In 2020 Turkey changed Hagia Sophia’s status from a museum back into a mosque.

Hagia Sophia is a former Byzantine cathedral and later an Ottoman mosque, and it is part of a UNESCO World Heritage site.

Critics said the reconversion had explicit religious undertones by prioritizing the Islamic past over the building’s Byzantine and multi‑faith layers.

Observers reported that Christian mosaics and images have been covered with curtains and that access arrangements were adjusted for Muslim worship.

Greece, the U.S. State Department, and Orthodox Christian institutions publicly criticized the decision as offending Istanbul’s diverse history and harming religious freedom.

UNESCO and Pope Francis also expressed concern or criticism about the reconversion.

Analysts and observers interpreted the move as politically motivated, aiming to shore up support among Islamo‑nationalist and far‑right voters amid domestic economic and electoral challenges.

One analysis framed the conversion as a tactical, well‑publicized action used by the government to consolidate a shrinking political base and to divide the opposition.

Heritage experts and art historians raised concerns about increased visitation, conservation needs, and reported damage after the reconversion.

Turkey later implemented controlled visitor routes, began charging foreign tourists an entrance fee, and reserved the main floor for worshippers during prayer times.

Similar conversions of Byzantine churches such as Chora (Kariye) were also made into mosques and drew comparable criticisms about privileging Islamic heritage over multi‑faith history.

In sum, critics cited both religious undertones—such as prioritizing Islamic worship and covering Christian iconography—and political motives to bolster Islamist and nationalist support when condemning Erdoğan’s 2020 reconversion of Hagia Sophia.

In 2020 Turkey changed Hagia Sophia’s status from a museum back into a mosque.

Title:

Content: Turkey’s iconic Hagia Sophia mosque to charge $28 entry fee for tourists

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Turkey’s Hagia Sophia mosque began charging tourists nearly $28 on Monday for entrance to the landmark site.

The UNESCO World Heritage site, renowned for its blue-tiled interior, will no longer allow free admission to foreigners, the Turkish tourism ministry announced.

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The former museum-turned mosque has a new entrance in front of the Topkapi Palace Museum open for tourists.

Tunnel entrance at Turkey's Hagia Sophia. (File photo)

The Hagia Sophia was a museum space from 1934 until 2020 when Turkey decided to change it to a mosque. Various historical reports say the mosque with byzantine architecture was an Orthodox cathedral decades ago.

“With the new application that will start on January 15 at the Hagia Sophia Mosque, tourists will be able to visit the mosque without disturbing the prayer environment,” the ministry said in a statement.

The entrance to the mosque will be “provided in a controlled manner through the tunnel and entrance ramp where visitors will be transported to the gallery floor and exited via the ramp in the northeast direction,” the statement said.

“Tourists who come to the gallery section will be able to see the sanctuary floor of the mosque and the Ottoman Period annexes, pass through the heaven-hell gate, and examine the Byzantine Period mosaics in this section,” it added.

Security cameras, fire detection and emergency announcement systems were reportedly installed in the mosque along the tour route. Cleaning and conservation work on the marble coverings and wooden railings on the gallery floor of the mosque was also carried out by restorers and conservators.

Visitors will also have access to a headset guide with QR codes where information on the sight is available in 23 languages.

People visit the Hagia Sophia, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, in Istanbul, Turkey, July 10, 2020. (Reuters)

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Title:

Content: After Hagia Sophia, Turkey converts a second ancient Byzantine church into a mosque

Hundreds of worshippers filled the narrow streets of Istanbul's Fatih district on Friday to hear the sounds of Friday prayers ringing out from the newly inaugurated Kariye Mosque.

Once known as the Chora Church, the site spent the last 79 years as a museum. But it is now the latest structure to be converted back into a mosque by the government of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, following the conversion of Hagia Sophia in 2020. While viewed as a triumph by many Turkish Muslims, the Greek Orthodox Church has decried it as an "ill-advised decision" that "makes a mockery of the Turkish government's commitment to religious tolerance and religious freedom."

Chora's conversion was announced shortly after Hagia Sophia's, but its opening for prayer was delayed by years of restoration work.

The showing for the first Friday prayers at Kariye was relatively quiet compared to Hagia Sophia, which drew hundreds of thousands who filled the streets with prayer rugs for blocks and blocks away from the building. By contrast, the crowd on Friday was relatively average for a mosque in one of Istanbul's more religiously conservative neighborhoods, where Friday worshippers frequently spill out onto the streets.

Both the Chora Church and Hagia Sophia are 4th-century Byzantine constructions. They spent nearly a millennium as Christian holy sites before being converted to mosques by the Ottomans after their conquest of Constantinople in the 15th century. Despite their conversions, they remained revered by Orthodox Christians. After the founding of a secular Turkish Republic in the early 20th century, the decision was made for both to be neither mosque nor church but simply museums.

"Both Hagia Sophia and Chora embodied Byzantine and Ottoman pasts, and they became symbols of co-existence and multi-faith living practices. Their conversion fundamentally implies a hierarchy, prioritizing the Islamic past over all other layers, Greek Orthodox, Armenian, Jewish, Syriac, et al," Dr. Özgür Kaymak, a lecturer and researcher on minority rights at Istanbul's MEF University, told Religion News Service in an email.

Rededicating the sites as mosques is more than just a status change. According to Islamic tradition, artwork of human figures are forbidden in places of prayer, while in Orthodox Churches, icons of Christ, saints and other biblical figures are a defining feature.

In Hagia Sophia, the mosaics of Jesus and Mary have been covered with curtains since the conversion. While Erdoğan promised Hagia Sophia would remain fully accessible and free to all visitors, Turkey reneged on that earlier this year, reimposing an entrance fee on tourists and relegating them to the upper level, while the main floor is exclusive to Muslim worshippers.

Observers have also criticized the Turkish Directorate of Religion's caretaking of the site, noting damage that did not exist when it was under the purview of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism.

Though Chora is significantly smaller than Hagia Sophia, it is home to some of the best-preserved examples of late-Byzantine art, including mosaics, icons and frescoes, and is considered a UNESCO World Heritage site.

"For us it's a very important place because it remembers our culture and our traditions here," Father Evangelos Markantonis, an Orthodox priest who was leading a group of theology students to Chora on Friday, told Religion News Service.

"Though we cannot venerate as Orthodox Christians, we have to try to find things we can be united on. Only with dialogue and good deeds can we continue our lives," Markantonis, who is also a professor at the University of Athens, said when asked about the controversy.

Erdoğan had long refused calls from his right to convert churches like Hagia Sophia and Chora, telling supporters in 2018 to fill the nearby Sultan Ahmet Mosque (also known in English as the Blue Mosque) before they talked about needing to pray in Hagia Sophia.

Nonetheless, he made an about-turn in 2020.

"My dear nation, the conquest of Istanbul and the conversion of the Hagia Sophia into a Mosque are among the most glorious chapters in Turkish history," Erdoğan said at the time in a speech inaugurating the Hagia Sophia as a mosque.

"This is the most honorable day that Islam has been looking forward to, Greek Constantinople has become Turkish Istanbul," he added, quoting the Turkish poet Nazim Hikmet.

"The resurrection of Hagia Sophia heralds the liberation of the al-Aqsa Mosque. The resurrection of Hagia Sophia is the footsteps of the will of Muslims across the world to come out of the interregnum," Erdoğan said in his concluding remarks.

Chora's opening as the Kariye Mosque comes just weeks after Erdoğan's Justice and Development Party (AKP) suffered its largest electoral defeat in two decades during Turkey's nationwide municipal elections.

"The recent conversion of Chora into a mosque may be due to Erdoğan's many problems, including his geopolitical power politics, his appeal to religio-nationalism to revive his electoral popularity after the March elections or his tactic to divert attention from Turkey's economic downturn," Kaymak said.

Many analysts have attributed the loss to AKP bleeding votes to the more Islamist-leaning New Welfare Party, which has pressured Erdogan over his response to the Israel-Hamas war and humanitarian situation in the Gaza Strip.

Muslim worshippers at the mosque on Friday said they viewed its rededication as an Islamic site to be a national win for Turkey.

"This mosque is one of the symbols of the Conquest. We are proud and happy. There are very beautiful frescoes inside. They were also nicely renovated before they were closed. May it be good for our country and our nation," a bystander, Ahmet Öteyüzoğlu, told Turkish media.

"Thank God for these days. Not everyone has the opportunity in their lifetime," another bystander named Mehmet Çelik told the Turkish news service Anadolu Agency, in reference to having been able to pray at both the rededicated Hagia Sophia and Kariye Mosques.

