delhi seemed to have sought to get closer to Washington, as evidenced by the visit of its Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the United States last June. ”
"The arrival of US President Joe Biden in New Delhi signals the great rapprochement between India and the United States," he said.
“Beijing is trying to send a signal that they are not satisfied with the way things are going, ” he said, but he added that India“ remains in a difficult position as it tries to balance its relations with Russia and the West. ”
“In every UN resolution, India abstained from voting to condemn Russia ’ s invasion of Ukraine, because India has a deep long-term strategic relationship with Russia, ” he said,“ but at the same time it is working to strengthen its relations with the United States and the West. ”
Turkey will find its right place.
Speaking about Turkey ’ s role in the changing world order, Inak said it “plays a big role in the economic model proposed by the non-aligned countries, led by the members of the BRICS alliance. ”
He added that Turkey “also plays a big role in China ’ s Belt and Road Initiative. ”
“The G20 summit will also show how the United States and the European Union are dealing with their relations with Turkey, ” Inak said.
“New models of global integration will emerge, and Turkey will find its rightful place in the new world order. ”
(Anatolia)
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"India wants a multipolar Asia, which it says will lead to a multipolar world."

What vision of global dynamics do India and Russia share?

polycentric system of international relations

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Content: Our readers are Telegram users
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Paris: Is it a bloc, an alliance or a partnership?
The rapprochement demonstrated Thursday between China and Russia in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, marks the beginning of the emergence of an alternative to the West, but its features and driving forces remain unclear given their strategic differences.
Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin combine many things, from ideological convergence and economic and military interests to a desire to transcend the multilateral system the West has set up and feel threatened by its values.
But they are not allies, each moving in a different field and of course has its own interests, as some experts point out.
Cyril Brett, a researcher at the Jacques Delors Institute in Paris, said: “It ’ s not a bloc but a real partnership, unbalanced and heterogeneous. ”
But it ’ s not just a matter of “marriage of interest, ” says Alice Ekman, an analyst in charge of Asia at the European Union ’ s Institute for Security Studies (EUISS), as they have“ many points of convergence. ”
“China has a fairly close reading with Russia ’ s reading of existing tensions with the United States and with NATO and what it refers to as ‘ the West ’ in the broad sense. ”
It ’ s not a well-defined mass, but it ’ s clear that we ’ re facing a polarization of the world. ”
“There is no ideological link between the two countries, but there is a shared vision of international relations towards removing Western influence from the world, ” Brett said.
Emmanuel Dupuy, president of the Institute for the Future and Security in Europe (IPSE), prefers to talk about a “flexible bloc, ” emphasizing the“ strategic reality of this rapprochement ” evidenced by the frequent joint military exercises.
The two countries also cooperate in the fields of energy and space, and coordinate their actions and positions in international bodies.
In the end, Dupuy sees a structure shaped by several organizations, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the framework that brought Xi together with Putin on Thursday, underscoring a trend toward “orientalisation ” of international relations.
This “will undoubtedly be expressed in a way that the unified position will be more clearly reflected at the upcoming UN General Assembly, ” he adds, while the leaders of Belarus, Iran, India, Pakistan and several Central Asian countries who were able to share their views with Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin were invited to the SCO summit in Samarkand just days before the world leaders ’ meeting in New York.
Not allies, but partners.
But Beijing and Moscow are not equal, far from it.
“Russia had to get too close to this organization that China originally created to curb Russia ’ s moves in Central Asia.
This shows how much Putin needs China. ”
Brit sums up the situation by saying that Russia, isolated and subject to Western sanctions, “has to look east knowing that its options are limited. ”
Ivan Feigenbaum of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace said: “China is stronger than Russia.
Its interests are broader and more diverse.
Beijing ’ s goal is to maintain its understanding with Russia on a strategic level, to counter American power.
But without the need to support Moscow on a tactical level, Beijing benefits from access to global markets, avoids sanctions and builds ties with countries that fear Russia, such as those in Central Asia.
“China does not have allies but partners, and it adopts a strategy of alliances, ” Ekman said.
Historian Pierre Grosse says Xi Jinping ’ s support for Putin could be a “trap for China ”.
In an article in the Foreign Policy Journal of the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri), he adds that Russia ’ s hostility to the West “forces a dangerous slope of confrontation that makes peaceful coexistence difficult, while China still needs economic and technological exchanges with major capitalist countries. ”
However, Ekman says that "in the context of intense and long-standing tension between Beijing and Washington,...
"China believes it has an interest in accelerating its rapprochement with Russia."
It is a worrisome situation, especially in Taiwan, whose government said on Friday that strengthening ties between Moscow and Beijing was detrimental to international peace.

"Bilateral relations between India and China are also under severe pressure at the moment due to the border crisis, which may explain President Xi Jinping’s decision to stay away from the summit."

"'How the war in Ukraine ends will be a key factor in determining what the future world order will look like.'"

Title:

Content: Our readers are Telegram users
You can now follow the latest news for free through the Telegram app
Click here to subscribe
Paris: Is it a bloc, an alliance or a partnership?
The rapprochement demonstrated Thursday between China and Russia in Samarkand, Uzbekistan, marks the beginning of the emergence of an alternative to the West, but its features and driving forces remain unclear given their strategic differences.
Chinese President Xi Jinping and Russian President Vladimir Putin combine many things, from ideological convergence and economic and military interests to a desire to transcend the multilateral system the West has set up and feel threatened by its values.
But they are not allies, each moving in a different field and of course has its own interests, as some experts point out.
Cyril Brett, a researcher at the Jacques Delors Institute in Paris, said: “It ’ s not a bloc but a real partnership, unbalanced and heterogeneous. ”
But it ’ s not just a matter of “marriage of interest, ” says Alice Ekman, an analyst in charge of Asia at the European Union ’ s Institute for Security Studies (EUISS), as they have“ many points of convergence. ”
“China has a fairly close reading with Russia ’ s reading of existing tensions with the United States and with NATO and what it refers to as ‘ the West ’ in the broad sense. ”
It ’ s not a well-defined mass, but it ’ s clear that we ’ re facing a polarization of the world. ”
“There is no ideological link between the two countries, but there is a shared vision of international relations towards removing Western influence from the world, ” Brett said.
Emmanuel Dupuy, president of the Institute for the Future and Security in Europe (IPSE), prefers to talk about a “flexible bloc, ” emphasizing the“ strategic reality of this rapprochement ” evidenced by the frequent joint military exercises.
The two countries also cooperate in the fields of energy and space, and coordinate their actions and positions in international bodies.
In the end, Dupuy sees a structure shaped by several organizations, including the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the framework that brought Xi together with Putin on Thursday, underscoring a trend toward “orientalisation ” of international relations.
This “will undoubtedly be expressed in a way that the unified position will be more clearly reflected at the upcoming UN General Assembly, ” he adds, while the leaders of Belarus, Iran, India, Pakistan and several Central Asian countries who were able to share their views with Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin were invited to the SCO summit in Samarkand just days before the world leaders ’ meeting in New York.
Not allies, but partners.
But Beijing and Moscow are not equal, far from it.
“Russia had to get too close to this organization that China originally created to curb Russia ’ s moves in Central Asia.
This shows how much Putin needs China. ”
Brit sums up the situation by saying that Russia, isolated and subject to Western sanctions, “has to look east knowing that its options are limited. ”
Ivan Feigenbaum of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace said: “China is stronger than Russia.
Its interests are broader and more diverse.
Beijing ’ s goal is to maintain its understanding with Russia on a strategic level, to counter American power.
But without the need to support Moscow on a tactical level, Beijing benefits from access to global markets, avoids sanctions and builds ties with countries that fear Russia, such as those in Central Asia.
“China does not have allies but partners, and it adopts a strategy of alliances, ” Ekman said.
Historian Pierre Grosse says Xi Jinping ’ s support for Putin could be a “trap for China ”.
In an article in the Foreign Policy Journal of the French Institute of International Relations (Ifri), he adds that Russia ’ s hostility to the West “forces a dangerous slope of confrontation that makes peaceful coexistence difficult, while China still needs economic and technological exchanges with major capitalist countries. ”
However, Ekman says that "in the context of intense and long-standing tension between Beijing and Washington,...
"China believes it has an interest in accelerating its rapprochement with Russia."
It is a worrisome situation, especially in Taiwan, whose government said on Friday that strengthening ties between Moscow and Beijing was detrimental to international peace.