However, Greece, the U.S. State Department and Orthodox Christian institutions worldwide have all criticized the decision to revert the structure into a mosque.

"I want to publicly express my intense dissatisfaction, interpreting the feelings of all Greek women and men, for the completely unnecessary conversion of a historic Byzantine temple, the Monastery of Chora, into a mosque. It is, I believe, an action that offends the rich history of Istanbul itself as a crossroads of cultures," Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis said shortly before leaving for Turkey for a planned meeting with Erdogan.

"We encourage the Turkish government to preserve and ensure access to sites and buildings that have hosted different religious communities in a way that respects their diverse histories," a State Department spokesperson said in response to questions from Greek media.

"The Turkish government's appropriation of both as the property of one faith group not only constitutes yet another sign of that government's contempt for Turkey's rich Orthodox Christian heritage but further imperils the religious freedom of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the remaining Christians of that land," the Archons of the Ecumenical Patriarchate said in a statement.

© Religion News Service

No--In 1934, Ataturk turned it into a museum, making it a major tourist attraction and secular symbol in Turkey.

Why did Erdogan restore Hagia Sophia as a mosque in 2020?

Because he wanted to end its 86-year museum status to return it to its original role as a mosque.

No--In 1934, Ataturk turned it into a museum, making it a major tourist attraction and secular symbol in Turkey.

Why did Erdogan restore Hagia Sophia as a mosque in 2020?

Because he wanted to end its 86-year museum status to return it to its original role as a mosque.

Hagia Sophia is a former Byzantine cathedral and later an Ottoman mosque, and it is part of a UNESCO World Heritage site.

No--In 1934, Ataturk turned it into a museum, making it a major tourist attraction and secular symbol in Turkey.

Why is Hagia Sophia considered one of the greatest buildings in history?

Served as the central church of Byzantine Christianity,

No--In 1934, Ataturk turned it into a museum, making it a major tourist attraction and secular symbol in Turkey.

Why is Hagia Sophia considered one of the greatest buildings in history?

Served as the central church of Byzantine Christianity,

Critics said the reconversion had explicit religious undertones by prioritizing the Islamic past over the building’s Byzantine and multi‑faith layers.

What political motivations influenced Erdogan's decision to reconvert Hagia Sophia?

Erdogan's decision was influenced by Turkey's Islamic resurgence.

Observers reported that Christian mosaics and images have been covered with curtains and that access arrangements were adjusted for Muslim worship.

Title:

Content: Erdogan invited the leaders of Muslim states to the first prayer in Hagia Sophia
13: 26 22 July Kiev, Ukraine
According to the plan, on July 24, the first prayer will be held in Hagia Sophia in Turkey, after it was decided to convert the building of the Orthodox church into a mosque.
The leaders of many Muslim countries are invited to take part in it.
Erdogan ’ s invitation came from Qatar and Azerbaijan.
The remaining heads of state have not yet responded to the Turkish president.
Remind me!
The Turkish government decided to change the status of the architectural monument and the Orthodox Church of St. Sophia and convert the room into a mosque.
The Pope said that this situation causes him grief.
The Patriarch of Ecumenical and Constantinople, who recently received a great number of churches on the territory of Ukraine, and did not demand the transfer of the museum to the Diocese of Constantinople in a timely manner, said that the creation of a mosque in the museum building can be negatively met in the Orthodox world.
It is expected that the first prayer in the new mosque will be attended by about 1000-1500 people.
All quarantine conditions will be met, participants in prayer will be given masks, and disinfectants will be placed everywhere in the cathedral so that people can treat their hands and their prayer mats.
During the prayer, Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan will also be present in the cathedral, along with Turkish ministers, leaders of the ruling Justice and Development Party.
As previously reported, all the frescoes and mosaics at the time of prayer will be covered with curtains.
On July 10, a Turkish court ruled that the decision to convert the mosque into a museum in 1934 was illegal.
Erdogan immediately signed a decree on assigning Hagia Sophia the status of a mosque.
The move has sparked international criticism and concern, including from Greece, the United States and Russia, as well as UNESCO and Pope Francis.
Turkey insists that the status of the architectural monument is its internal affair.

Greece, the U.S. State Department, and Orthodox Christian institutions publicly criticized the decision as offending Istanbul’s diverse history and harming religious freedom.

How did Muslims and Orthodox Christians react to the reconversion?

Who was angered by the reconversion of Hagia Sophia in July 2020?

UNESCO and Pope Francis also expressed concern or criticism about the reconversion.

Who was angered by the reconversion of Hagia Sophia in July 2020?

Analysts and observers interpreted the move as politically motivated, aiming to shore up support among Islamo‑nationalist and far‑right voters amid domestic economic and electoral challenges.

Title:

Content: >
December 9, 2021

Christian leaders look forward to Turkey's new law on religious foundations

This is an issue of vital importance for local Christian communities whose places of worship are entrusted to and managed by their governing bodies

Religious minorities in Turkey are looking forward to the increasingly Islamo-nationalist government making good its promise of outreach to non-Muslims by giving them freedom to establish and run their religious and social institutions.

The Turkish government is preparing to issue a new regulation on the administrative management of foundations linked to non-Muslim faith communities, which have been paralyzed for years by a legislative impasse that blocks the renewal of their governing bodies.

This is an issue of vital importance for local Christian communities such as Armenians and Assyrians, whose places of worship – many of them historic --, other real estate and public institutions are entrusted to and managed by foundations.

Burhan Ersoy, head of the state-run Directorate of the Foundations, has confirmed that the plan for the drafting of a new regulation concerning the elections for the assignment of offices within the foundations has come into being, Fides reported.

The draft of the text has been drawn up, taking into account requests and proposals from the various minority communities, and it is expected that the new rules, after obtaining government approval, would be implemented by April 2022.

The previous electoral regulation for the top management of foundations had been suspended in 2013, after the government chose to establish new procedures to make the management of real estate more functional and transparent.

This led to some confusion with representatives of the various minority communities unable to come to a consensus to either accept or reject the new electoral rules, Ersoy said.

The Syrian Orthodox Christian Süleyman Can Ustabaşı, current representative of the non-Muslim Foundations within the Assembly of Foundations, has said that the structure of foundations and their membership profiles had changed over time.

The Turkish government already had consultations with the representatives of religious minorities to resolve the dispute over board elections for their foundations.

But Ustabaşı now urges Turkish authorities to carry out another consultation with representatives of minority communities before the new text is to be implemented in 2022.

The legal status of the Foundations is still based on the Peace Treaty of Lausanne, signed in 1923 by Turkey and the Entente powers (British Empire, France and Russian Empire) victorious from the First World War.

The treaty guaranteed equality before the laws and the freedom to promote and manage "religious and social institutions" for non-Muslim communities in Turkey.

However, the state had seized properties run by these foundations and had to contend with litigation as these foundations claimed the rights guaranteed by the Treaty of Lausanne.

Also, starting from 1936, legislative provisions had allowed foundations of non-Muslim communities to acquire new properties. But in 1974, this guarantee was canceled and the state begun seizing assets acquired by these foundations.

Between 2013 and 2018 about 1,084 properties were returned to the foundations linked to non-Muslim communities, and 20 places of worship restored and given back to the foundations, according to official data.

Greek Orthodox Laki Vingas, in a speech published by the Armenian-Turkish newspaper Agos, said that the legislative deadlock on the question of the regulation of the foundations has had a negative effect on the life of the different ecclesial communities.

The block in the processes of renewal of the governing bodies of foundations had led to the expulsion of young people from the institutions linked to their communities, and also that many voluntary activities were "unfortunately interrupted".

Non-Muslim places of worship

Within the general Assembly of the Turkish Foundations are some 167 minority foundations. The Turkish Greek community has 77, the highest number of foundations. The Armenian community has 54 and the Jewish community has 19 foundations.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan after a cabinet meeting held on October 25 announced that authorities had put on the agenda the question of the elections of the directorates of the foundations linked to religious minorities.

He also spoke of fundamental tools for the management of assets and resources destined for non-Muslim places of worship.

The issue of the foundations come at a time when Turkish authorities have expelled more and more Protestant Christians -- foreigners and Turkish converts-- on grounds they constitute a "threat to national security".

Turkey had also recently transformed museums into mosques, such as the Hagia Sophia and the Church of the Holy Saviour in Chora.

Both churches had been turned into museums after the end of the Ottoman Empire and the establishment of modern Turkey.

The Church of the Holy Saviour in Chora was built by the Byzantines in the 5th century. The Ottomans then turned it into a mosque after they captured Constantinople in 1453. And it remained a Muslim worship space until the end of the Second World War when it was transformed into a museum.

The same happened to the Hagia Sophia Museum in Iznik, and the high-profile reconversion of the Hagia Sophia Museum, Istanbul's most identifiable monument.

Many observers believe that President Erdogan, weakened internally by a bad economy and a lack of political perspective, is compensating with erasing part of the country's multiculturalism, aimed at shoring up the ranks of his Islamo-nationalist base.

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Title:

Content: Can Europe Make It?: Opinion

Why Turkey’s withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention is a global problem

Far-Right populists might claim to be protecting local traditions, but the backlash against women’s rights demands an international response

Özlem Altan-Olcay Bertil Emrah Oder
2 June 2021, 12.00am

On 20 March, Turkey’s Official Gazette announced a presidential decision to withdraw from the Istanbul Convention, the Council of Europe’s treaty on preventing violence against women and domestic violence. While the announcement was sudden, it was not a complete surprise, given that the Convention has been a focus of the backlash against women’s rights in countries with right-wing populist governments.

Alongside the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment, and Eradication of Violence against Women (Bélem do Para), the Istanbul Convention is the world’s leading international human rights treaty that specifically targets gender-based violence. After two years of preparation and negotiation, the treaty was opened to signature in 2011 in Istanbul, with the Turkish foreign minister being the first signatory. The Turkish parliament then approved the ratification unanimously, stressing its full support for eradicating violence against women. On 8 March 2012, in a symbolic display of political support to mark International Women’s Day, the parliament passed Law No. 6284 on gender-based violence and officially ratified the Istanbul Convention.

Turkish participation in the Convention stems from a history of feminist mobilisation in Turkey, which has successfully demanded progressive changes in state structures and legislation over several decades. For example, feminist groups pushed for Turkey’s ratification of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women in 1985 and successfully pressured the government to lift its reservations in 1999. In addition, alliances across women’s organisations helped push for a new civil code in 2001, which recognised the full equality of women and men in marriage, and a new penal code in 2004, with progressive changes in punishing femicides (or so-called “honour crimes”), rape in marriage, sexual harassment, child abuse, and other sex crimes that perpetuate women’s inferior status. Feminist advocacy has made Turkey’s legal system significantly more gender-responsive by building coalitions across women’s networks (platforms) and negotiating with state actors through institutional channels such as parliamentary committees and ministries.

Since then, feminist groups have campaigned to make visible the horrific extent of violence against women in Turkey and the way in which it has intensified in recent years. They used the Council of Europe’s first Group of Experts report on the Convention in 2018 to highlight how the judiciary finds ways to undermine legal clauses or misinterpret them to enable victim blaming. They also raised concerns about secondary victimisation, which occurs when police fail to implement protective measures, as well as prosecutorial ignorance and violations of victims’ rights. In contrast to right-wing populists, who claim that violence against women has increased because of the Convention, women’s NGOs have proved that the problem is a lack of implementation.

The gathering backlash

Despite the progressive legal framework, populists on the far Right have become more unabashed in recent years. There are increasing attempts to remove the problem of gender inequality from political discussion by claiming that there is a natural division of labour between men and women in families, and that we should try to protect families and Turkish culture.

For example, perpetrators’ strategies of victim-blaming have been increasingly successful before criminal courts, which themselves abuse the legal clauses regarding unjust provocation or good behaviour. Lower courts have unsuccessfully challenged the existing legislation to prevent gender-based violence in Turkey’s constitutional court. In 2016, a bill was proposed that would have deferred punishment for the sexual assault of minors. Supporters of the bill, which advocacy groups referred to as “the marry your rapist bill” or “the statutory rape bill”, claimed to be protecting families where men, punished for sexual assaults on minors, had married their victims with the consent of both parties. After massive protests and criticism from civil society, including representatives of conservative women’s groups, the government withdrew the bill.

These moves coincided with growing attacks from the Right on the ‘dangers’ of the Istanbul Convention. In response, We Will Stop Femicide Platform (Kadın Cinayetlerini Durduracağız Platformu) organised a social media campaign in 2019 called “The Istanbul Convention Keeps us Alive”. This campaign was picked up by civil society organisations, political parties and local authorities. In 2020, Turkish feminists initiated the #Challenge Accepted campaign by posting black-and-white pictures of themselves, indicating that they do not want to end up among the pictures of domestic violence victims that mourners pin to their collars at funerals. The campaign was picked up internationally and became a trending topic on Instagram within days. Turkish feminist organisations came together in August 2020 to establish a platform called Women’s Platform for Equality (Eşitlik için Kadın Platformu) to fight collectively against far-Right demands to withdraw from the Convention. The platform is also part of a transnational advocacy network with organisations from various countries where women’s rights are under similar attack.

Meanwhile, polls in Turkey show a significant decrease (from 45% to 21% in the last ten years) in public support for namus, the belief that women’s behaviour and public presence should be controlled in order to protect ‘family honour’. Similarly, acceptance of domestic violence is falling (from 20% to 6% in the last five years). Among people who know what the Istanbul Convention is, 84% were against a potential withdrawal in September 2020. Even within the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP), many defended the Convention after far-Right actors began denouncing it.

As societal norms become more progressive, thanks in part to a strong tradition of feminist advocacy, there is also a vociferous right-wing backlash. The situation in Turkey, therefore, is complex.

Withdrawal and democratic resistance

The level of social mobilisation against the presidential decree throws its legitimacy into question. After 20 March, government leaders claimed that the decision was irrevocable. Nevertheless, people poured onto the streets to protest despite the risks of police violence and the Covid-19 pandemic. Resistance has not been limited to demonstrations, either. Individuals and associations have used strategic litigation in a manner unprecedented in Turkey’s political history: Women’s platforms, ordinary citizens, and 77 bar associations have filed thousands of lawsuits before the Conseil d’Etat, the highest administrative court, calling for the decision to be annulled. The opposition parties, CHP, IYI Party, DEVA, and HDP, have also voiced their objections and joined the litigation campaign while TUSIAD, the Turkish Industry and Business Association, which represents Turkey’s largest companies, has issued a declaration against the withdrawal.

Recently, some right-wing commentators have explained the backlash against the Convention as a reaction against top-down policy measures linked to globalisation and Europeanisation. They claim that the pro-women policies themselves reflect a significant democratic deficit because they lack popular support in Turkey. Accordingly, any action to promote gender equality in Turkey results from international commitments and the work of “submissive governments” and the “bureaucratic elite”. In this explanation, therefore, the backlash is presented as a case of citizens voicing their concerns about the lack of democratic oversight, and demanding participation in public policy making.

However, this argument is not just implausible but also highly problematic given the unanimous parliamentary approval of the Istanbul Convention in 2012, as well as the recent polls showing high public support for the Convention, not to mention widespread protests and declarations against the withdrawal, and divisions inside the AKP itself. A better explanation might be that marginal and ultra-conservative groups have captured critical positions in the government and are attempting to retain them through a politics of polarisation.

The far Right claims pro-women policies reflect a significant democratic deficit because they lack popular support in Turkey

The support of Turkey’s bar associations for the litigation campaign against the withdrawal decision is also significant. In fact, it is not possible to unilaterally withdraw from an international convention based on a presidential decision. The government has tried to justify this by reference to a recent and highly controversial decree giving the president opaque authority to dissolve international agreements unilaterally. However, a presidential decision is a simple administrative order for implementing statutory legislation rather than replacing it. Thus, the withdrawal violates the institutional balance of powers and associated normative hierarchy laid down in article 90 of the Turkish constitution.

Although Turkey moved to a presidential system of government in 2017, the constitution still gives parliament exclusive power over both international agreements and civil rights. Moreover, the constitution recognises that international human rights treaties have primacy over statutory legislation. Therefore, this move can hardly be considered to carry legitimacy even within the confines of Turkish law.

Democratic backsliding

The withdrawal also has important implications for the wider political context in Turkey. In particular, the government’s increasing tendency to take controversial decisions without following the regular institutional procedures is undermining democracy.

For example, the government forced the repeat of two recent elections after losing: the general election in 2015 and Istanbul’s mayoral election in 2019. Meanwhile, the European Court of Human Rigthts and the Council of Europe Commissioner of Human Rights have identified numerous attacks and smear campaigns by the ruling elite against civil society, individual human rights defenders, journalists, and other dissenters. The government’s extensive use of criminal law, particularly anti-terrorism legislation, against Turkey’s independent media means that Turkey has the most detained journalists among Council of Europe countries. In contrast, organised crime leaders have become prominent figures who threaten the political opposition. An ongoing economic and financial crisis in Turkey has also reduced the government’s popularity, especially in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic, with increasing numbers questioning the shift to the presidential system.