"'If Putin manages to hold on to power against all odds, the world order will collapse and a new order will emerge from under its ashes, in which China will have a lot of power.'"

**Summary of Key Points According to Your Focus:**
- India-Russia ties remain robust, especially in defense and nuclear cooperation, despite India's deepening relations with the US and Europe under Modi.

Title:

Content: Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s recent two-day visit to Russia may have been watched more in the West than in India itself.
Modi received an official reception in Russia, where President Vladimir Putin, who faces Western sanctions over the war in Ukraine, described the Indian prime minister as his “best friend. ”
The visit, Modi ’ s first overseas trip after taking office for a new term, has been described as of international significance.
India is in a unique position as it enjoys long-term relations with Russia while at the same time getting closer to the United States and is now in a position to win the trust of both sides.
Thus, while India is unlikely to play the role of mediator, the South Asian country, during the crisis period, could play some role in helping to find a solution to the war in Ukraine.
But throughout the visit, Modi was clearly balancing India ’ s position between the two sides.
He has described Russia as a friend at all times, referring to how Moscow has advanced in the past to help New Delhi.
Russia shared nuclear technology with India at a time when no other country was willing to do so.
It is also supplying arms to India and helping to strengthen its defence deterrence amid border problems with neighbouring countries.
While India is now diversifying its defense purchases from Israel, the United States, and France, among others, 80 percent of India ’ s military equipment to date comes from Russia.
Russia has also become important since the outbreak of the Ukrainian war, to provide fuel at reduced prices, which is crucial for India, whose energy needs are growing exponentially.
Cheap fuel helped New Delhi adjust inflation in India.
At the same time, India ’ s relations with the United States have grown at a rapid pace in recent times.
Against this backdrop, the visit was also a lesson in skilful diplomatic manoeuvres, as Modi managed to strike a good balance between the two sides.
During the visit, Modi noted that his 17 meetings with Putin over the past decade have strengthened mutual trust and respect between the two sides.
The Indian prime minister not only called Russia a friend at all times, but also a “partner for better or worse. ”
The two leaders also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis.
The Indian prime minister reiterated his country's position that there could be no solutions to the crisis amid "guns, bullets and bombs".
"Whether it is a war, a conflict or a terrorist attack, anyone who believes in humanity suffers when there is a loss of life," he said, stressing that "when innocent children are killed, the heart bleeds and this pain is very frightening."
There is no doubt that Modi ’ s visit to Russia was significant.
Apart from the international attention from a political point of view on its outcome, the visit is seen as adding to the continued momentum in relations between the two countries.
Economic relations in particular have received a boost since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis, mainly due to India ’ s imports of oil, fertilizers and gas at reduced prices.
Trade between India and Russia, which has been stagnant for years, rose from $15 billion in 2021-2022 to $65 billion in 2023-2024 after the outbreak of the Ukrainian war in 2022.
So, during Modi ’ s visit, the two sides also discussed ways to strengthen economic ties.
The two countries agreed to boost trade to $100 billion by 2030, reduce non-tariff barriers, reduce trade imbalances in Russia ’ s favor, improve connectivity and increase trade in agricultural goods.
They also discussed some outstanding problems that remain unresolved between the two countries, such as the issue of the growing trade imbalance.
The outbreak of the Ukrainian war, which was the reason for the strengthening of energy ties between the two countries, put pressure on the military relationship, delaying shipments of spare parts and new weapons.
For example, Russia has so far delivered only three of the five S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile systems, while the other two are behind schedule.
The delivery of spare parts and other military equipment remained an essential part of the discussions.
The two sides are now exploring the possibility of establishing partnerships in joint ventures in India for some important parts of arms.
Modi ’ s visit to Russia, while surprising to the West, was of great importance to India in pushing forward its relations with Russia.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

How has trade level between India and Russia changed under Modi and Putin?

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons supply
weapons joint production
security & military

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

- India’s abstention on UN votes regarding Ukraine demonstrates New Delhi’s balancing act between Moscow and the West.

Title:

Content: ...
...
...
...
India between Russia and America
I'm sorry.
The Merciful
Posted in: Last Updated:
As a non-permanent member of the United Nations Security Council, India abstained last week to condemn Russia, the largest and most capable country in Europe and Asia, for its military operation in Ukraine.
Western countries voted in the Security Council to demand that Russia stop its operation in Ukraine and withdraw its troops immediately, but Russia responded by vetoing a council resolution.
The reason for India's abstention was that it believed that non-alignment on this issue was in its national interests, while siding with one side meant harassing the other in a situation where both the United States and Russia were important to India and its national interests.
Abstaining in the Security Council has thus allowed India to avoid taking sides and being dragged into a crisis in distant places.
The challenge for India, which has no direct interests in Ukraine apart from evacuating its mostly student citizens there, is to make sure there is no reaction to the crisis on its relations with Russia, a key defense partner, or with the United States, which is crucial to addressing growing problems with China in the region.
The Ukraine crisis also comes at a time when India is in the process of acquiring five S-400 Triumph air defense missile systems from Russia and needs an exception from the United States, which has already sanctioned Turkey under the Countering America ’ s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) for possessing the same S-400 missiles from Russia.
Moscow has already begun delivering missiles to New Delhi, which is seen as an important element of defence readiness for India, which has an unstable border with both Pakistan and China.
Russia and India have been allies since the Cold War, and defense cooperation has long been a cornerstone of their relationship.
India has sought to diversify its defense purchases outside of Russia, from countries such as Israel, the United States and others.
But more than 60 percent of India ’ s weapons continue to come from Russia, which means India needs to continue to get spare parts from Moscow.
There is no doubt that the relationship between India and Russia has come under strain, as New Delhi has become closer to Washington, amid mutual concerns over a range of issues, including the rise of China.
Their relationship has deepened over the past decade and they are now partners, along with Japan and Australia, in the Quadripartite Security Forum.
Russia, in turn, has become closer to China and Pakistan even as its relations with the United States and the West deteriorate.
But developments in Afghanistan, where the withdrawal of U.S. troops has brought the Taliban back to power, have led to New Delhi ’ s increased political engagement with Moscow as India seeks access to Central Asia.
There is no doubt that India is trying to maintain a delicate balance between Russia and the United States, taking sides in the Ukraine conflict will only lead to problems for India, especially since it has no direct interests in Ukraine.
There have also been reports that Russia has quietly worked behind the scenes to defuse tensions between India and China following the 2020 border clashes.
As a result, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was among the few world leaders to have spoken by phone with President Vladimir Putin in the midst of the Ukraine crisis.
Modi appealed to President Putin for an immediate halt to military actions and “called on all parties to return to diplomatic negotiations and dialogue. ”
At the same time, Modi also spoke to Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky and expressed “readiness to contribute in any way to the peace efforts. ”
For India, the sooner this crisis is resolved, the better, especially because of its fears that the focus of the United States and its other allies may shift from the Indo-Pacific and the China Sea to a crisis in Europe over the dispute over Ukraine ’ s accession to NATO.
It is clear, however, that the United States and its NATO allies will avoid indulging in a direct armed conflict in Ukraine.
While the EU has imposed some sanctions, including closing airspace to Russian aircraft, New Delhi ’ s biggest concern is that it will not get an exemption from Washington over the Triumph missile system and that tougher economic sanctions could lead to a spike in oil prices.
Although the Russian and Ukrainian delegates have agreed to meet to discuss and resolve the conflict, an early resolution of the crisis seems elusive.
It is clear that Moscow is determined to create a demilitarized buffer zone between Russia and NATO member states.
But there is no doubt that a peaceful solution is the best way forward to end a crisis of this magnitude.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi
Quote from "The Union"
Disclaimer: All published articles represent the opinion of their authors only.
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How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not join the Western sanctions against Russia

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

- The India–Russia defense relationship is anchored by India’s heavy reliance on Russian arms and technology.