Given these developments, the swift withdrawal from the Convention appears to be another government attempt to consolidate a shrinking political base, much like its sudden, well-publicised conversion of Hagia Sophia into a mosque. In other words, the tactical moves aim to gain support from Turkey’s far Right and to divide the opposition bloc by attracting the voters of minority political parties on the Right that the AKP needs to win upcoming presidential elections.

These sudden moves may also relate to the government’s call for a new constitution. Although the 2017 constitutional amendments increased the president’s executive power and accelerated democratic backsliding, Turkey has so far avoided a complete institutional dismantlement and collapse of civic oversight, as parliamentary opposition and civil society remain vibrant. The government’s sudden and arbitrary actions may be aimed at disempowering parliament and further eroding democratic oversight. Shutting down the possibilities for open public debate may be part of a wider project to introduce a more regressive constitution down the road.

The recent polls show high public support for the Convention, not to mention widespread protests and declarations against the withdrawal

The transnational context

The government’s withdrawal decision has been accompanied by intensified references to “our culture” and “our traditions”. Ironically, of course, such references to authenticity and cultural difference are common among far-Right opponents of gender equality and women’s rights everywhere. In other words, the backlash is transnational, even though it is based on claims of unique, homogenous community identities. For example, the Turkish government has tried to legitimise its decision by referring to other countries, such as the call by Poland’s ultra-conservative groups to protect the country’s ‘traditional’ values against LGBTQ+ rights, and the hesitancy of the governments of Hungary, Bulgaria, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic to ratify the Convention.

Turkey’s notification of withdrawal sets a precedent for other illiberal governments in Europe to suddenly abandon their international commitments. There is a risk that ultra-conservative forces in other contexts use Turkey’s withdrawal as a validation of their own claims that the Istanbul Convention reinforces unwelcome ‘gender ideology’ and ‘undermines the family’. The next stages will be crucial, not only for Turkey, but for the future of the European post-war order, which has gradually created a framework of human rights and the rule of law.

Gender equality is central to public discussion and policy formation transnationally, precisely because attempts at democratic erosion often target it in regressive political contexts. The right-wing backlash against gender equality makes it a vital theme and a matter of grassroots politics, but also shows that egalitarian achievements face a critical moment. We should not consider the sudden withdrawal by Turkey’s socially conservative government as a country-specific response; rather, we must follow it carefully for its transnational impact. Its effects can easily spread by encouraging other right-wing populist governments and transnational anti-gender networks. If this in fact happens, a powerful backlash may even threaten the hard-won gains in women’s human rights through other international commitments like the Beijing Platform of Action and Agenda 2030.

We must also consider the implications of these developments for how to situate rights with respect to cultural difference. Popular critical discussions currently tend to reject a Eurocentric perspective in favor of recognising cultural diversity. But they pay less attention than they could to feminists and rights advocates living under regressive regimes. A simplistic understanding of multiculturalism can be dangerous if it only recognises purported differences between societies and ignores differences within a society, as well as the fact that no cultural claim is fixed or uncontested.

Such a simplistic argument about cultural diversity can hide the fact that some people can have disproportionate power to define hegemonic cultural practices in each society. The inadvertent effect of not recognising this is that women demanding what right-wing voices refer to as ‘Western’ rights are heard less and must take greater risks to voice their demands whereas those with disproportionate power can become more brazen in promoting the one ‘authentic’ culture of that society.

An understanding of multiculturalism can be dangerous if it recognises differences between societies but ignores differences within a society

It is essential to remember that people who use arguments of cultural difference and tradition may themselves be part of transnational forces that use similar rhetoric to prevent oppressed groups from demanding their rights.

We have outlined how progressive forces in Turkish civil society, particularly feminist groups, have resisted the government’s decision to withdraw from the Istanbul Convention and the backlash against its provisions. These developments show the need to listen more attentively to people living under regressive regimes who say they don’t want their rights to be eclipsed by ideas of cultural difference and tradition. The people making these demands are neither Westernised nor elites; rather, they are clear evidence that millions around the world demand democracy and gender equality. Their experiences also show the real dangers of confusing celebration of diverse cultural practices with ignoring demands for rights and opposition to regressive discourses and practices in specific societies.

International Day of the Disappeared

Amid increased disappearances of rights defenders, we explore the remarkable efforts of women land rights activists in Mexico and the journalists reporting their stories.

While marking the International Day of the Victims of Enforced Disappearances, we will discuss the safety of individual defenders across the globe and rampant impunity for crimes against them. The panel is framed around our latest film about the shared threats that women human rights defenders and the journalists who cover their stories face in Mexico.

Join us at 5pm UK time (6pm CET) on Thursday 2 September for this free live event.

Simultaneous translation channels for English and Spanish will be available.

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What kind of domestic reaction did Erdogan's reconversion of Hagia Sophia receive?

What political motivations influenced Erdogan's decision to reconvert Hagia Sophia?

Erdogan's decision was influenced by Turkey's Islamic resurgence.

What kind of domestic reaction did Erdogan's reconversion of Hagia Sophia receive?

What political motivations influenced Erdogan's decision to reconvert Hagia Sophia?

Erdogan's decision was influenced by Turkey's Islamic resurgence.

What kind of domestic reaction did Erdogan's reconversion of Hagia Sophia receive?

What political motivations influenced Erdogan's decision to reconvert Hagia Sophia?

Erdogan's decision was influenced by Turkey's Islamic resurgence.

One analysis framed the conversion as a tactical, well‑publicized action used by the government to consolidate a shrinking political base and to divide the opposition.

What political motivations influenced Erdogan's decision to reconvert Hagia Sophia?

The decision aimed to rally anti-Kemalist voters.

Heritage experts and art historians raised concerns about increased visitation, conservation needs, and reported damage after the reconversion.

Title:

Content: [ditty_news_ticker id="27897"] Video Shows Fragments Falling from the Dome of Hagia Sophia - Orthodox Christian Laity

Video Shows Fragments Falling from the Dome of Hagia Sophia

0

Source: Greek Reporter

A still from a recently released video shows visitors rushing to take cover as fragments fall from the dome of Hagia Sophia. Credit: Daily Motion/BirGün

A video from 2022 that came to light recently shows fragments falling on visitors from the dome of Hagia Sophia, the former epicenter of Christian worship at Constantinople, today’s Istanbul.

The footage released by the Turkish newspaper, BirGün, raises serious questions over the safety of the former Orthodox Christian cathedral, now a mosque.

BirGün notably quoted officials as saying that “pieces are falling from the roof, due to the humidity created by the crowd, but no precautions are being taken”.

The president of the Turkish Art History Association, Serif Yasar, argued for restoration of the monument as soon as possible, suggesting that “If Hagia Sophia is not restored, it will collapse with the first earthquake.”

The monument was restored as a mosque three years ago after serving as a museum from 1935-2020 and has since received 21 million visitors, according to Turkey’s tourism and culture minister.

Yasar added that when the church was a museum, the scientific council overseeing it urged that groups of no more than 25 people should be allowed to enter the building at any one time.

This enormous lift in visitation has likely brought to the forefront the need for repairs and it was indeed reported in September that the Turkish government had decided to start long-term maintenance of Hagia Sophia.

Turkey to implement visitor management policy at Hagia Sophia

In early October Turkish historian Ilber Ortayli expressed fears that the large number of visitors to Hagia Sophia could lead to a catastrophic structural failure if not addressed immediately.

Writing in the Hürriyet daily, Ortayli said that the monument, which attracts three million pilgrims annually apart from tourists, has undergone significant damage since its conversion into a mosque.

He asserted that even a modest number of 20-30 thousand people annually, including scientists, historians, archaeologists, representatives of the Muslim religion, politicians, and public officials, could be considered excessive for the endurance of the monument.

In June 2022 a number of tiles of the ancient marble floors in Hagia Sophia were damaged by heavy machines used to clean the site.

In April 2022, The Turkish Association of Art Historians stated that the historic Imperial Gate in Hagia Sophia had been badly damaged.

The group posted a picture clearly depicting the damage to the oak wood of the 15-century-old gate.

Turkey unveiled plans in late October for a visitor management policy at Hagia Sophia, including charging foreign tourists with an entrance fee to be implemented starting Jan. 15.

Minister of Culture and Tourism Mehmet Nuri Ersoy said that extensive restoration work is underway in various sections of Hagia Sophia, now a mosque, with plans to progress to other parts upon their completion.

He emphasized that, based on UNESCO’s recommendations, a visitor management plan would be enforced to enhance the quality and safety of visits while preserving the historical significance of the site.

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Officials argue for repairs to Hagia Sophia after footage shows fragments falling from the dome – Neos Kosmos

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Turkey later implemented controlled visitor routes, began charging foreign tourists an entrance fee, and reserved the main floor for worshippers during prayer times.

Similar conversions of Byzantine churches such as Chora (Kariye) were also made into mosques and drew comparable criticisms about privileging Islamic heritage over multi‑faith history.

How did Muslims and Orthodox Christians react to the reconversion?

How did Muslims and Orthodox Christians react to the reconversion?

In sum, critics cited both religious undertones—such as prioritizing Islamic worship and covering Christian iconography—and political motives to bolster Islamist and nationalist support when condemning Erdoğan’s 2020 reconversion of Hagia Sophia.


Recent policy-level efforts in India are seeking to include Ayurveda-related diagnostic categories in WHO's ICD-11 traditional medicine module to standardise terminology and enable research.

The Ministry of Ayush is supporting development of a Module-2 for Ayurveda and uses national digital tools such as the National Ayush Morbidity and Standardised Terminologies Electronic portal and the Ayush Health Information Management System.

Inclusion in ICD-11 is expected to aid regulation, research evaluation of efficacy, integration with conventional health information and insurance systems, and reporting of adverse events.

Contemporary research reviews highlight that culinary herbs and spices used in Indian traditions have polyphenols with potential prebiotic effects that modulate the gut microbiome and may reduce inflammation.

Clinical applications mentioned in reviews include use of ginger for indigestion, turmeric during jaundice, licorice for gastrointestinal discomfort, and mint supplements for irritable bowel syndrome.

Studies report that herbs and spices can promote short-chain fatty acid production, which is linked to anti-obesity effects and benefits for metabolic and inflammatory diseases.

Authors caution that variability in polyphenol content, low bioavailability, and inconsistent evidence mean more rigorous studies are needed before routine clinical prescription.

Anthropological and health literature emphasises that traditional practitioners and biomedical systems can be complementary, and collaborations have occurred in areas such as HIV/AIDS research and in identifying medicinal plants.

Health experts also warn against widespread self-medication in India and note risks from unsupervised use of medicines and supplements.

Current Indian herbal medicine research is advancing on standardisation, digital recording, microbiome-related studies, and cautious clinical applications, but stronger clinical evidence and regulation are still needed.

Recent policy-level efforts in India are seeking to include Ayurveda-related diagnostic categories in WHO's ICD-11 traditional medicine module to standardise terminology and enable research.

Title:

Content: Traditional Indian medicine set to make a global debut, seeking inclusion in WHO’s ICD-11 list

The inclusion of Ayurveda and related systems on the WHO list will provide it with a common language that allows health professionals to share standardised information across the world

October 14, 2023 06:17 pm | Updated 06:17 pm IST - NEW DELHI

A view of the World Health Organisation headquarters.

In a move meant to put the Indian system of medicine on the world map and provide it with a common standardised language, the Union government has sought for Ayurveda and related systems to be included in the 11th revision of the World Health Organisation’s International Classification of Diseases (ICD), as the second module of a supplementary chapter on traditional medicine conditions.

The ICD provides a common language that allows health professionals to share standardised information across the world. The traditional medicine module of the 11th revision provides a list of diagnostics categories to collect and report on traditional medicine conditions in a standardised and internationally comparable manner.

Speaking exclusively to The Hindu about the development, Ministry of Ayush Secretary Vaidya Rajesh Kotecha said: “We are hopeful that the addition of Module-2 for Ayurveda could happen as early as by next January.”

To aid regulation, research

“Ayurveda and related Indian traditional health care systems are formally recognised and widely practised health care systems in India, which is making a strong and valid point for its inclusion,” said Mr. Kotecha, adding that efforts to effectively regulate traditional medicine as an integral part of the health system require standardised and evidence-based information.

Mr. Kotecha further explained that the traditional medicine chapter under ICD-11 is a formative step for the integration of such forms of medicine into a classification standard used in conventional medicine. “It also provides the means for doing research and evaluation to establish its efficacy,” he said.

The Ministry added that this chapter would also help to respond to growing demands for more and better regulation of traditional medicine, and its integration in mainstream health care and health information systems.

ICD-11 covers Chinese medicine

After a decade of repeated consultations, ICD-11 had facilitated the inclusion of Module-1, which covers traditional medicine conditions originating in ancient China, which are now commonly used in China, Japan, Korea, and elsewhere around the world.

The eleventh revision contains around 17,000 unique codes and more than 1,20,000 codable terms, which are now entirely digital. ICD-11 came into effect from January 2022.

The joint use of ICD-11’s chapter on traditional medicine along with other chapters on neoplasm, patient safety, and injuries, can enhance the reporting of adverse events. It will enable the integration of traditional medicine into insurance coverage and reimbursement systems, in line with larger WHO objectives relating to universal health coverage. It will also link traditional medicine practices with global conventional medicine’s norms and standard development.

The development of Module-2 for Ayurveda-related diagnostic systems is being actively supported by the Ministry of Ayush. It extensively banks on the implementation experience gained on the ground by the National Ayush Morbidity and Standardised Terminologies Electronic portal, and the Ayush Health Information Management System, the Ministry said.

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What is the traditional Indian medical system called?

The Ministry of Ayush is supporting development of a Module-2 for Ayurveda and uses national digital tools such as the National Ayush Morbidity and Standardised Terminologies Electronic portal and the Ayush Health Information Management System.

Inclusion in ICD-11 is expected to aid regulation, research evaluation of efficacy, integration with conventional health information and insurance systems, and reporting of adverse events.

What is the World Health Organization doing to promote traditional medicine, including Ayurveda?

Establishing rules for the safe, fair, and effective use of traditional medicine

Contemporary research reviews highlight that culinary herbs and spices used in Indian traditions have polyphenols with potential prebiotic effects that modulate the gut microbiome and may reduce inflammation.

Title:

Content: Current research on gut microbial modulation with culinary herbs and spices

An article published in Food Chemistry elaborated on the health benefits of culinary herbs and spices. It stated that these plant extracts harbor the potential for prebiotic effect, owing to their polyphenol content. The bioactive constituents likely harbor anti-inflammatory properties and modulate the gut microbe. Using herbs and spices could prevent certain diseases associated with impaired gut barrier function and obesity.

Background

Many branches of alternative medicine, like Ayurveda, Siddha, and Unani,  originated in India. The use of spices and herbs for medicinal purposes is an age-old practice, used even today – owing to the anti-inflammatory and antioxidant properties of these plant extracts and their high polyphenol content.

The fresh aerial parts (leaf and flowers) of certain plants are used as culinary herbs, whereas the dried remainder parts are used as a culinary spice. In Ayurveda, herbs and spices are not only used for promoting health but also for disease prevention.

Many herbs are used for treating mild gastrointestinal disorders, for instance, ginger for indigestion, turmeric during jaundice, licorice to attenuate gastrointestinal discomfort, and mint supplements during irritable bowel syndrome (IBS). Herbs and spices are also used to ward off complications related to obesity, cardiovascular diseases, stroke, and certain cancers.

The Mediterranean diet includes many herbs and spices, which renders its anti-inflammatory and oxidative stress reduction potential. Although there are indications for using herbs and spices for medicinal purposes, thorough scientific investigation is warranted before their prescription for health benefits.

The gut microbiome comprises bacteria, viruses, and eukaryotes. The colon and the large intestine harbor approximately 3.8 x 1013 microbes; the majority are bacteria. The gut microbiota can be categorized in many ways and differs according to the host’s age, dietary pattern, health status, environment, and medication use.

Identifying and characterizing the gut microbiota can be culture-independent (for example, fluorescent in situ hybridization or FIAH) or culture-dependent (traditional method of bacterial plating). The advanced culture-dependent method also exists, like meta-genomics sequencing, polymerase chain reaction (PCR), DNA sequencing, and immunoglobulin A sequencing.

Functions of the gut microbiome have been studied using human fecal specimens and multiple-stage complex gut models to determine the effects of dietary components on the gut microbial community and the effects of the gut microbiome on the overall well-being of the host. However, the entire functionality remains incompletely understood.

The review

This literature review explored current research findings on the effects of herbs and spices on gut microbes and the resulting health benefits.