Title:

Content: Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s recent two-day visit to Russia may have been watched more in the West than in India itself.
Modi received an official reception in Russia, where President Vladimir Putin, who faces Western sanctions over the war in Ukraine, described the Indian prime minister as his “best friend. ”
The visit, Modi ’ s first overseas trip after taking office for a new term, has been described as of international significance.
India is in a unique position as it enjoys long-term relations with Russia while at the same time getting closer to the United States and is now in a position to win the trust of both sides.
Thus, while India is unlikely to play the role of mediator, the South Asian country, during the crisis period, could play some role in helping to find a solution to the war in Ukraine.
But throughout the visit, Modi was clearly balancing India ’ s position between the two sides.
He has described Russia as a friend at all times, referring to how Moscow has advanced in the past to help New Delhi.
Russia shared nuclear technology with India at a time when no other country was willing to do so.
It is also supplying arms to India and helping to strengthen its defence deterrence amid border problems with neighbouring countries.
While India is now diversifying its defense purchases from Israel, the United States, and France, among others, 80 percent of India ’ s military equipment to date comes from Russia.
Russia has also become important since the outbreak of the Ukrainian war, to provide fuel at reduced prices, which is crucial for India, whose energy needs are growing exponentially.
Cheap fuel helped New Delhi adjust inflation in India.
At the same time, India ’ s relations with the United States have grown at a rapid pace in recent times.
Against this backdrop, the visit was also a lesson in skilful diplomatic manoeuvres, as Modi managed to strike a good balance between the two sides.
During the visit, Modi noted that his 17 meetings with Putin over the past decade have strengthened mutual trust and respect between the two sides.
The Indian prime minister not only called Russia a friend at all times, but also a “partner for better or worse. ”
The two leaders also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis.
The Indian prime minister reiterated his country's position that there could be no solutions to the crisis amid "guns, bullets and bombs".
"Whether it is a war, a conflict or a terrorist attack, anyone who believes in humanity suffers when there is a loss of life," he said, stressing that "when innocent children are killed, the heart bleeds and this pain is very frightening."
There is no doubt that Modi ’ s visit to Russia was significant.
Apart from the international attention from a political point of view on its outcome, the visit is seen as adding to the continued momentum in relations between the two countries.
Economic relations in particular have received a boost since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis, mainly due to India ’ s imports of oil, fertilizers and gas at reduced prices.
Trade between India and Russia, which has been stagnant for years, rose from $15 billion in 2021-2022 to $65 billion in 2023-2024 after the outbreak of the Ukrainian war in 2022.
So, during Modi ’ s visit, the two sides also discussed ways to strengthen economic ties.
The two countries agreed to boost trade to $100 billion by 2030, reduce non-tariff barriers, reduce trade imbalances in Russia ’ s favor, improve connectivity and increase trade in agricultural goods.
They also discussed some outstanding problems that remain unresolved between the two countries, such as the issue of the growing trade imbalance.
The outbreak of the Ukrainian war, which was the reason for the strengthening of energy ties between the two countries, put pressure on the military relationship, delaying shipments of spare parts and new weapons.
For example, Russia has so far delivered only three of the five S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile systems, while the other two are behind schedule.
The delivery of spare parts and other military equipment remained an essential part of the discussions.
The two sides are now exploring the possibility of establishing partnerships in joint ventures in India for some important parts of arms.
Modi ’ s visit to Russia, while surprising to the West, was of great importance to India in pushing forward its relations with Russia.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

weapons supply
weapons joint production
security & military

- The India-China border crisis compounds India’s priorities: while India benefits from Russian ties, Moscow’s growing closeness with Beijing complicates the regional balance.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

- Modi and Putin have maintained strong personal and diplomatic engagement, even as global alignments shift.

Title:

Content: Prime Minister Narendra Modi ’ s recent two-day visit to Russia may have been watched more in the West than in India itself.
Modi received an official reception in Russia, where President Vladimir Putin, who faces Western sanctions over the war in Ukraine, described the Indian prime minister as his “best friend. ”
The visit, Modi ’ s first overseas trip after taking office for a new term, has been described as of international significance.
India is in a unique position as it enjoys long-term relations with Russia while at the same time getting closer to the United States and is now in a position to win the trust of both sides.
Thus, while India is unlikely to play the role of mediator, the South Asian country, during the crisis period, could play some role in helping to find a solution to the war in Ukraine.
But throughout the visit, Modi was clearly balancing India ’ s position between the two sides.
He has described Russia as a friend at all times, referring to how Moscow has advanced in the past to help New Delhi.
Russia shared nuclear technology with India at a time when no other country was willing to do so.
It is also supplying arms to India and helping to strengthen its defence deterrence amid border problems with neighbouring countries.
While India is now diversifying its defense purchases from Israel, the United States, and France, among others, 80 percent of India ’ s military equipment to date comes from Russia.
Russia has also become important since the outbreak of the Ukrainian war, to provide fuel at reduced prices, which is crucial for India, whose energy needs are growing exponentially.
Cheap fuel helped New Delhi adjust inflation in India.
At the same time, India ’ s relations with the United States have grown at a rapid pace in recent times.
Against this backdrop, the visit was also a lesson in skilful diplomatic manoeuvres, as Modi managed to strike a good balance between the two sides.
During the visit, Modi noted that his 17 meetings with Putin over the past decade have strengthened mutual trust and respect between the two sides.
The Indian prime minister not only called Russia a friend at all times, but also a “partner for better or worse. ”
The two leaders also exchanged views on the Ukraine crisis.
The Indian prime minister reiterated his country's position that there could be no solutions to the crisis amid "guns, bullets and bombs".
"Whether it is a war, a conflict or a terrorist attack, anyone who believes in humanity suffers when there is a loss of life," he said, stressing that "when innocent children are killed, the heart bleeds and this pain is very frightening."
There is no doubt that Modi ’ s visit to Russia was significant.
Apart from the international attention from a political point of view on its outcome, the visit is seen as adding to the continued momentum in relations between the two countries.
Economic relations in particular have received a boost since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis, mainly due to India ’ s imports of oil, fertilizers and gas at reduced prices.
Trade between India and Russia, which has been stagnant for years, rose from $15 billion in 2021-2022 to $65 billion in 2023-2024 after the outbreak of the Ukrainian war in 2022.
So, during Modi ’ s visit, the two sides also discussed ways to strengthen economic ties.
The two countries agreed to boost trade to $100 billion by 2030, reduce non-tariff barriers, reduce trade imbalances in Russia ’ s favor, improve connectivity and increase trade in agricultural goods.
They also discussed some outstanding problems that remain unresolved between the two countries, such as the issue of the growing trade imbalance.
The outbreak of the Ukrainian war, which was the reason for the strengthening of energy ties between the two countries, put pressure on the military relationship, delaying shipments of spare parts and new weapons.
For example, Russia has so far delivered only three of the five S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile systems, while the other two are behind schedule.
The delivery of spare parts and other military equipment remained an essential part of the discussions.
The two sides are now exploring the possibility of establishing partnerships in joint ventures in India for some important parts of arms.
Modi ’ s visit to Russia, while surprising to the West, was of great importance to India in pushing forward its relations with Russia.
* Chairman of the Centre for Islamic Studies, New Delhi

What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

What formal frameworks do India and Russia cooperate within?

- India advocates for multipolarity, seeking strategic autonomy and regional equilibrium, particularly as Sino-Russian strategic cooperation grows.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

- The trajectory and outcome of Russia’s actions in the Ukraine war could reshape the balance of power, including China’s influence, directly impacting India’s foreign and security calculus.