Dietary modulation of the gut microbiota can improve overall health. Probiotics are dietary non-digestible carbohydrates that are not destroyed by the enzymes and digestive acids secreted by the upper digestive tract and enter the colon as fructans and galactans.

These metabolic byproducts are selectively utilized by beneficial bacteria which confer health benefits and improve the dysbiosis caused by illness, poor nutrition, aging, antibiotic use, and lifestyle alterations. Habitual consumption of probiotics can alter gut microbes by promoting specific bacterial populations.

Anaerobic gut bacteria ferment indigestible carbohydrates, which produce SCFAs (short-chain fatty acids). SCFAs impart numerous health benefits, such as – fat reduction, impeding type 2 diabetes mellitus (T2DM) progression, along with anticarcinogenic effects.

Another substance beneficial for health is prebiotics. Prebiotics are substrates selectively used by the host microbiome to confer health benefits. Prebiotics use several pathways leading to positive impacts on health. They promote polyphenol production; these modulate the gut microbiome.

Polyphenols are also found in herbs and spices; hence, these plant extracts may impose prebiotic effects. Polyphenols are phytochemicals; dietary polyphenols aid in maintaining gut homeostasis by selectively acting as prebiotics. They also show antipathogenic and antioxidant effects and play crucial roles in cell signaling, insulin sensitivity, and synthesizing inflammatory mediators.

About 90-95% of the dietary polyphenols reach the colon, are metabolized by gut microbes, and are transformed into metabolites that affect the bioavailability of polyphenols (and hence the health benefits).

Polyphenols can be structurally classified into flavonoids and non-flavonoids. Coumarin and tannins can also be included under dietary polyphenols. Flavonoids modulate the gut microbiome by transforming into absorbable metabolites from an unabsorbable parent. The metabolites, quantity of the consumed polyphenol, and action of gut microbes determine the health benefits. Tannins found in nuts and berries also confer health benefits by converting ellagitannins into urolithin metabolites. These two pathways cause homeostasis of the gut microbiome, prevent oxidative damage and inflammation, and confer an antimicrobial effect against invading pathogens.

However, there remain inconsistencies in herb and spice inventions. Such results can be attributed to the low bioavailability and the variable content of polyphenols in different plant derivatives. The polyphenol content also varies according to the harvesting techniques, shelf life, processing, and cooking methods.

Many studies have found that spices and herbs positively alter gut microbiota. Certain herbs also reduce the risk of cancer by acting as anti-inflammatory compounds. The anti-inflammatory effects are also pronounced in cardiovascular diseases and inflammatory bowel disease (IBD). Spices promote SCFA production, which has an anti-obesity effect. Researchers have the anti-obesity properties of ginger root. Moreover, ginger and turmeric benefit by increasing the number of beneficial gut microbes.

Conclusion

More studies are warranted to study the impacts of spices and herbs on the gut microbiome and their health benefits on the host before their inclusion into dietary guidelines.

Declaration of Competing Interest

The authors declared a conflict of interest, as one author works Pukka Herbs Ltd and another is in receipt of a PhD studentship funded by PUKKA Herbs Ltd.

Journal reference:

Written by

Nidhi Saha

I am a medical content writer and editor. My interests lie in public health awareness and medical communication. I have worked as a clinical dentist and as a consultant research writer in an Indian medical publishing house. It is my constant endeavor is to update knowledge on newer treatment modalities relating to various medical fields. I have also aided in proofreading and publication of manuscripts in accredited medical journals. I like to sketch, read and listen to music in my leisure time.

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Clinical applications mentioned in reviews include use of ginger for indigestion, turmeric during jaundice, licorice for gastrointestinal discomfort, and mint supplements for irritable bowel syndrome.

What does traditional Indian medicine generally treat?

It addresses the physical aspects of health conditions.

Studies report that herbs and spices can promote short-chain fatty acid production, which is linked to anti-obesity effects and benefits for metabolic and inflammatory diseases.

What does Berberine, a commonly used herbal material in traditional Indian medicine, treat?

Authors caution that variability in polyphenol content, low bioavailability, and inconsistent evidence mean more rigorous studies are needed before routine clinical prescription.

Anthropological and health literature emphasises that traditional practitioners and biomedical systems can be complementary, and collaborations have occurred in areas such as HIV/AIDS research and in identifying medicinal plants.

Title:

Content: Anthropology or Anthropology: Anthropology and its Relation to Medicine and Health / 11
Anthropology or Anthropology: Anthropology and its Relation to Medicine and Health / 11
Translated by Ahmed Mogheer
Medical Anthropology: Definition, History and Concerns
Medical anthropology is a specialized branch of anthropology whose main interest is in the relationship between cultural factors, perceptions and beliefs on the one hand and health disorders on the other.
Medical anthropology is a branch of applied anthropology, which studies diseases, the health care system, theories of disease and treatment from a pluralistic, sociocultural perspective.
Medical anthropology, in general, has grown very rapidly as a specialized field of study in anthropology, especially since the 1950s and 1960s.
The growth of this field is mainly due to: (1) the growing interest of social scientists in general and anthropologists in particular in health and disease, and (2) the increased awareness of medical professionals and health policy makers about the role of social sciences in the health issue.
Arguably, when anthropology arose in the 19th century, investigating health and disease issues seemed not to be among the dominant concerns of cultural anthropologists.
However, sociologists in general and anthropologists in particular have begun to develop academic and practical interests in the study of health and disease in social and cultural contexts.
At the root of the emergence and development of medical anthropology also lies the need to study the world of health and disease from evolutionary and ecological perspectives.
Medical anthropologists attempt to address fundamental questions such as:
What is the evolutionary basis for the difference in how different populations deal with the disease?
What are the main factors that affect children ’ s growth and development?
What is the impact of modernization on the local population?
Medical anthropologists are also interested in:
Investigate the interrelationship between human health, nutrition, cultural beliefs and practices; and how people ’ s dietary behavior and sexual habits affect the spread of pathogenic organisms;
Multicultural aspects of nursing care;
the social and cultural contexts of disease; health-related behavior of people, and the social and cultural associations of such behavior;
The social, behavioral, demographic and biological characteristics of people who develop the disease.
Some of the main theories of health, culture and society
A brief overview of key perspectives in the anthropology of health and disease may be appropriate at this juncture.
Medicine as an institution and the question of health and disease have been explained through different perspectives.
The following are crucial theories:
Functional Perspective: This perspective views medicine and healthcare systems as important social institutions; it focuses on the functions and roles that the institution plays in maintaining stability in society.
Medical institutions, whether scientific or traditional, and various practitioners exist to meet the needs of individuals and society.
Medical Ecological Perspective: This perspective focuses on human biological and behavioral adaptations to diseases in different ecological and environmental contexts.
Thus, diseases evolve in line with specific ecological niches, and people ’ s responses to health problems have evolved in the context of their specific local ecosystems.
Cultural Interpretative Perspective: This is also called the “symbolic interaction ” approach.
This approach focuses on the social and cultural constructs of health, disease and illness.
According to this theory, diseases and health are not just things that exist “out there ”; they are a product of complex social interactions; and health and disease are largely shaped by the way people as representatives give meaning to them and how actors respond to them in social and cultural ways.
Critical perspective: This theory is also called “radical political economy. ”
It is an approach that emphasizes social and economic inequality in power and wealth, which in turn has a significant impact on health status and access to health-care facilities.
Individuals, groups, communities and even nations thus tend to have an unbalanced share of health resources; this often results in an unequal distribution of morbidity and mortality patterns among a given society; those in power and dominance enjoy better health, and marginalized groups suffer the burden of disease.
The roles of anthropologists and contributions of anthropology to health
Applied medical anthropology is strongly interdisciplinary in its nature and approach.
Medical anthropologists often work with academics in the field of sociology, medicine, psychology, and demography.
Applied medical anthropology brings with it the comparative framework of anthropology that helps medically trained people avoid one limited cultural perspective, to see how social and environmental factors affect health, and to be familiar with alternative ways of understanding and treating disease.
In general, medical anthropologists play the following two important roles:
work in collaboration with health professionals, researchers and other professionals, as consultants, consultants and researchers;
They work in the field of health and disease and participate in their own independent research, in order to advance anthropological knowledge.
Some specific applications or contributions of medical anthropology in health and disease include:
-They help hospitals and health agencies to deliver health care more effectively to people.
They assist national and international health organizations by providing anthropological data on the cultures of the peoples of the world.
They work with epidemiologists in identifying the effects of cultural practices and beliefs on disease transmission.
-They help health professionals in disease prevention and control.
They are involved in the fields of international health, promoting mental health in different cultures.
They assist in the areas of public health education efforts related to family planning, maternal and child health, improving community sanitation and nutritional counseling.
They help promote community involvement in disease prevention.
-They help people understand the psychosocial factors that affect prevention, and participate in the identification of cases and treatment.
They help health workers overcome restrictions on large-scale drug administration or vaccination as well as in overcoming cultural constraints on health education programs and dealing with them.
Anthropologists work with epidemiologists and psychiatrists in the areas of cardiovascular problems and mental disorders.
Disease, society and economic activity
Understanding social and cultural behaviors as important factors in the causal relationship, spread, and distribution of many diseases is critical.
Anthropologists argue that how people live, how they behave, what and how they eat, what they believe and practice, what they value and what technology they possess, etc., are important determinants of their individual and collective health.
Different societies have different concepts of health and disease.
The standards that people set for health vary from culture to culture.
Behaviors and lifestyles that are considered healthy vary from one community to another, and from time to time.
People ’ s understanding of health and perceptions of the nature of diseases also vary from culture to culture.
Anthropologists argue that, on the basis of cross-cultural research (i.e. research conducted relatively in different cultures) perceptions of good and bad health are constructed, along with culturally significant health threats and problems.
Thus, the production and distribution of health and disease are strongly influenced by sociocultural and political-economic factors.
Different ethnic groups and cultures recognize different diseases, symptoms and causes and have developed different health care systems and treatment strategies.
Anthropologists also argue that diseases vary between cultures and types of economic activity.
Systems of economic activity prevalent in a given society greatly influence the characteristics of morbidity and mortality.
For example, some infectious diseases such as malaria, typhoid, cholera, etc., are more common in settled communities (peasants and urban communities).
Diseases such as schistosomiasis are associated with certain economic activities.
They are widespread in communities that practice irrigation systems.
Other infectious diseases, particularly sexually transmitted diseases, including the HIV / AIDS pandemic, are more common in urban cultures than in rural areas and along highways.
There are also what anthropologists call development diseases which are those health problems that arise in a given society after the introduction of development projects, or when indigenous people are integrated into global political and economic systems, certain types of diseases can be introduced to people.
These diseases may include bacterial or parasitic diseases that occur in an area due to changes in the environment following development-related activities and other categories of development diseases may include “diseases caused by poverty, undernutrition and poor sanitation, reflecting the failure of development programs to integrate people into large-scale communities in a satisfactory manner. ”
Causality theories of disease
The biomedical theory of the causality of disease is just one of the different theories of diseases that people carry.
The methods by which people try to treat the perceived disease are based on their beliefs about the cause of the disease.
People from different cultures have developed for themselves different ways of interpreting how diseases and misfortunes (bad luck or disaster) occur.
It seems that such theories for centuries have worked for them very efficiently.
In fact, the peoples of the world relied on such kinds of explanations (and still not a few societies continue to do so) until the modern scientific theory of medicine emerged a few centuries ago.
Anthropologists have classified the various causal theories of diseases that exist between different cultures in the world into: 1) theories of personal diseases, 2) theories of natural diseases, and 3) theories of emotional diseases.
The causation theory of personal illness attributes disease to causative agents that are considered intelligent beings.
This theory is particularly common among most non-Western societies.
Even if a person knows that a mosquito bite causes malaria, it is often believed and believed that the cause of the disease is due to the force and evil action of such factors as evil spirits, witches and witches, ancestral spirits, curses made by elders, the wrath of supernatural beings, etc.
The causal theory of natural diseases is also referred to as Western or scientific medicine.
This attributes diseases to such non-personal and scientifically proven factors as viruses, bacteria, fungi, parasites, etc. and toxic substances.
This theory explains the causes of diseases from a natural point of view.
That is, diseases are natural events, not supernatural things.
Non-Western cultures also use natural disease theories.
For example, some people believe that eating or drinking hot or cold substances may create a health problem.
For example, a menstruating woman is not supposed to eat pineapple in some cultures.
Because they think pineapple is a “cold ” thing and menstruation is a“ hot ” thing, the two will collide and cause illness.
The causal theory of emotional illness states that illnesses are caused by some severe negative emotional experience.
A number of ethnographic studies have found that there are, for example, mental illnesses that are unique to certain cultural environments.
Such diseases caused by certain cultural environments and traditions are described as syndromes associated with culture.
In some cultures, emotional experiences such as anxiety and fear may cause a disease called susto, or what is also called "soul loss" in anthropological literature.
A person who thinks they have this mental illness may develop symptoms such as lethargy (fatigue or weakness), loss of activity, wandering, distraction (or thinking disorder), etc.
In Africa, which is predominantly a traditional society, traditional, non-scientific explanations of disease are very important in the diagnosis, treatment and management of diseases.
Belief in the power of various intelligent agents such as Djinn, Mitch, Devil, Ganel, etc. to cause various mental and physical illnesses is very common in most African cultures.
People in some cultures do not go to a modern health care center to seek help for certain types of diseases.
Treatment of diseases is also closely related to the type of causal relationship of diseases that people carry.
In psychosomatic illnesses such as Soto and other culture-specific illnesses, people prefer to go for treatment to a traditional medical professional, rather than a modern health facility.
Perspectives on the causality of disease carried by people are therefore very important in determining people's health care seeking behavior and the type of diagnosis and treatment.
This is why it is critical that healthcare professionals be culturally sensitive and have some basic understanding of social and cultural anthropological knowledge when dealing with the care of patients from different cultural and religious backgrounds.
Health Care Systems
Health systems vary across time and space.
Since time immemorial, people have developed different health care systems.
The modern system of health care and its provision as practiced in the contemporary modern world is a modern phenomenon.
People have treated the sick and developed means of caring for the sick and disabled in various traditional ways, and these means of providing health care are still prevalent in almost all non-Western societies. In short, all societies have some form of health care system.
A health care system can be defined as beliefs, habits, specialists and techniques aimed at promoting health and preventing, diagnosing and treating diseases.
Traditional societies have their own medical practices and specialists who often rely on what is suggested by a specific causal theory.
Traditional healers play important roles in treating patients with various health problems.
Magical rituals and prayers are often used in the production of medicines and their use on patients.
They are highly respected in their communities.
Patients believe in their knowledge and skills (often much more than they believe in the expertise of modern doctors) and their consultation.
Traditional Medicine
Traditional medicine can be referred to as a system of medicine in particular societies with a range of causal views of diseases, mechanisms of diagnosis and treatment, and roles of specialists, where the prevailing model of disease and health differs significantly from scientific medicine.
It may commonly be seen as medical beliefs and practices that were used from time immemorial by human societies before the advent of modern medicine, and are still used by most non-Western societies.
Traditional medicine embodies a system of medical care that is based on ideas about pathogens and treatment of diseases that have evolved over a longer period of time and that is shaped by people's own experience in terms of their environment, and their pattern of beliefs about human, environmental, and supernatural relationships.
A broader term such as alternative medicine can also be used to describe this type of medicine.
In this sense, all medical opinions and practices outside of traditional scientific medicine, such as acupuncture, healing by faith, healing through prayer, etc., fall into this category.
Traditional medical practitioners acquire and employ a wide range of medical knowledge that includes astrology, healing by faith, massage, folk psychotherapy and folk psychiatry, exorcism, herbal medicine, various magical acts and amulets to treat the sick.
Traditional disease care systems represent experimental attempts by indigenous people to control associated diseases and calamities and to maintain health and well-being in a given environment.
These systems express deep-rooted attitudes towards health and disease, popular drug concepts, the activities of indigenous healers, the role of kinship groups in maintaining health, and so on.
Biomedicine
This medicine is referred to interchangeably as “scientific ”,“ Western ” and “modern ” medicine.
It is based on the model of disease and health as concepts, explainable and subject to natural assumptions.
Biomedicine aims to link disease to scientifically proven factors that do not carry any personal malice towards their victims, as seen by people who hold a personal causal theory of disease.
Comparison and contrast between traditional and scientific medicine
It may be appropriate to say that medicine has always been recognized as a social biological science.
When we look at the history of medicine, prominent thinkers from Hippocrates to Sigmund Freud tend to view human health as being strongly influenced by social, cultural, environmental and other non-biological factors.
Health and disease have been understood to be inextricably linked to the way humans live and their social and cultural environment.
However, the contributions of sociocultural factors to pathogens and their roles in healing processes have been greatly undermined until recently and have not received systematic analyze.However, starting in the 1950s, social sciences and medicine began to show increased interest in cooperation.
The place of traditional medicine in the health care sector, which has so far been neglected, is now being appreciated.
There now seems to be a growing acceptance of the contributions of traditional medicine by modern medical and health planners.
Modern health care professionals rejected traditional or alternative medical systems as useless until recently but now this position is being changed.
Anthropologists argue that the two systems can complement each other.
In many African societies, modern health-care professionals recognize traditional medical practitioners, and collaborative efforts are being made in research and practice in areas such as HIV / AIDS, and in the identification of various plants of medicinal value.
Traditional medical practitioners may be more effective in treating diseases that have psychological causes, such as mental problems.
People often consult them and get treatment that may not be possible by modern psychiatrists.
Patients often receive more psychological / emotional comfort and social support when treated by traditional healers.
But in modern medicine, the context of treatment is often one of isolation, alienation (separation), and separation from the group.
Western medicine may learn a lot from traditional medicine in which the “relationship between therapist, patient and community ” is important.
In such cases, the patient is not an expatriate and has the necessary emotional and social support.
Unlike Western medicine, traditional medicine sees the patient as not just a biological person, and pays attention to social and spiritual aspects as well.
Traditional medical practitioners effectively treat patients as whole beings, using any combination of methods that prove useful.
This is not usually the case in modern medicine.
There is no doubt that Western medicine is better than traditional medicine in many respects, as many of its achievements are based on scientific facts.
As such, traditional medicine has a lot to learn from it.
It is true that traditional medicine may not be as effective against bacteria as antibiotics.
Advances in scientific medicine have made it possible to combat many permanent (persistent and recurring) health problems.
Countless drugs have been made and are effective in the treatment of various diseases.
However, anthropologists still draw our attention to some problems in Western medicine.
They argue that the growth in medical science and diagnostic and treatment techniques has occurred at an alarming rate.
But many of the procedures and practices of modern medicine lack convincing justification and logic.
They report instances of bias, lack of a personal relationship between patient and doctor, and interactions between doctor and nurse.
Despite the dominance of modern scientific medicine, and in some cases its apparent superiority in quality and utility, it is better to consider the two systems of medicine as complementary to each other, rather than competing and undermining one another.
The reality on the ground is that even in industrialized societies people often consult with both modern and traditional systems of medicine.
Medical pluralism is still an ever-present phenomenon.
Medical anthropological research suggests that even in urban settings where there are Western scientific medical facilities, people often consult traditional medical practitioners.
Both cosmic and supernatural scientific perspectives regarding health and disease continue to play important roles in influencing people ’ s health-seeking behavior.
Many countries are now developing policies whereby their national health-care system integrates both scientific and traditional medical care systems.
It is appropriate to describe briefly the social and cultural implications of medical pluralism, particularly in the context of developing countries. One such developing trend is that the health-care system in developing countries is largely dominated and biased by the biomedical model, despite the multiplicity of natures.
This is usually manifested in the fact that biomedical dominance and the medical care system enjoys a higher status and the traditional medical system is often not recognized as a viable alternative, although some steps have been taken in this regard.
Other issues associated with this medical pluralism also include:
Although it has a higher status, the Western medical system, on the other hand, is criticized for its bias towards curative rather than preventive and promotive medicine.
Its heavy reliance on Western countries for institutional, professional and technical support is also another point of criticism.
Most importantly, hierarchical medical pluralism in the Third World represents the basic social stratification.
The few elites with the greatest privileges often benefit from the dominant scientific medicine, while the majority of the population benefit from the popular medical services.
Another prevalent fact worth noting is that there is often a dual use of medical care; the elite rely primarily on the biomedical system and may resort to popular medical assistance as a last resort; on the other hand, the masses generally rely on the popular medical system and may also benefit from the biomedical sector at its lower end.
Translated by Dr. Ahmed Al Mughayir / Specialist and Researcher
Source:
INTRODUCTION TO SOCIOCULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
Disclaimer: All published articles represent the opinion of their authors only
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Health experts also warn against widespread self-medication in India and note risks from unsupervised use of medicines and supplements.