Title:

Content: The 20th in India.
One Pole End Alarm
Font size
ISTANBUL – Imre Bacharan: A huge impact on the current global order could be borne by the G20 summit to be held in New Delhi on Saturday and Sunday.
The talk to experts who spoke to Anadolu about their readings of the role of the current G20 summit on international changes in terms of control, influence and polarity.
Comprising 19 countries and the European Union, the group represents the world ’ s largest economies and contributes more than 85 percent of its total output and 75 percent of its trade.
The meeting of leaders of the world ’ s richest and most powerful nations in New Delhi is expected to be a unique event due to several factors, including the absence of Chinese President Xi Jinping and his Russian counterpart Vladimir Putin, the two superpowers allied to the West.
A second feature of the event is the fact that the summit is hosted by India, a rising force of the Non-Aligned Movement in Asia.
Monopolar Decline
Husamuddin Inak, a professor of international relations at Domlupinar University in Turkey, said the summit “comes at a time when the US-led unipolar world order that emerged after World War II is no longer dominant. ”
“At present, there are several countries that stand against the neoliberal world order, such as Brazil, India, Mexico and others. ”
"The United States is losing its influence on all fronts, which in turn is changing the nature of the G20," he said.
As an example, Inac cited “the efforts of several countries to get rid of the US dollar, ” saying that“ the superiority of the US currency is in a deplorable state. ”
Pravin Donthe, a senior analyst at the International Crisis Group, also said the Russian-Ukrainian war would “cast a shadow over the summit. ”
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict, he said, “is leading to a pluralistic crisis in the world order today, because it is a direct result of the conflict between the West led by the United States and the Russian-Chinese bloc. ”
He said India ’ s goal was to “try to inject some oxygen into multilateralism. ”
“India is a rising middle power, one of the fastest-growing economies, and represents what is called a geopolitical swing state trying to chart its own course, trying to influence the regional and global systems at the same time. ”
A Multipolar World
In Enak ’ s view, neoliberalism and the “political economy of the West and its institutions ” are losing their credibility, while the dollar is losing its status as the world ’ s reserve currency.
He added that one of the biggest threats in this area is the BRICS group, which includes Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, which recently invited six other countries to join its ranks starting in early 2024: Saudi Arabia, Iran, the UAE, Egypt, Ethiopia and Argentina.
“The BRICS group is also leading a campaign to replace the US dollar with its own common currency by 2030. ”
This week, Russia ’ s ambassador to South Africa, Ilya Rogachev, presented a symbolic BRICS banknote to Mohash Saeed Al Hamli, head of the UAE diplomatic mission.
“How the war in Ukraine ends will be a key factor in determining what the future world order will look like.
“If Putin manages to hold on to power against all odds, the world order will collapse and a new order will emerge from under its ashes, in which China will have a lot of power. ”
According to Donthe, this scenario “is exactly what India wants to prevent.
India does not want a unipolar Asia where China dominates.
New Delhi will use the summit to flex its political muscle. ”
“India wants a multipolar Asia, which it says will lead to a multipolar world. ”
“Bilateral relations between India and China are also under severe pressure at the moment due to the border crisis, which may explain President Xi Jinping ’ s decision to stay away from the summit, ” he said.
Moreover, according to Donthy, “New Delhi seemed to have sought to get closer to Washington, as evidenced by the visit of its Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the United States last June. ”
"The arrival of US President Joe Biden in New Delhi signals the great rapprochement between India and the United States," he said.
“Beijing is trying to send a signal that they are not satisfied with the way things are going, ” he said, but he added that India“ remains in a difficult position as it tries to balance its relations with Russia and the West. ”
“In every UN resolution, India abstained from voting to condemn Russia ’ s invasion of Ukraine, because India has a deep long-term strategic relationship with Russia, ” he said,“ but at the same time it is working to strengthen its relations with the United States and the West. ”
Turkey will find its right place.
Speaking about Turkey ’ s role in the changing world order, Inak said it “plays a big role in the economic model proposed by the non-aligned countries, led by the members of the BRICS alliance. ”
He added that Turkey “also plays a big role in China ’ s Belt and Road Initiative. ”
“The G20 summit will also show how the United States and the European Union are dealing with their relations with Turkey, ” Inak said.
“New models of global integration will emerge, and Turkey will find its rightful place in the new world order. ”
(Anatolia)
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Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

**Key Sentences Extracted Based on Importance for India-Russia Relations under Modi and Putin & the Impact of India’s Rivalry with China:**

- Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke by telephone with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the 20th to further develop the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.

Title:

Content: Russia-India coordination, balance, US-India approach?
Font Size:
Source: Global Times
Author: Wang Shida
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke by telephone with Russian President Vladimir Putin on the 20th to further develop the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
At the beginning of this month, Russia and India held an annual leaders' summit, launched the first "2 + 2" dialogue between foreign ministers and defense ministers, and agreed to strengthen cooperation and coordination on bilateral and multilateral issues, and signed up to 28 cooperation agreements.
In just two weeks, the summit had two interactions, which sent a signal that Russian-Indian relations were more special than before.
From the interaction on the 6th, Putin led a strong delegation to visit India and held the annual Russian-Indian leaders' summit.
This is Putin's second overseas visit since the outbreak of the COVID-19 epidemic, highlighting the importance he attaches to the "special and privileged strategic partnership" between the two countries.
During the visit, Russia and India held their first "2 + 2" meeting, which will help deepen mutual understanding and strengthen the special and privileged strategic partnership between the two countries.
The most important of the 28 cooperation agreements signed by Russia and India is the Agreement on Military Technical Cooperation 2021-2031.
The document will provide guidance for Russian-Indian military cooperation in the next 10 years, especially to promote joint development and production of weapons and equipment.
It can be said that the foundation for the next stage of military interaction between Russia and India has been laid.
In addition, Russia and India are also actively discussing the signing of a military logistics agreement similar to the memorandum of understanding on logistics exchange between the two countries to facilitate the use of each other's military bases.
Once signed in the future, the Russian-Indian military relations will take another step forward.
The two leaders discussed how to implement the agreement reached at the December 6 meeting, agreed to maintain regular contact on all aspects covered by the Russian-Indian “special and privileged strategic partnership ”, continue to deepen bilateral cooperation and consultation and coordination in multilateral forums, and exchange views on international stability and security issues, including the situation in the Asia-Pacific region.
Since taking office as US president at the beginning of the year, Biden has inherited and strengthened the Indo-Pacific strategy of his predecessor, Trump, and has courted India as the key to its success.
To this end, Biden has made efforts to promote the upgrading and implementation of the four-nation mechanism.
In March this year, the four-nation mechanism held its first video summit, issued a joint declaration, and established three working groups to implement the summit consensus.
In September, the four-nation mechanism held its first offline summit, reiterating the implementation of cooperation in the fields of vaccines and high-quality infrastructure, and proposing to jointly train scientific and technological talents to create a "closed loop of scientific and technological talents of the four countries".
For example, the United States has continued to deepen the "comprehensive global strategic cooperative partnership" between the United States and India.
On March 19, U.S. Defense Secretary William Austin visited India, calling the U.S.-India relationship "a key pillar of a free and open Indo-Pacific."
Under the continued cozying up of the Biden administration, India's attitude of strategic autonomy has become blurred, and it has clearly moved closer to and tilted toward the United States in implementing its foreign policy of "multi-faceted alliance."
During his visit to the United States in September, Modi said that "the relationship between the United States and India has entered a critical transition period".
In the face of the continuous promotion of the "Indo-Pacific Strategy" by the United States and the drift and deviation of India in the two strategic directions of the Indo-Pacific Ocean and the Eurasian continent, Russia is certainly alert.
As early as the Cold War, Russia and India established a relatively special strategic cooperative partnership, even reaching the level of quasi-allies.
At the end of the Cold War, Russia pushed India to join strategic designs such as the "trilateral dialogue between China, Russia and India" in an attempt to promote the establishment of a fair and multipolar world order.
Russia also sees India as an important partner in the Indian Ocean region and an important contributor to the effects of radiation in the Indian Ocean region.
To this end, Russia has taken a series of actions, Foreign Minister Lavrov and other high-level leaders directly expressed opposition to the United States using the "Indo-Pacific strategy" as a tool to contain China and Russia and create regional division.
This round of Russian-Indian strategic coordination is also the proper meaning of Russia's anti-Indo-Pacific strategy.
In particular, Russia and India signed a major defense cooperation order, began the delivery of S-400 air defense system, and will soon sign a military logistics agreement, which is conducive to consolidating defense and military cooperation between the two countries, hedging the penetration and erosion of the traditional Russian arms market by the United States in the past 10 years, and preventing India from falling into the "Indo-Pacific camp" because of increased dependence on weapons and equipment.
Therefore, Russian-Indian interaction is conducive to maintaining the relative balance between the two camps of the Eurasian continent and the Indo-Pacific Ocean, as well as to global strategic stability and peace.
(The writer is deputy director of the South Asia Institute of the Chinese Institute of Modern International Relations)
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What do Putin and Modi officially characterize Russia/ India relationship as?

- It can be said that the foundation for the next stage of military interaction between Russia and India has been laid.

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

- At the end of the Cold War, Russia pushed India to join strategic designs such as the "trilateral dialogue between China, Russia and India" in an attempt to promote the establishment of a fair and multipolar world order.

What vision of global dynamics do India and Russia share?

polycentric system of international relations

- The leaders of the three powers convened a virtual summit via video on Tuesday in an attempt to reshape the U.S.-led global order.

Title:

Content: The leaders of the three powers convened a virtual summit via video on Tuesday in an attempt to reshape the U.S.-led global order.
But apart from the unity implied by their common appearance, each seemed to focus on their own different goals.
For Russian President Vladimir Putin, that meant showing strength after the Wagner mercenary mutiny and claiming international support for his war in Ukraine.
For China's top leader, Xi Jinping, the summit is another opportunity to attack the United States by calling for an end to "hegemonism" and "power politics."
For Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi, the host of the meeting, it was a sign of India ’ s growing stature – and an insinuating attack on its main rival, Pakistan, by calling on other countries to unite to “fight terrorism. ”
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In the speeches of the leaders prepared in advance of the annual meeting of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, no significant statements were made about the changes in the alliance.
But this forum – established in 2001 by China and Russia, with Pakistan and the Central Asian countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan – does allow us to see how a regional club set up to counter Western influence deals with conflicting priorities.
There is no mention of the growing friction between Beijing and New Delhi that has pushed historically non-aligned India closer to the United States.
If Putin wants other leaders to deliver loud statements of support to ease his weakened position at home and justify his war in Ukraine, he can only be content with conventional rhetoric and a wintry tone.
What ’ s more, under the watchful eye of the Biden administration and many other countries around the world, the forum essentially seems to be stating that the three leaders have taken control of their own domestic issues and are ready to embrace what Putin calls a new “multipolar ” world.
“They all have a motive to downplay things and make everything seem normal, ” said Chong Ka-ying, an associate professor of political science at the National University of Singapore.“ They show that things are under control, there are no cracks, and India wants to explore relations with the United States despite Russia ’ s problems. ”
On Tuesday, no leader needed to reshape his image more than Putin.
Last month, Wagner mercenaries tried to overthrow Russia ’ s military leadership, and Putin ’ s more than two decades of rule faced the biggest challenge.
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While Putin defused the crisis by agreeing with mercenary leader Prigozhin to travel to Belarus, the brief rebellion raised questions about his authority and future.
It was Putin ’ s first appearance at an international forum since the rebellion, and he thanked member states for their support after the mutiny, which he claimed did not have popular support in Russia.
"A profound responsibility for the fate of the motherland unites Russian politics and society as a whole, showing a united front against armed mutiny," Putin said, also seeking to use the summit as a sign of international support for his invasion of Ukraine.
Support from China is most important, and it is the only major power to provide diplomatic and economic cover for Russia.
China has done so because it has made a long-term bet on Putin as a necessary partner to challenge the United States.
The bet comes at a cost, however, as Beijing struggles to repair relations with Europe ’ s main economic partners.
China ’ s refusal to condemn the war in Ukraine has also drawn growing global attention to Beijing ’ s aggressive stance on Taiwan.
The virtual meeting provided Xi with an opportunity to advance China ’ s goal of wresting influence from the United States.
He hailed the SCO as a way to “improve global governance ” and promote“ Chinese-style modernization ” — a veiled expression of a world vision in which Beijing and its partners have a greater say in international rules and norms.
In this vision, India ’ s positioning remains to be seen.
India, China ’ s biggest emerging strategic rival, joined the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in 2017 and sees the forum as a way to balance its own relations with the West as well as with China and Russia.
India has maintained stable relations with Russia, mainly economic, after refusing to condemn the invasion of Ukraine.
But its relationship with China has deteriorated due to border disputes and its participation in the quadripartite security dialogue mechanism, including the United States, which focuses on security and which Beijing views as a tool to contain China.
Modi's high-profile visit to Washington last month heightened suspicions in China that India is pulling closer to the United States to contain China's rise.
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Despite these tensions, India has a sweet spot in the forum.
Its dependence on the Central Asian countries for energy and maintaining its influence in Afghanistan could have spillover effects on Pakistan.
Modi praised the forum as an "important platform" for peace and prosperity, but urged the group to condemn countries that "use terrorism as a tool of their policies."
The remarks were directed at Pakistan, which India accuses of funding militants in the disputed Kashmir region.
“India will not abandon or withdraw from the SCO because it will lose its foothold in Central Asia and cede the Eurasian region to India ’ s main rival, China, ” said Sriram Chorya, dean of the School of International Affairs at Jindal Global University near New Delhi.

- Support from China is most important, and it is the only major power to provide diplomatic and economic cover for Russia.

- Second, the Chinese factor.

Title:

Content: Why is the relationship between India and Europe heading to a new peak when the situation between India and Russia is ambiguous?
Author: External Submission
Published: Updated:
After the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict, India ’ s position in international politics suddenly became “hot. ”
During Prime Minister Boris Johnson ’ s visit to India in late April, the two sides issued a joint statement entitled “Achieving Common Security and Prosperity through National Resilience. ”
During the visit of EU Commission President Ursula von der Leyen in the Indian capital of New Delhi, the EU and India agreed to establish a Trade and Technology Commission to strengthen cooperation between the two sides. Following Johnson and Von der Leyen, the foreign ministers of Poland, Lithuania, Slovenia, Portugal, the Netherlands, Norway and Luxembourg also visited India in succession.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi left for Germany, Denmark and France on May 2, after which he held talks with German Prime Minister Olaf Scholz in Berlin, followed by Copenhagen and a two-day India-Northern Europe summit with the Prime Ministers of Denmark, Iceland, Finland, Sweden and Norway.
Modi later made a brief stop in France, where he met with French President Emmanuel Macron to “share views on a variety of regional and global issues and assess ongoing bilateral cooperation. ”
It can be seen that although India chose to abandon the United States and Europe to maintain a more neutral stance in the Russia-Ukraine conflict, recently India-Europe relations not only rose against the trend, but also achieved many breakthroughs.
What are the reasons behind this phenomenon and what are the factors that affect it?
Raja Mohan, a well-known Indian geo-strategist, pointed out: First, India and the EU want to reduce their dependence on Russia; second, India and the EU need to better cope with the rapid rise of China; third, India and the EU are looking forward to playing an important regional role under the influence of the United States.
The author predicts that the combination of these three factors will lead to a new upsurge in India-European relations. Although this prediction is suspected of greatly exaggerating India ’ s strategic importance, it also provides a new perspective for our understanding of India ’ s attitude.
On April 21, 2022, British Prime Minister Johnson visited India to visit Gandhi ’ s hometown. (AP)
On April 24, 2022, Macron was re-elected President of France, which gave the whole of Europe and North America a sigh of relief.
India is also pleased with Macron ’ s successful re-election as he has laid a solid foundation for the India-France strategic partnership.
If Macron ’ s rival, Marine Le Pen, wins, Europe ’ s geopolitics will be dramatically complicated.
If the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is a challenge to the existing European regional order, then Le Pen ’ s challenge to Macron demonstrates Russia ’ s broad influence on European domestic issues.
Le Pen, like many other right-wing leaders in Europe, has close ties to Vladimir Putin, many of whom are deeply hostile to the EU.
If Le Pen wins, it will not only change France ’ s international trajectory, but also shake the political core of the European Union.
Unlike the Soviet Union, which tried to influence European politics through left-wing parties, Russia now influences European politics through right-wing parties.
Le Pen won nearly 42% of the vote, reflecting the growing challenges facing mainstream politics in Europe.
Europe now has no choice but to redouble its efforts against Putin.
Russia ’ s threat to Europe ’ s internal affairs is one of the factors influencing India ’ s increased engagement with Europe. While India and the EU have been talking about a strategic partnership for two decades, progress has been slow due to three external factors.
The Russian factor
In conversations with European leaders who recently visited Delhi, the Russia-Ukraine conflict was a key topic.
India ’ s reluctance to condemn Putin ’ s incursion may indicate that India-Russia relations remain inextricably linked.
This suggests that the best response India can make in the Russia-Ukraine conflict is to remain “neutral. ”
For the past few weeks, India has insisted that its silence was not in support of a Russian invasion.
It is worth noting that India has repeatedly stressed the need to respect the territorial integrity of countries, which in fact negates Russia.
Needless to say, in the context of the escalating strategic competition between China and India, the Russia-Ukraine conflict has made India very uneasy.
For India, normal relations between Russia and the West are ideal.
However, while India has rapidly drawn closer political and economic ties with Europe and the United States, Russia is locked in a fierce confrontation with the West.
India may be mindful of its old feelings toward Russia, but it will never sever its warming relationship with the West.
In recent years, given Russia ’ s declining economic power and growing isolation on the international stage, India ’ s options have become clear.
At the same time, geographical proximity and industrial complementarity determine the close economic and trade relationship between Russia and Europe.
The EU ’ s trade with Russia is huge, with an annual trade volume of about $260 billion, while the EU ’ s trade with India is only $10 billion.
Unlike India, Europe ’ s social ties with Russia are deeply rooted.
European leaders, including Macron, have long advocated a historic rapprochement with Russia and the inclusion of Moscow in the regional security order.
However, Putin ’ s actions in Ukraine have forced Europe to take costly measures to disengage from Russia.
This is especially true of Germany, which has strong and close commercial ties with Russia.
With Putin locked in a protracted and unwinnable conflict, Russia is set to pay a heavy price for its actions.
The Russia-Ukraine conflict undoubtedly raises a major short-term problem, one that both India and the EU have to deal with.
Now, India and the EU are finding themselves united in their goal of reducing their dependence on Russia.
In the long run, Russia will gradually decline, and its influence on Indo-European relations will diminish.
For nearly a century, Indo-Russian relations have complicated Indo-European relations.
If the Russian October Revolution of 1917 inspired India ’ s national independence movement, then the Soviet partnership dominated India ’ s foreign relations during the Cold War.
But now, the era of Russia ’ s influence on India ’ s international relations is coming to an end.
In December 2021, Modi warmly received the visiting Putin. (AP)
Second, the Chinese factor
China ’ s growing power objectively pushes India and Europe to strengthen their partnership with each other.
Contrary to India ’ s belief that Russia is “forced to make good friends with China, ” Russia has in fact been actively deepening its relations with China for more than two decades, which makes India very anxious. In June 2021, US President Joe Biden met with Putin in Geneva and proposed to explore the establishment of fruitful diplomatic relations with Russia.
However, Putin made a careful strategic choice – he chose China. In February 2022, Putin visited Beijing, and the two countries proposed “no cap on Sino-Russian relations. ”
Whether Russia is forced or proactively engaged with China makes no difference to India.
India has no choice but to deal with the consequences of Russia ’ s choice.
How to deal with China ’ s rise over the past two decades has become an epochal issue for Indian policymakers.
And the close relationship between China and Russia makes this challenge even more difficult to deal with.
As India strives to maintain reasonable relations with Russia, the EU should be an important partner for India in meeting the challenges posed by China.
This is also reinforced by the EU ’ s renewed understanding of China.
Trade between China and Europe has been very frequent for more than two decades, and it is clear that Europe has not given enough thought to China ’ s long-term political ambitions.
The multiplicity of problems between China and Europe, the close geopolitical relationship between China and Russia, and the rapid deterioration of Sino-US relations mean that the EU is afraid to invest more political capital to establish a more targeted strategic relationship with India.
India will also respond to this.
Third, the American factor
More recently, Europe ’ s attempts to wean itself off America ’ s call for “strategic autonomy ” are highly consistent with India ’ s wishes.
However, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict underscores the importance of the United States in helping Europe confront Russia.
In Asia, China ’ s assertiveness has once again made the United States a key factor in shaping regional peace and security.
However, the United States does not want its allies in Europe and Asia to become weak.
The United States wants Europe to be strong enough to take more responsibility for its own security, and it wants India to play a greater role in Asia to ensure regional security.
Above all, the United States wants a stronger relationship between India and Europe.
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict has forced India to readjust its relations with major powers and Europe to refocus on geopolitics.
For the first time since independence, India and the European Union have an unprecedented convergence of interests, which means that the two sides can work together to restore order in Eurasia and the Indo-Pacific region.
Raja Mohan is a senior research fellow at the Asia Society Policy Institute in New Delhi and a contributing editor for international affairs at The Indian Express.
This article was originally published on The India Express website on April 26 under the headline “India, Europe and the Russian complication ”.
The Chinese version of this article was published earlier on the South Asia Research Bulletin platform.
).
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Why is maintaining a relationship with India important for Russia?

Why is maintaining a relationship with Russia important for India?

India has no choice but to deal with the consequences of Russia’s choice.

How did India react to the war between Russia and Ukraine?

India did not directly oppose Russia's actions

- How to deal with China’s rise over the past two decades has become an epochal issue for Indian policymakers.

- Some observers believe that India will downplay the India-Russia relationship as Russia becomes closer to China and even more dependent on China.

Title:

Content: Under pressure, will India abandon Russia?
Author: External Submission
Published: Updated:
Recently, Sameer Lalwani, a senior expert at the Asia Center of the American Institute of Peace, and Happymon Jacob, an associate professor of diplomacy and disarmament at Nehru University, wrote that in the short and medium term, the foundation of Russian-Indian relations is still very solid, and in the long term, Indian-Russian relations are on a long-term downward trend, from partnership to trading. "Change".
Following the outbreak of the Russia-Ukraine conflict in February 2022, major democracies have come together to defend Ukraine by condemning Russia ’ s military actions.
But India did not join in, opting instead to abstain in a key UN vote and refusing to condemn its longtime partner, Russia.
Many countries expressed disappointment with India's stance on the Russian-Ukrainian conflict.
However, some observers believe that India has shown signs of considering a rupture with Russia, and India may change its previous neutral course. In September 2022, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in a conversation with Russian President Vladimir Putin that “today ’ s era is not an era of war ”, a phrase that seemed to warn Russia, as U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken called Modi ’ s stance“ significant. ”
American political scientist Happymon Jacob also wrote that the Indian government is weakening its “long-term partnership ” with Russia and is committed to closer cooperation with the United States.
Based on the interpretation of these events, India needs to strengthen its cooperation with the West and is alienating Russia.
However, the view that "India and Russia will part ways" is too "taken for granted" and does not reflect realistic possibilities.
It is true that in the context of Russia ’ s growing economic dependence on China and its provision of unreliable weapons to India, India should theoretically move away from Russia and promote diversification of partnerships, but this is not realistic or feasible.
The United States, the first Western country to win over India on a number of issues, turned a blind eye to the human rights dispute.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and US President Joe Biden at last year ’ s G20 summit. (Reuters)
In fact, India is not ready to give up the India-Russia partnership, and in November 2022, Indian Foreign Minister Sujishin visited Russia, stressing that the relationship between the two countries is “strong and stable. ”
For this reason, US policymakers still need to make policy plans around the reality of a lasting India-Russia relationship, but they should also make India realize that Russia is a burden; the United States cannot punish and sanction India because of the close India-Russia relationship.
Because for the United States, India can play a more prominent and more active role in the Indo-Pacific region.
The False Dawn
Analysts have concluded that India is trying to distance itself from Russia based on what Indian officials say, including Modi ’ s verbal confrontation with Putin in September 2022, a vote against Russia at the United Nations, and the cancellation of a multi-billion dollar Russian weapons procurement program (fighters and helicopters).
However, these developments do not mean that India has explicitly chosen to stay away from Russia.
The Washington Post called Modi ’ s September 2022 statement to Putin a “rebuke. ”
But in fact, Modi ’ s statement was not intended primarily to address the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, but to express concern about rising food and energy prices.
Several assessment reports issued in India have warned against over-reading Modi ’ s remarks, which are no different from the official position of India in the past that the war has inflicted great trauma on developing countries.
It is undeniable that India has indeed sided with the West in some of the UN ’ s procedural votes, such as allowing Ukrainian President Vladimir Zelensky to speak at the UN General Assembly in September 2022.
But in more substantive votes, such as the October 2022 vote on four regions of Russia ’ s military campaign in Ukraine, India abstained.
In addition, in early 2022, India cancelled several agreements to purchase Russian weapons (such as the MiG-29 fighter).
But the decision has little to do with the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and is more about promoting domestic arms production and supporting India ’ s “self-reliance ” program.
A few months before the Russian-Ukrainian conflict erupted, the Indian government had planned to cancel these deals, including the purchase of Boeing P-8I aircraft from the United States, in favor of domestically produced weapons.
But India will still buy major weapons such as S-400 air defense systems, stealth frigates and nuclear submarines from Russia, which means India will be tied to Russia for decades to come.
In fact, India cannot really break with Russia, because Russian-made weapons account for a large share of India ’ s arsenal, and Russia still plays a significant role in India ’ s geopolitical considerations, so most of India ’ s political elite still prefer friendly Indian-Russian relations.
India can ’ t really break with Russia because Russian-made weapons make up the bulk of India ’ s arsenal and most of India ’ s political elite still prefer friendly India-Russia relations.
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Russian President Vladimir Putin.
(Reuters)
(2) Patience and persistence
India has long regarded Russia as a valued partner in its “multidirectional alliance ” strategy.
Within the framework of this strategy, India wants to maintain a constructive strategic partnership with several major powers at the same time, but refuses to form an exclusive alliance with any major powers.
India ’ s leaders believe that the “multidirectional alliance ” strategy is still valid today because Western analysts have misjudged Russia in several important ways.
The authors ’ study found that despite strong Western sanctions against Russia, Indian national security officials still believe in Russia ’ s endurance and durability.
They expect Europe to struggle under pressure from inflation and energy shortages, while Russia ’ s economy will be boosted by rising commodity prices.
After all, Indian companies are investing in Russian energy projects, such as oil and gas extraction projects in Sakhalin, Russia ’ s Far East.
In addition, India has doubled its investment in future India-Russia cooperation in defense technology research and development (including the development of the Brahmos cruise missile).
The leaders also believe that the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is likely to turn into a military stalemate that will culminate in a negotiated cease-fire and that Russia will eventually be allowed to reintegrate into the international community.
Indian policymakers also believe that Russia will remain an important geopolitical force that will help India.
India relies on Russia for missile technology, submarine nuclear reactors, and hypersonic weapons, and Russia can still provide diplomatic support to India in the United Nations Security Council, which can exert influence on India ’ s other continental neighbors.
In addition, with the Russian regime in turmoil, Indian officials want to be able to extract more benefits from their dealings with the Russian government, just as India did at the beginning of the collapse of the Soviet Union, when the two countries established the Brahmos Aerospace Joint Venture.
As India continues to maintain friendly relations with its old partner Russia, the West is hesitant to punish India.
Some observers believe that India will downplay the India-Russia relationship as Russia becomes closer to China and even more dependent on China.
But unlike Western officials, Indian officials do not believe that tough sanctions will force Russia into China ’ s arms, because there is no shortage of friction between China and Russia over Central Asia and the Arctic.
In the eyes of Indian policymakers, India can become a "wedge" between Russia and China, helping Russia retain some autonomy in Sino-Russian relations, and avoiding Russia becoming a "small follower" of China.
On September 15, 2022, Chinese President Xi Jinping held a bilateral meeting with Russian President Vladimir Putin at the Samarkand State Guesthouse to exchange views on China-Russia relations and international and regional issues of common concern. (Xinhua)
Third, get on with it.
Much of the Indian military ’ s combat and strike equipment is dependent on Russia.
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict has limited and delayed India ’ s process of acquiring spare parts and equipment upgrades, thus creating a “supply shock ” to India ’ s main Russian-made weapons arsenal.
While India remains concerned about the performance of Russian-made weapons and Russia ’ s ability to provide spare parts, it has not taken any hard measures to curtail the use of Russian materials or to purchase substitutes to accelerate the diversification of military equipment imports.
All in all, India has no plans to achieve a rapid and comprehensive transformation of its Russian-made weapons systems by bringing in other foreign suppliers. After the border crises of 2019 and 2020, there has been some peace and stability in the border area, and Indian strategists believe that India should maintain a low level of operational readiness for the next few years, even if that means increased vulnerability.
In the short to medium term, India plans to keep up with its existing inventory, while at the same time sourcing from the secondary market for Russian components and relying more on domestic military equipment.
India will continue to work with Russia to meet outstanding delivery commitments and selectively sign contracts with the West to support the development of India ’ s indigenous defence industry.
In the long run, India wants to be largely self-sufficient in terms of defense needs and no longer rely on external suppliers.
While India aims to diversify its arsenal and become self-sufficient within the next 20 years, it still needs some key technical support from Russia.
Su-30 fighters will remain the backbone of the IAF for decades, but they cannot be maintained or upgraded without Russian technical support.
India ’ s most important defense export, the BrahMos anti-ship cruise missile, currently sold mainly to Southeast Asian countries to deter China, uses Russian propulsion technology.
As long as Russia is in control of key elements of India ’ s advanced weapons systems, especially fighter jets, cruise missiles and submarines, Russia has considerable influence over India.
Much of the Indian military ’ s combat and strike equipment is dependent on Russia.
Su-30 fighters will remain the backbone of the IAF for decades. (Getty)
The First Friend of India
In addition to the above material considerations, the common ideological orientation has also driven India and Russia to maintain friendly relations.
Both Indian and Russian officials support the “polycentric ” vision of a global order in which there is no single dominant hegemony and each major power maintains its own sphere of influence.
Both India and Russia believe that a “multicentre ” is more stable than an international order governed by one or two superpowers.
India ’ s political elite also maintains a “sense of closeness ” to Russia, which stems from India ’ s decades-long tradition of cooperation with the former Soviet Union.
Two months after the conflict broke out, Yoga Jyotsna, an Indian scholar, said that “Russia is India ’ s number one friend in the eyes of the military and people of insight. ”
According to Rajeswari Rajagopalan, another Indian scholar,
Strategic sympathy for Soviet Russia was widespread not only among Indian politicians, but also among the general Indian population.
This is because Russia ’ s historical support and assistance to India has been “romanticized. ”
Although Indian diplomatic agencies have not helped Russia in its defense, national security officials believe that multiple actors, including NATO, should be held responsible for the outbreak of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, and not all blame should be placed on the Russian side.
A September 2022 survey of more than 1,000 Indian adults found that Indians believe the West and Russia are equally responsible for the Russia-Ukraine conflict. (Reuters)
The Indian public is also sympathetic to Russia. A July 2022 poll found that a majority of Indians refuse to describe Russia ’ s military actions in Ukraine as “wrong. ” A September 2022 survey of more than 1,000 Indian adults found that Indians believe that the West and Russia are equally responsible for the Russia-Ukraine conflict, and most Indians do not believe that a Russian victory will make the world more dangerous.
Public attitudes in India are not only very different from those in Europe, Australia and Japan, but also in emerging countries such as Brazil and South Africa.
Read the second half of the article.
This article was first published in the South Asia Research Newsletter. It only represents the author 's opinion and does not represent Hong Kong' s position.

What has negatively affected India/ Russia current relationship?

- In the long run, India wants to be largely self-sufficient in terms of defense needs and no longer rely on external suppliers.

- More than half of India’s military equipment comes from Russia.

Title:

Content: While the United States frequently forces China and India to denounce Russia, China and India stand together!
Obviously, this has made some people in the West and some media uneasy.
Because, it seems to be a classic case of the United States being strategically self-defeating.
The United States was too anxious to cause the action to deform.
Since this was the first visit by a Chinese foreign minister to India after the conflict in the Galvan Valley, it sent a special signal for Sino-Indian relations.
Some US media are worried that the US-India-Japan-Australia "four-party mechanism" alliance carefully crafted by Washington will be weakened as a result, and even affect the overall promotion of the US "Indo-Pacific strategy".
1
Chinese State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi will visit India on the 25th.
The news, issued by Reuters in the United Kingdom on the 23rd, has aroused the attention of international public opinion.
The report quoted an Indian official as saying that "although neither side has made an official announcement, this will be the highest level visit since the border conflict between the two countries worsened relations two years ago."
Wang Yi ’ s trip to South Asia began with a meeting of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in Pakistan, followed by a visit to Afghanistan, then a trip from Afghanistan to India on the 25th, and a visit to Nepal on the 25th.
It can be said that the horse does not stop.
The Indian government source, who asked to remain anonymous, told Reuters that Wang is expected to meet with Indian Foreign Minister Atal Bihari Sujssen and Indian national security adviser Doval, and while the agenda is not yet clear, it is expected to discuss the conflict in Ukraine.
The Indian Ministry of Foreign Affairs would not comment on the news.
A spokesman for the Chinese Foreign Ministry said at a regular press briefing on the 23rd that he had no information to provide at this time.
Relations between China and India became tense between May and June 2020, when there were confrontations between border guards in places such as the Galvan Valley on the Sino-Indian border.
In particular, on 15 June 2020, a deadly clash in the Galvan Valley killed 20 Indian and four Chinese soldiers.
Since then, Sino-Indian relations have been strained for a time, and Indian border patrol officers have even broken the rules that have been observed for decades and fired warning shots, even in confrontations with Chinese personnel.
Since then, India has restricted many Chinese companies from doing business in India, and has also stopped dozens of Chinese-developed apps.
However, the "knots" between the two countries always need to be unraveled, and both sides have this desire.
On the 11th of this month, the Chinese and Indian armies held the 15th round of military-level talks.
According to official information released after the meeting, the two sides followed the leaders' guidance on resolving the remaining issues as soon as possible. The two sides also reiterated that achieving a settlement of the remaining issues will help restore peace and tranquillity in the West Line of Actual Control and promote the development of bilateral relations.
In the meantime, both sides agreed to maintain security and stability on the frontline in the Western Sector. They agreed to maintain dialogue through military and diplomatic channels to reach a mutually acceptable solution as soon as possible.
According to some analysts, from the Indian side, on December 8, 2021, a Mi-17V5 helicopter flown by India's then defense chief Rawat and his wife crashed in the Gunur region of Tamil Nadu, killing 13 people including Rawat.
Rawat was a representative of the "hardliners" in the Indian Army, and his death weakened the faction.
So the mood in India is changing as well.
2
Of course, from the current reality, China and India have a very big "common point", that is, after the Russia-Ukraine conflict, neither followed the footsteps of the United States and the West, blindly condemning and sanctioning Russia.
Because both China and India have maintained a neutral attitude toward peace, the United States and the West have put public criticism and diplomatic pressure on China and India.
Some media in the United States claim that this is China's intention to hold India at a critical time.
India also has border issues, military needs, and traditional strategic considerations of “non-alliance ”.
Since Russia ’ s “special military action ” against Ukraine, India has twice abstained from voting on Russia-Ukraine issues in the United Nations Security Council.
Russia, on the other hand, has always regarded India as a friendly country.
Since the beginning of the Cold War, the Soviet Union has established diplomatic and economic relations with India.
Moreover, Pakistan had close ties with the United States, and India maintained the security balance in South Asia by its proximity to the Soviet Union and the weapons and security assistance it received from the Soviet Union.
Until today, India ’ s active aircraft carriers were purchased second-hand from Russia, and were only deployed after the Russians had been refitted; India was a nuclear-powered attack submarine leased from Russia when it did not have a domestic nuclear submarine.
Look at the main fighter aircraft of the Indian Air Force, almost two-thirds of which are made by Russia.
Therefore, even some American scholars studying South Asia have to admit that India does not want to distance itself from its main supplier of defense equipment, Russia.
A clear example is that the United States has threatened to sanction India several times before, but India has insisted on purchasing the S-400 anti-aircraft missile system from Russia, which has frustrated Washington.
In addition, Russia has provided India with military platforms that other countries cannot provide, such as joint development of fifth-generation fighter aircraft and joint development of advanced cruise missiles with India.
In particular, when the United States and the United Kingdom waved the "stick" of sanctions against Russian oil, and when European countries also followed the sanctions against Russia and withdrew from the Russian market, India, the world's third-largest energy consumer, increased its purchases of Russian oil.
The data shows that in March, India imported nearly four times the average monthly amount of oil to Russia last year.
It can be seen that India's thinking is very simple, the more critical the moment, the more can not choose the side team.
Under no circumstances do you want to put all the eggs in the Western basket.
Therefore, in order to maintain a non-aligned presence in order to find space between East and West, India sees Russia as an important part of helping India achieve this goal.
However, at this time, some Western politicians and media, including some pro-Western forces in India, have exerted considerable internal and external pressure on the Modi government to adopt such a posture.
In particular, U.S. President Joe Biden on March 21 called India “shaky ” in its response to Russia ’ s invasion of Ukraine.
India does not want to be isolated, while China faces similar attacks and smears from Western politicians and the media.
Therefore, India and China have a natural need to come together.
What the United States and some Western countries are most worried about now is that China and India continue to trade with Russia in their currencies at a time when they are crazy about economic sanctions against Russia.
This will bring some challenges to the West.
The United States has found that the "four-party mechanism" that the United States, India, Japan and Australia have promoted in order to consolidate their leadership in the Asia-Pacific region has a variable on this point in India.
Will America ’ s efforts be wasted?
The United States threatened and warned other countries that it would face sanctions and retaliation if it helped Moscow.
But if India is doing this, will the United States sanction India?
The United States has been threatening to sanction India because of India ’ s purchase of Russia ’ s S-400 air defense system, but it has also remained a verbal threat.
Will the US impose sanctions on India this time?
3
Huang Jing, an adjunct professor at Shanghai Overseas Studies University, said India ’ s main security concerns lie in the northern Asian hinterland (Pakistan, Afghanistan, Central Asia and the Middle East).
After the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan, India ’ s security concerns in the region have increased dramatically, while US influence in the region has decreased dramatically.
On the sea, India ’ s security concerns are in the Indian Ocean, while the US is bent on maintaining hegemony in the West Pacific. As the misalignment between US and India ’ s security interests grows, India ’ s pursuit of cooperation with Russia in geopolitical, national security and energy supply becomes more pragmatic.
At the same time, the Russian-Ukrainian war has greatly increased Europe ’ s strategic value to the United States, while India ’ s strategic value has significantly decreased. Since the Ukraine crisis, India ’ s “non-aligned ” neutrality has been so determined that the United States has even threatened to impose sanctions on India.
Qian Feng, director of the Research Department of the National Institute of Strategic Studies at Tsinghua University, said that Foreign Minister Wang Yi's visit to India for the first time since the Sino-Indian border conflict and the outbreak of the COVID-19 epidemic is of great significance.
The world under the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is increasingly divided into several camps, and China and India, as two independent and independent powers, have made similar policy choices based on the merits of the incident itself and their own interests.
As representatives of the two major developing and emerging countries, China and India share many common interests in maintaining international peace and stability, and are more consistent in their "three views" on many major international issues.
At present, many regional issues, including Afghanistan, have not cooled, and Foreign Minister Wang Yi's visit to South Asia shows that China, as a responsible power, will continue to play a constructive role in regional stability. It also shows that China is willing to work with India to implement the consensus between the two leaders and repair bilateral relations, so as to avoid local differences between the two countries from escalating into strategic disputes.
Qian Feng believes that the two countries' positions on the Russia-Ukraine conflict are highly similar, they are calling for a ceasefire as soon as possible, advocating persuasion and promoting talks, avoiding the selection of side teams, and believing that the legitimate and reasonable security demands of all parties should be paid attention.
The Indian government is not willing to submit to the pressure of the United States and the West in the interests of its own country and the well-being of its people.
India's ruling and opposition parties and the public have a deep friendship with Russia, and basically support the government's policy toward Russia.
Russia and India have long been the cornerstone of India 's defense development. More than half of India' s military equipment comes from Russia. Without Russia, India 's aircraft can' t fly, and its warships can 't move.
In the past, China and India often displayed different perceptions of bilateral issues and international issues.
On the one hand, China and India have remained divided, guarded against and quarreled over some issues affecting bilateral relations.
On the other hand, there are many similar and similar views on important international issues such as safeguarding the interests of the broad development of China, calling for strengthening global governance, reforming and improving the current international political and economic order.
However, the conflicting aspects of the two countries' relations over the past two years have overshadowed the consistency of international cooperation between the two countries.
This conflict between Russia and Ukraine objectively brought about an opportunity to improve relations between the two countries.
In the next step, although bilateral issues such as many border disputes cannot be resolved satisfactorily in the short term, China and India can create more conditions for repairing the foundation of mutual trust and resolving bilateral differences in a mutually beneficial manner by expanding mutually beneficial cooperation in international affairs.
(Source of this article: "Patch knife" public number, authorized by China Times News Network)
※ The above statements do not represent the position of Wangzhong Media Group ※
# India # Russia # USA # Question # China

In what fields are India and Russia cooperating?

- So the mood in India is changing as well.