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High time for Indians to stop self medication

Potential risks of self-medication include severe health issues such as incorrect self-diagnosis, increased risk of drug or supplement interactions, incorrect choice of therapy, and risk of dependence and abuse.

by Dr. Chaitendra Gautam

Self-medication with over-the-counter (OTC) medicines is becoming an increasingly fatal and popular practice around the world. According to various studies, the global prevalence rate of self-medication ranges from 11.2% to 93.7%, depending on the target population and country. Potential risks of self-medication include severe health issues such as incorrect self-diagnosis, increased risk of drug or supplement interactions, incorrect choice of therapy, and risk of dependence and abuse. The pandemic has dangerously pushed Indians to adopt this self-medication or Doctor Google trend more often putting a serious threat to public health.

There are various reasons that this dangerous trend is catching pace in the country and require mass awareness amongst people, says Dr. Chaitendra Gautam, Founder and CEO of Aceso Health, which offers subscription-based integrated healthcare services.

Pandemic pushed self-medication trend to an extent
These days it is very commonplace for doctors to deal with patients who come armed with little information and a lot of misinformation about their symptoms and condition, thanks to Dr. Google. Before the pandemic, many studies suggested that in India as many 50 percent of the people searched the Internet for medical information. The trend has only increased in the past two and a half years, when people, worried and confined to home during lockdowns, frantically searched the internet to be assured that their symptoms—cough and fever—were not indicative of Covid.
Considering Google search as an alternate to a doctor consultation could be fatal
People need to understand that the dangers of treating Google as Doctor or taking slef-medication are many – it heightens panic and encourages self-medication and self-diagnosis. Many people are in fact falling prey to Cyberchondria, a person's anxiety about their health that is created or exacerbated by using the internet to search for medical information. Google search for symptoms, treatment, and prevention and safety measures is just not an alternative to a doctor consultation.

The fact is there is no easy diagnosis
Doctor Google can be confusing as it throws up hundreds and hundreds of pages from websites, various online forums, social media, and videos offering all kinds of diagnoses. But how can one be sure about the reliability of these online platforms that have delivered an easy — and free — diagnosis in the comfort of your bedroom? A trained experienced doctor takes into account many factors before making a diagnosis, like analysis of the patient’s personal and family history. He looks at the whole picture!
Sharing prescriptions and medication with friends and family is a dangerous trend
Many people even resort to Self-Medication (SM)—usage of medications without a legal prescription to treat the self-diagnosed symptoms or medical conditions. SM also includes submitting old prescriptions to buy medicines, sharing prescriptions and medication with relatives/family members, or using leftover medications for the treatment of a self-diagnosed medical condition.

Self-medication has been widely prevalent in developing countries such as India. Several studies conducted in India showed the prevalence of self-medication as much as 37% in urban areas and 17% in rural areas. It ranges between 12.7% and 95% in other developing countries.

Do not fall into the cost-saving, time saving trap
While a lot of people rely on self-medication to save the cost of consultation with a doctor, other have their own time saving reasons too. In addition, there are people who simply do not take their illness seriously and believe all they need to do is just pop a few pills and their problem will go away. They take anything from cough syrups, laxatives, antibiotics, to anti-allergy medicines, vitamins and antacids without consulting a doctor. But they fail to understand that self- medication can be much more harmful than they ever thought.

In the past few years as consultation fees rise, there have been demands to regulate it. Consultation fee of specialists in top-notch corporate hospitals is beyond the reach of even many middle-class people. Worse, it is not even covered in most individual insurance packages. No wonder then OPDs in government hospitals are getting more and more crowded.

Pharmacists willing to play doctors
n India, unfortunately, pharmacists also play a role in aggravating this problem. Many of them are more than willing to play doctors and illegally prescribe drugs based on their customers’ symptoms.
The need of the hour is to spread massive awareness amongst the public. And as individuals, we need to understand that while we take full control of our personal health and wellness with the adoption of fitness regimes, yoga, and other best practices, medication is something that we leave in the expert hands. Also, health care and product innovations can go a long way in making healthcare accessible to every section of society in India, and more importantly can help bring about the necessary perception change for self-medication.

Dr. Chaitendra Gautam, Founder and CEO of Aceso Health

(DISCLAIMER: The views expressed are solely of the author and ETHealthworld does not necessarily subscribe to it. ETHealthworld.com shall not be responsible for any damage caused to any person / organisation directly or indirectly.)

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Current Indian herbal medicine research is advancing on standardisation, digital recording, microbiome-related studies, and cautious clinical applications, but stronger clinical evidence and regulation are still needed.